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Vision

We are the political home of all South Africans, united in the spirit of South Africanism by our common passion for our Country, mobilising the creative power inherent in our rich diversity, towards our transformation into a Winning Nation.

Mission

We will unite South Africans from all communities in a new political home, built on the foundation of the principles and ideals of our National Constitution. To this end we will address poverty and imbalances in our society, inspired by our unifying love of our Country and its people.

Core Values

The Core Values, which the United Democratic Movement will uphold and promote and upon which its fundamental policy positions are based, are as follow : respect for life, dignity and human worth of every individual; integrity in public- and private life; the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in our Country’s Constitution;

President of the UDM

Mr Bantu Holomisa

Major General (Retired) Bantubonke ‘Bantu’ Holomisa co-founded the United Democratic Movement (UDM) on 27 September 1997, and serves as its elected President, which in 2022 celebrated its 25th year of existence. He was again elected as a Member of Parliament in the 2024 National and Provincial Elections and was appointed as the Deputy Minister of Defence and Military Veterans in the Government of National Unity in the 7th Administration in President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet.

He was the Commander of the Transkei Defence Force and Head of the Transkei Government (former independent homeland from 1987 to 1994) up to the first National Elections in South Africa in 1994. He was one of the first two black persons accepted by the South African Army College to do a one-year senior staff course for officers in 1984.

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UDM VICTORIES

UDM Victory on the Campaign for Transparent and Equitable Party Funding

Since its inception, the UDM has advocated for transparency in party funding. The party has aligned itself with the views of organisations like the (now defunct) Institute for Democratic Alternatives in South Africa (Idasa), which recognised that transparency benefits the public interest. At that time, a common trend was for large businesses to donate to parties in government or before elections, often with the expectation of securing government contracts once the party gained power. This practice persisted over the years. For years, the major political parties declined to make their financial records public, fuelling the perception that they were influenced by wealthy donors. Meanwhile, the UDM stood alone, advocating for transparency and consistently pushing for openness regarding party finances. The UDM’s efforts were finally validated in 2019 with the enactment of the Political Party Funding Act. This law mandates parties to disclose donations above a certain threshold from any single donor. It also bars contributions from foreign governments or state entities. Moreover, it strictly regulates donations, specifying that they must be for party political purposes and received by party members on behalf of the party. It’s unfortunate that with the signing of the Electoral Amendment Act on the eve of the 2024 National and Provincial Elections, President Ramaphosa has rolled back many of the gains for our multi-party democracy. This action means that the African National Congress once again receives the largest portion of party funding.

UDM Victory on the the Establishment if the Mpati Commission

In May 2018, the UDM penned a letter to President Ramaphosa and then serving as Deputy Chief Justice, Raymond Zondo, highlighting alleged corruption at the Public Investment Corporation (PIC). The allegations centred on serious corruption, evasion of due diligence, misrepresentation, money laundering, and staff purging (potentially for a cover-up) in PIC deals. These actions posed a significant risk to the Government Employees Pension Fund pensioners and the pensions of government employees. The UDM continued to exert pressure on government by adding information to the original complaint. The UDM’s persistent advocacy on the issue prompted the establishment of the Mpati Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of Impropriety regarding the Public Investment Corporation. This commission was established by presidential proclamation in October 2018. The UDM’s stance was validated by the findings and recommendations of the Mpati Commission, which were released in 2020. As of 2023, the party continues to advocate for the implementation of these recommendations.

UDM Victory on the the NSFAS R2million rental scandal

In February 2023, the UDM uncovered significant wasteful expenditure at the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS). This revelation came at a time when students were experiencing delays in receiving their payments, and some were being denied access to much-needed funds altogether. NSFAS had relocated to a new building using a turn-key solution, resulting in a substantial increase in rental costs. The monthly rent reportedly escalated from R500,000 to R1,968,647.05, despite many offices in the new premises remaining unused. This expenditure was deemed wasteful by the UDM. Furthermore, NSFAS allegedly purchased new furniture for the office space, amounting to millions of rands, instead of utilising existing furniture from their former offices. In light of these findings, the UDM called upon the Hawks and the Special Investigating Unit to conduct a thorough investigation into the matter. The troubles at NSFAS worsened with the removal of CEO Andile Nongogo in October 2023 due to investigations into alleged irregularities. Following this, in April 2024, Ernest Khosa stepped down as chair of the board amidst accusations and counter-accusations of corruption. The situation at NSFAS deteriorated further when the board was dissolved, and an administrator was appointed shortly thereafter. The blame for the mess should be laid squarely at Minister Blade Nzimande’s door.

UDM Open Letters

17 Oct 2025
Request for intervention regarding Jozini: where a full dam meets empty taps
Mr Paul Shipokosa Mashatile, MP Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa Private Bag X1000 Cape Town 8000 and Ms Pemmy Majodina, MP Minister of Water and Sanitation Private Bag X9052 Cape Town 8000 and Mr Velenkosini Hlabisa, MP Minister of the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Private Bag X802 Pretoria 0001 and Mr Leonard Jones Basson Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Water and Sanitation PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Deputy President, Minister Majodina, Minister Hlabisa and Chairperson Basson Request for intervention regarding Jozini: where a full dam meets empty taps 1.    Introduction In 2011, government promised that families living around the Jozini Dam (Pongolapoort Dam), in KwaZulu-Natal, would soon drink water from the dam for the first time in 40 years. Fourteen years later, thousands of those same families are still waiting.  The people of Jozini and the greater uMkhanyakude District continue to fetch untreated water from the dam that towers above their homes. Children, elders, and livestock share the same water source in one of South Africa’s greatest contradictions, abundance without access. This is no longer an infrastructure problem. It is an accountability crisis. 2.    The record of some of the reported broken promises In 2011, government announced the imminent launch of three water reticulation schemes expected to benefit about eight thousand families in the kwaJobe Traditional Authority area of Jozini.  By 2015, elderly residents were still walking long distances to collect water directly from the dam, carrying heavy containers home each day while living in sight of the vast reservoir they could not access.  In 2017, government declared that more than 10,000 residents across the wider Jozini area would henceforth have access to potable water.  This promise was tied to phase launches of bulk infrastructure intended to expand coverage beyond urban nodes into rural settlements. However, despite this public commitment, countless households in these same areas remain without functional taps today; a stark reminder that grand launches have not translated into sustained service at the household level. That same year, the Jozini Bulk Water Supply Project launched a new treatment works designed for 40 million litres per day, meant to supply about 135,000 people (16,200 households). However, despite this major investment (over R1.075 billion spent) and the appointment of Mhlathuze Water as implementing agent,  far too many in Jozini remain without functional taps. Infrastructure was built, yet the link from bulk works to community households has broken down. This disconnect between promise and performance demonstrates that the challenge is not just constructing infrastructure, but making it work for the people it was meant to serve. In 2022, the district finally obtained a licence to draw water from Jozini Dam, raising hopes that the long wait was ending. Yet, years later, the pipelines and treatment works remain incomplete, and most households still have no reliable supply.  Between 2023 and 2024, frustration boiled over as residents in Mathayini and Mbabanana blocked roads and marched in protest after burst pipes, illegal connections and poor maintenance once again left entire wards without water.  By 2024 and 2025, the much-celebrated Nondabuya Water Scheme, funded at R151 million and intended to reach 2,400 households, had collapsed, reaching only about 700 families before allegations of corruption and over-expenditure surfaced. Two senior officials were suspended, yet one has since resurfaced in another province’s department, continuing the cycle of impunity that defines this tragedy.  3.    The cost in human dignity Behind every failed project is a community forced to live without the most basic necessity of life. Schools and clinics operate without reliable water supply. Women and children spend hours each day walking for water instead of attending school or work. Farmers lose livestock because pumps and canals lie idle. Families bury children who drown fetching water from unsafe sources. Water is life, but for many in Jozini it remains a privilege. 4.    Findings from national oversight The Department of Water and Sanitation has acknowledged uMkhanyakude as one of the municipalities under Section 63 intervention, meaning national government itself recognises local collapse.  The South African Human Rights Commission has confirmed that water supplied by nearly half of South Africa’s municipalities is unsafe to drink, with uMkhanyakude among those in critical condition.  We take note of Water and Sanitation Minister Pemmy Majodina’s commitments in her 2025/26 Budget Vote, where she pledged to strengthen accountability, professionalise municipal water services, and accelerate delivery through the Water Partnerships Office and new legislative reforms. These undertakings are welcome and necessary. However, communities like Jozini must see these commitments materialise in real, functioning infrastructure and visible results on the ground, not only in plans, task teams, or budget lines. Minister Majodina’s speech identified vandalism, illegal connections, and non-payment as national challenges, but Jozini’s experience shows the deeper truth: these failures persist because accountability remains optional.   We also note the establishment of the Makhathini Lower Pongola Water User Association in 2023 by Gazette Notice No. 48514, designed to manage the dam, river, and canal infrastructure across Jozini, uMhlabuyalingana, and parts of Zululand in a coordinated manner. Its governance structure is to include representation from farmers, municipalities, conservation authorities, traditional leaders, and other user groups to ensure equity in decision-making over water releases, allocation and infrastructure operations.  Yet despite this statutory framework, the association remains largely aspirational: canal sections are vandalised or illegally tapped, refurbishment is unfunded, and community voices seem excluded from real oversight. If it is to be more than symbolic, the Water User Association must be empowered, resourced and held to account, and its operations must align with the accountability and transparency demands outlined above. We further note with grave concern the redeployment of Chuleza Hombisa Jama, a former KwaZulu-Natal Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (CoGTA) official who was suspended in connection with the failed R151 million Jozini water project, to a senior position in the Eastern Cape’s disaster management unit. Despite her suspension and the unresolved investigations, she was transferred without clear vetting or accountability.   Such actions undermine the principle that those under investigation should not be placed in positions of authority over public resources or emergency response. This practice erodes public trust and highlights the urgent need for national safeguards against the redeployment of officials implicated in misconduct. The UDM firmly holds that cadre deployment and redeployment without accountability have become a mechanism for perpetuating maladministration and corruption. Time and again, officials who fail or are implicated in wrongdoing are simply shuffled from one department to another with no consequence.  They are recycled instead of being removed. This practice undermines public confidence and shows that loyalty and political patronage matter more than competence, integrity or results. According to UDM policy, the state must institute measures to vet, sanction and, when necessary, dismiss such officials permanently from public service. Appointments and redeployments must be subject to transparent scrutiny, and no individual should be protected from consequence because of political connections. 5.    A Parliamentary call for action As a Member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA), I therefore call for the following actions, each with clear lines of responsibility for the: 5.1.    Minister of Water and Sanitation and the Auditor-General of South Africa to commission a joint forensic and performance audit, with the Special Investigating Unit, into all Jozini and uMkhanyakude water projects since 2010, including Nondabuya, Greater Ingwavuma, and the Makhathini Canal. 5.2.    KwaZulu-Natal MEC for CoGTA to implement the immediate suspension of any official implicated in financial or project irregularities, pending the finalisation of investigations, and ensure that no redeployments occur until due process is completed. 5.3.    Department of Water and Sanitation, working with the uMkhanyakude District Municipality to publish up-to-date progress reports on all water projects in Jozini and uMkhanyakude, detailing expenditure, appointed contractors, and realistic timelines for completion. 5.4.    Department of Water and Sanitation and the National Treasury to fast-track the completion of the Greater Ingwavuma Bulk Water Supply Scheme and secure the funding necessary to ensure full functionality before the 2026 financial year. 5.5.    Minister of Water and Sanitation, in collaboration with CoGTA and the Municipal Infrastructure Support Agent to establish a multi-agency task team, including the Department of Water and Sanitation, the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, the National Treasury, the Municipal Infrastructure Support Agent, and local civil society, to coordinate funding, technical support, and consequence management. 5.6.    Deputy President of the Republic, in his capacity as Chairperson of the Infrastructure and Investment Committee to provide executive coordination and oversight to ensure that national, provincial, and municipal interventions in the Jozini and uMkhanyakude water projects are properly aligned, funded, and implemented within measurable timelines, with quarterly progress reports submitted to Parliament. 5.7.    Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Water and Sanitation, together with SCOPA to receive and review all audit outcomes from the above processes and ensure ongoing Parliamentary oversight and follow-up to guarantee accountability and delivery. 6.    Restoring trust and transparency The people of Jozini deserve honesty. They deserve updates, site visits, and written reports, not ribbon-cutting ceremonies. Transparency must replace secrecy and confusing messaging, and delivery must replace excuses. 7.    Conclusion The African National Congress and Inkatha Freedom Party in KwaZulu Natal have repeatedly traded accusations over who are to blame for the ongoing water crisis in Jozini, while actual delivery to communities remained absent. The political squabbling has become a spectacle, a diversion from the core failure: that waterless residents suffered years of neglect. This unhealthy dynamic has allowed both parties to claim moral high ground without ever changing the status quo for the people. The Jozini crisis also reflects a massive failure of coordination between the three spheres of government. Over the years, every department and level of authority has made promises; yet there has been no sustained follow-through. The national department announces interventions, the province appoints task teams, and the district and local municipalities hold community meetings, but these efforts rarely converge into one accountable plan. The result is duplication, confusion, and continued hardship for ordinary residents. The lack of alignment between policy, funding, and implementation is glaring, and the people of Jozini are bearing the brunt.  The Government of National Unity (GNU) has promised to turn a page on this legacy of division and failure. That promise will mean nothing if it does not reach the most neglected corners of our country. The crisis in Jozini is a test of the GNU’s sincerity: whether it can replace political blame with shared responsibility and turn promises into pipes that actually deliver water. Water is life, and accountability must now flow as freely as the water that surrounds Jozini. It is now imperative for Deputy President Paul Mashatile, as Chairperson of the Infrastructure and Investment Committee, to convene all stakeholders at national, provincial, and local levels, into one coordinated platform to resolve this crisis once and for all. Yours sincerely Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP United Democratic Movement Member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts Copied to:     ?    Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP - Minister of Finance ?    Mr Songezo Zibi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts ?    Rev Thulasizwe Buthelezi, MPL – KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs ?    Ms Tsakani Maluleke - Auditor-General of South Africa ?    Adv Andy Mothibi - Head of the Special Investigating Unit ?    Adv Chrystal Pillay – Acting Chief Executive Officer of the South African Human Rights Commission ?    Cllr Remington Mazibuko - Provincial Chairperson of the UDM in KwaZulu-Natal  
06 Oct 2025
Urgent Inquiry into the expenditure and delays of the Upper and Lower uMkhomazi Water Projects
Mr Songezo Zibi, MP Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Chairperson and Members of SCOPA Urgent Inquiry into the expenditure and delays of the Upper and Lower uMkhomazi Water Projects 1.    Introduction 1.1.    The United Democratic Movement (UDM) writes to formally request that the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA) institute a full inquiry into the expenditure, procurement processes and governance failures associated with the Upper and Lower uMkhomazi Water Projects. 1.2.    In my understanding, the uMkhomazi development has always been envisaged as two complementary projects with distinct roles. The Upper uMkhomazi Water Project centres on the construction of the Smithfield Dam and a transfer tunnel into the uMngeni system, designed to secure bulk raw water for Durban, Pietermaritzburg and inland communities.  The total costing reportedly R28 billion. By contrast, the Lower uMkhomazi Water Project is focused on potable water delivery, with a balancing dam, treatment works, and bulk pipelines intended to serve an estimated 50,000 households in southern eThekwini and the Ugu District, including Amanzimtoti, Umkomaas, Scottburgh and Hibberdene.  1.3.    The Upper project is therefore about storage and transfer to the metropolitan supply, while the Lower project is about immediate, treated water supply to households along the coast. The latter project is valued at over R20 billion.  The UDM did note the recent statement by Water and Sanitation Minister Pemmy Majodina that the Lower uMkhomazi scheme has reached over 60% completion, with key components such as the Ngwadini Dam, bulk pipelines and treatment works underway.  1.4.    These projects, with a combined estimated value of R48 billion, are meant to secure water supply for both inland and coastal communities in KwaZulu-Natal . Instead, they have become emblematic of delays, disputes and dysfunction, leaving thousands of households without access to their constitutional right to water. 2.    Problems and delays 2.1.    The Upper uMkhomazi scheme, was originally projected to be completed by 2018. It has now been pushed back to 2032, a 14-year delay . Communities such as Tafelkop , west of Durban, have already lived with dry taps for more than 15 years and now face the prospect of another generation without water. 2.2.    In 2022, the then Minister of Water and Sanitation noted that the Department is making efforts to deal with abandoned projects by resuscitating them and accelerating those that have been slow to implement. He admitted that in the past the Department struggled with weak project management, premature announcements of projects without proper planning or budgets, and failures to complete essential processes such as procurement. He added that steps are currently being taken to resolve these shortcomings.  2.3.    The Lower uMkhomazi scheme, has a R7 billion tender was interdicted in court due to disputes about the adjudication process . This is not a minor administrative hiccup but a sign of systemic weaknesses in procurement governance. 3.    Governance and procurement failures 3.1.    The UDM is gravely concerned that: 3.1.1.    Funding shortfalls have been allowed to derail timelines repeatedly, even though public money continues to flow into the projects. 3.1.2.    Procurement disputes have resulted in costly litigation, effectively freezing delivery while contractors and departments fight in court. 3.1.3.    Former Minister Senzo Mchunu made explicit commitments to resuscitate and fast-track these projects, commitments that have not been honoured. 3.1.4.    Current leadership — Minister Pemmy Majodina and Deputy President Paul Mashatile — have yet to provide the public with clear milestones or an accountability framework for delivery on both projects. 3.2.    Recent media reports highlight troubling governance lapses at uMngeni-uThukela Water (UUW), the implementing institution for the uMkhomazi schemes. A forensic probe by Strauss Daly found that Mr Khanyisani Stanley Shandu, Chairperson of UUW’s subsidiary, uMngeni Water Services (UWS), failed to fully declare his and his spouse’s interests in several companies, including one doing business with UUW.  Following these findings, the UUW board removed Shandu from his roles as chairperson of UWS and member of its Capital Projects and Fixed Assets Committee. However, he remains a member of the main UUW board. Reports also note that Minister of Water and Sanitation Pemmy Majodina considered his removal in July 2024 but did not proceed.    These red flags go beyond individual failings. They highlight systemic weaknesses in conflict-of-interest controls, related-party disclosures, procurement integrity, and executive oversight in the water sector. The fact that a senior figure implicated in such governance failures remains on the board of a critical water utility undermines public confidence in the stewardship of multi-billion-rand projects such as the Upper and Lower uMkhomazi schemes. For this reason, SCOPA’s potential inquiry cannot be limited to tracing financial flows alone. It must also scrutinise the fitness of governance structures and leadership at implementing institutions and assess whether ministerial oversight has been exercised effectively to protect the public interest. 4.    Financial oversight concerns 4.1.    The scale of investment is staggering: R48 billion committed, yet the tangible benefit for communities remains minimal. Parliament has no transparent breakdown of: 4.1.1.    How much of this money has already been spent. 4.1.2.    Which contracts have been signed and honoured. 4.1.3.    The cost implications of court interdicts and legal wrangles. 4.1.4.    The extent of waste, irregular expenditure, or overpayments over the years. 4.2.    Without this clarity, the risk is that billions will continue to be consumed without producing a single drop of water for households. 5.    Variations in project costs 5.1.    Over the past decade, the projected cost of the Upper uMkhomazi project has escalated dramatically. As far back as 2015 and 2016, government admitted “affordability concerns”, with early estimates for project climbing into the range of R19 billion . In 2023 it was estimated to cost R23 billion by 2028 . In the most recent reporting from 2024 and 2025, figures as high as R26 billion have been cited. In her 100-days performance report, Minister Pemmy Majodina confirmed that the Department is pursuing the R28 billion Upper uMkhomazi project, including a new dam and transfer tunnel intended to supply eThekwini and surrounding municipalities.  6.    Human impact 6.1.    At the heart of this crisis are people. Communities west of Durban such as Tafelkop, and along the coast from Amanzimtoti to Hibberdene, remain without safe, reliable water despite living next to multi-billion-rand projects. 6.2.    Families are forced to fetch water from rivers and streams. Children go to school without the guarantee of clean water at home. Clinics and local businesses operate under extreme constraints. The constitutional promise of access to sufficient water is being violated. 6.3.    This is not simply a technical or financial issue. It is a matter of human dignity and social justice. 7.    Request to SCOPA 7.1.    The UDM therefore requests that SCOPA: 7.1.1.    Launch a full inquiry into the expenditure on the Upper and Lower uMkhomazi Water Projects, with disclosure of every contract, payment, and variation order to date. 7.1.2.    Summon former and current Ministers of Water and Sanitation, including Mr Senzo Mchunu, as well as the incumbent Minister Pemmy Majodina, to account for promises made, delays, and failures of oversight. 7.1.3.    Call Deputy President Paul Mashatile to outline the role of the Infrastructure Fund and coordination mechanisms in preventing further waste. 7.1.4.    Require National Treasury to provide a detailed account of funding allocations, affordability assessments and interventions since the start of the projects. 7.1.5.    Examine the impact of court interdicts on the Lower scheme and recommend measures for expediting the resolution of procurement disputes, including interim service delivery arrangements so that communities are not left hostage to litigation. 7.1.6.    Assess the human cost of these delays by inviting submissions from affected communities, civil society, and municipalities in eThekwini and Ugu. 7.1.7.    Report quarterly to Parliament and the public on the progress of the inquiry and recommendations for corrective action. 7.1.8.    Assess the fitness of leadership at uMngeni-uThukela Water and its subsidiaries, including the conduct of board members and the adequacy of ministerial oversight, to ensure that governance failures do not derail multi-billion-rand water projects 8.    Conclusion 8.1.    The Upper and Lower uMkhomazi schemes were meant to represent hope for communities long denied water. Instead, they have become symbols of how governance failures, procurement disputes and weak financial oversight can hollow out even the most important infrastructure projects. 8.2.    SCOPA has a constitutional duty to ensure that every rand spent produces results. Water is life, and public money is sacred. The UDM urges SCOPA to take up this inquiry without delay, as a test of Parliament’s commitment to accountability and the protection of the rights of ordinary South Africans. Yours sincerely Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP United Democratic Movement Member of SCOPA
03 Oct 2025
Open letter to the Financial Sector Conduct Authority, National Treasury and the government of South Africa on pension arrears
Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP Minister of Finance Private Bag X115 Pretoria 0001 and Mr Velenkosini Hlabisa, MP Minister of the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Private Bag X802 Pretoria 0001 and Commissioner Unathi Kamlana Financial Sector Conduct Authority PO Box 35655 Menlo Park 0102 Dear Minister Godongwana, Minister Hlabisa and Commissioner Kamlana An open letter to the Financial Sector Conduct Authority, National Treasury and the government of South Africa on pension arrears 1.    The United Democratic Movement (UDM) writes with grave concern about the worsening crisis of unpaid pension contributions, recently highlighted by the Financial Sector Conduct Authority (FSCA). According to the FSCA, employers across South Africa owe more than R7.29 billion in pension arrears, affecting nearly 600,000 workers. 2.    This is not only a financial scandal; it is a betrayal of trust. Pensions are not perks; they are deferred wages. For thousands of workers, the discovery that contributions deducted from their salaries were never paid over to pension funds has caused shock and despair. Many only became aware of this painful truth when attempting to access their savings under the two-pot retirement system in September 2024.  3.    The introduction of the two-pot retirement system was meant to improve financial security by splitting new contributions into a savings pot, from which one withdrawal can be made each year, and a retirement pot, which remains locked until retirement. Instead of providing relief, the system has exposed the depth of the arrears crisis. When workers tried to make their first withdrawals, many discovered that their contributions had never been transferred to their funds. What should have been a safety net has become proof of betrayal, leaving workers with empty accounts where their savings should have been. 4.    Families who are already struggling with rising costs of living now face the indignity of poverty in their old age because of the failures of their employers and the weakness of the regulatory framework. 5.    As a party within the Government of National Unity (GNU), the UDM sees it as our duty to exercise firm oversight from within, ensuring that government does not turn a blind eye to failures that harm workers and their families 6.    The scale of the crisis 6.1.    The arrears problem is no longer marginal; it is systemic. Arrears surged by 40% in one year to reach over R7 billion. Nearly 600,000 workers are affected, with many still in employment and others already retired. Over 1,000 cases have been referred to the South African Police Service, and more than 8,000 instances of legal action have been initiated by retirement funds. Yet, prosecutions remain limited and recoveries slow. 6.2.    This problem is not confined to small businesses. Large provident funds such as the Auto Workers Provident Fund and the Motor Industry Provident Fund account for the bulk of legal actions, and government itself has emerged as one of the biggest culprits. 7.    Accuracy and transparency of data 7.1.    While the scale of the arrears is shocking, there are also concerns about the accuracy of FSCA data. Reports have shown that some employers named in arrears lists insist they had made payments, but that the arrears were still reflected because of delays in updating data, incomplete reporting by funds, or administrative errors.  7.2.    Such inaccuracies undermine trust in the regulatory system, cause reputational harm to compliant employers, and create confusion for workers. Transparency only has value if the information is accurate and up to date. Workers and Parliament need figures they can rely on. 8.    The systemic weaknesses 8.1.    The UDM acknowledges steps the FSCA has taken, including publishing arrears lists, collaborating with Treasury and the Hawks, recovering R39 million and R50 million from municipalities through withheld transfers, and securing court orders against delinquent municipalities and company directors. These are important interventions. 8.2.    However, they remain insufficient. The FSCA itself admits that it lacks full powers over employers until the Conduct of Financial Institutions (COFI) Bill is passed into law. Enforcement is slow, arrears continue to grow, and some retirement fund trustees are failing to act decisively against non-compliant employers. In the meantime, workers continue to suffer while billions in deferred wages are withheld. 9.    Accountability and governance 9.1.    It is especially alarming that government itself (through national and provincial departments and municipalities) is among the biggest culprits, owing an estimated R1.5 billion despite Treasury interventions. Municipalities in particular are repeat offenders, often defaulting again even after arrears are recovered through withheld equitable share transfers. National and provincial departments are not immune either. 9.2.    This is unacceptable. When the state itself is in breach, it weakens public confidence in the entire system and sets a terrible example for private employers. The UDM cannot remain silent while the state itself is one of the worst offenders. We will use every platform in Parliament, including SCOPA, to hold both our partners and ourselves to account. Leadership cannot demand compliance from others while defaulting on its own workers’ pensions. 10.    In light of the above, the United Democratic Movement calls for urgent action on the following: 10.1.    The Minister of Finance to prioritise the Conduct of Financial Institutions Bill and for the Portfolio Committee on Finance to fast-track its passage through Parliament, so that the FSCA is fully empowered to act against defaulting employers. 10.2.    The FSCA, working with National Treasury, the Hawks and the National Prosecuting Authority, to enforce the law through criminal charges, asset seizures and by holding directors, officers and municipal managers personally liable. 10.3.    The FSCA to continue publishing arrears lists, but to strengthen them by ensuring accuracy, providing sectoral breakdowns, and reporting not only on arrears but also on recoveries and enforcement actions, so that workers, Parliament and the public can track real progress transparently 10.4.    National Treasury and Minister Velenkosini Hlabisa, in his role as Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, to intervene firmly in delinquent municipalities and government departments, with SCOPA exercising oversight to ensure that such failures do not repeat. 10.5.    The FSCA to act against trustees who neglect their duty to recover contributions from defaulting employers. 10.6.    National Treasury to put in place interim protection measures so that workers making use of the two-pot system are not left destitute because of employer failures. 11.    Conclusion 11.1.    South Africa cannot tolerate a situation where nearly R7.3 billion in pensions is left unpaid while workers go hungry and pensioners live in indignity. Pensions are deferred wages earned through years of labour and withholding them is nothing short of theft from the future. 11.2.    Being part of the GNU does not mean turning a blind eye. It means doubling our vigilance. The UDM will continue to play its role by exercising firm oversight inside government to safeguard the rights of workers and ensure public money is used with integrity. Yours sincerely Mr NLS Kwankwa, MP Deputy President of the United Democratic Movement Party Leader in Parliament Copied to:     Ms Nomakhosazana Meth, MP - Minister of Employment and Labour Mr Songezo Zibi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts Dr Mkhacani Maswanganyi – Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Finance Mr Makhosonke Maneli – Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Employment and Labour Dr Zwelini Mkhize – Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP - UDM Member on the Standing Committee on Public Accounts
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The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has worked diligently to promote the interests of all South Africans over the years. Despite the challenges and stumbling blocks the party rose to the occasion and scored many political victories. Our successes are manifested in our public representation at various levels of government across the country, but also in the influence we have had irrespective of the ruling party’s parliamentary majority.

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Request for intervention regarding Jozini: where a full dam meets empty taps

Request for intervention regarding Jozini: where a full dam meets empty taps

Mr Paul Shipokosa Mashatile, MP Deputy President of the Republic of South Africa Private Bag X1000 Cape Town 8000 and Ms Pemmy Majodina, MP Minister of Water and Sanitation Private Bag X9052 Cape Town 8000 and Mr Velenkosini Hlabisa, MP Minister of the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs Private Bag X802 Pretoria 0001 and Mr Leonard Jones Basson Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Water and Sanitation PO Box 15 Cape Town 8000 Dear Deputy President, Minister Majodina, Minister Hlabisa and Chairperson Basson Request for intervention regarding Jozini: where a full dam meets empty taps 1.    Introduction In 2011, government promised that families living around the Jozini Dam (Pongolapoort Dam), in KwaZulu-Natal, would soon drink water from the dam for the first time in 40 years. Fourteen years later, thousands of those same families are still waiting.  The people of Jozini and the greater uMkhanyakude District continue to fetch untreated water from the dam that towers above their homes. Children, elders, and livestock share the same water source in one of South Africa’s greatest contradictions, abundance without access. This is no longer an infrastructure problem. It is an accountability crisis. 2.    The record of some of the reported broken promises In 2011, government announced the imminent launch of three water reticulation schemes expected to benefit about eight thousand families in the kwaJobe Traditional Authority area of Jozini.  By 2015, elderly residents were still walking long distances to collect water directly from the dam, carrying heavy containers home each day while living in sight of the vast reservoir they could not access.  In 2017, government declared that more than 10,000 residents across the wider Jozini area would henceforth have access to potable water.  This promise was tied to phase launches of bulk infrastructure intended to expand coverage beyond urban nodes into rural settlements. However, despite this public commitment, countless households in these same areas remain without functional taps today; a stark reminder that grand launches have not translated into sustained service at the household level. That same year, the Jozini Bulk Water Supply Project launched a new treatment works designed for 40 million litres per day, meant to supply about 135,000 people (16,200 households). However, despite this major investment (over R1.075 billion spent) and the appointment of Mhlathuze Water as implementing agent,  far too many in Jozini remain without functional taps. Infrastructure was built, yet the link from bulk works to community households has broken down. This disconnect between promise and performance demonstrates that the challenge is not just constructing infrastructure, but making it work for the people it was meant to serve. In 2022, the district finally obtained a licence to draw water from Jozini Dam, raising hopes that the long wait was ending. Yet, years later, the pipelines and treatment works remain incomplete, and most households still have no reliable supply.  Between 2023 and 2024, frustration boiled over as residents in Mathayini and Mbabanana blocked roads and marched in protest after burst pipes, illegal connections and poor maintenance once again left entire wards without water.  By 2024 and 2025, the much-celebrated Nondabuya Water Scheme, funded at R151 million and intended to reach 2,400 households, had collapsed, reaching only about 700 families before allegations of corruption and over-expenditure surfaced. Two senior officials were suspended, yet one has since resurfaced in another province’s department, continuing the cycle of impunity that defines this tragedy.  3.    The cost in human dignity Behind every failed project is a community forced to live without the most basic necessity of life. Schools and clinics operate without reliable water supply. Women and children spend hours each day walking for water instead of attending school or work. Farmers lose livestock because pumps and canals lie idle. Families bury children who drown fetching water from unsafe sources. Water is life, but for many in Jozini it remains a privilege. 4.    Findings from national oversight The Department of Water and Sanitation has acknowledged uMkhanyakude as one of the municipalities under Section 63 intervention, meaning national government itself recognises local collapse.  The South African Human Rights Commission has confirmed that water supplied by nearly half of South Africa’s municipalities is unsafe to drink, with uMkhanyakude among those in critical condition.  We take note of Water and Sanitation Minister Pemmy Majodina’s commitments in her 2025/26 Budget Vote, where she pledged to strengthen accountability, professionalise municipal water services, and accelerate delivery through the Water Partnerships Office and new legislative reforms. These undertakings are welcome and necessary. However, communities like Jozini must see these commitments materialise in real, functioning infrastructure and visible results on the ground, not only in plans, task teams, or budget lines. Minister Majodina’s speech identified vandalism, illegal connections, and non-payment as national challenges, but Jozini’s experience shows the deeper truth: these failures persist because accountability remains optional.   We also note the establishment of the Makhathini Lower Pongola Water User Association in 2023 by Gazette Notice No. 48514, designed to manage the dam, river, and canal infrastructure across Jozini, uMhlabuyalingana, and parts of Zululand in a coordinated manner. Its governance structure is to include representation from farmers, municipalities, conservation authorities, traditional leaders, and other user groups to ensure equity in decision-making over water releases, allocation and infrastructure operations.  Yet despite this statutory framework, the association remains largely aspirational: canal sections are vandalised or illegally tapped, refurbishment is unfunded, and community voices seem excluded from real oversight. If it is to be more than symbolic, the Water User Association must be empowered, resourced and held to account, and its operations must align with the accountability and transparency demands outlined above. We further note with grave concern the redeployment of Chuleza Hombisa Jama, a former KwaZulu-Natal Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (CoGTA) official who was suspended in connection with the failed R151 million Jozini water project, to a senior position in the Eastern Cape’s disaster management unit. Despite her suspension and the unresolved investigations, she was transferred without clear vetting or accountability.   Such actions undermine the principle that those under investigation should not be placed in positions of authority over public resources or emergency response. This practice erodes public trust and highlights the urgent need for national safeguards against the redeployment of officials implicated in misconduct. The UDM firmly holds that cadre deployment and redeployment without accountability have become a mechanism for perpetuating maladministration and corruption. Time and again, officials who fail or are implicated in wrongdoing are simply shuffled from one department to another with no consequence.  They are recycled instead of being removed. This practice undermines public confidence and shows that loyalty and political patronage matter more than competence, integrity or results. According to UDM policy, the state must institute measures to vet, sanction and, when necessary, dismiss such officials permanently from public service. Appointments and redeployments must be subject to transparent scrutiny, and no individual should be protected from consequence because of political connections. 5.    A Parliamentary call for action As a Member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA), I therefore call for the following actions, each with clear lines of responsibility for the: 5.1.    Minister of Water and Sanitation and the Auditor-General of South Africa to commission a joint forensic and performance audit, with the Special Investigating Unit, into all Jozini and uMkhanyakude water projects since 2010, including Nondabuya, Greater Ingwavuma, and the Makhathini Canal. 5.2.    KwaZulu-Natal MEC for CoGTA to implement the immediate suspension of any official implicated in financial or project irregularities, pending the finalisation of investigations, and ensure that no redeployments occur until due process is completed. 5.3.    Department of Water and Sanitation, working with the uMkhanyakude District Municipality to publish up-to-date progress reports on all water projects in Jozini and uMkhanyakude, detailing expenditure, appointed contractors, and realistic timelines for completion. 5.4.    Department of Water and Sanitation and the National Treasury to fast-track the completion of the Greater Ingwavuma Bulk Water Supply Scheme and secure the funding necessary to ensure full functionality before the 2026 financial year. 5.5.    Minister of Water and Sanitation, in collaboration with CoGTA and the Municipal Infrastructure Support Agent to establish a multi-agency task team, including the Department of Water and Sanitation, the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, the National Treasury, the Municipal Infrastructure Support Agent, and local civil society, to coordinate funding, technical support, and consequence management. 5.6.    Deputy President of the Republic, in his capacity as Chairperson of the Infrastructure and Investment Committee to provide executive coordination and oversight to ensure that national, provincial, and municipal interventions in the Jozini and uMkhanyakude water projects are properly aligned, funded, and implemented within measurable timelines, with quarterly progress reports submitted to Parliament. 5.7.    Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Water and Sanitation, together with SCOPA to receive and review all audit outcomes from the above processes and ensure ongoing Parliamentary oversight and follow-up to guarantee accountability and delivery. 6.    Restoring trust and transparency The people of Jozini deserve honesty. They deserve updates, site visits, and written reports, not ribbon-cutting ceremonies. Transparency must replace secrecy and confusing messaging, and delivery must replace excuses. 7.    Conclusion The African National Congress and Inkatha Freedom Party in KwaZulu Natal have repeatedly traded accusations over who are to blame for the ongoing water crisis in Jozini, while actual delivery to communities remained absent. The political squabbling has become a spectacle, a diversion from the core failure: that waterless residents suffered years of neglect. This unhealthy dynamic has allowed both parties to claim moral high ground without ever changing the status quo for the people. The Jozini crisis also reflects a massive failure of coordination between the three spheres of government. Over the years, every department and level of authority has made promises; yet there has been no sustained follow-through. The national department announces interventions, the province appoints task teams, and the district and local municipalities hold community meetings, but these efforts rarely converge into one accountable plan. The result is duplication, confusion, and continued hardship for ordinary residents. The lack of alignment between policy, funding, and implementation is glaring, and the people of Jozini are bearing the brunt.  The Government of National Unity (GNU) has promised to turn a page on this legacy of division and failure. That promise will mean nothing if it does not reach the most neglected corners of our country. The crisis in Jozini is a test of the GNU’s sincerity: whether it can replace political blame with shared responsibility and turn promises into pipes that actually deliver water. Water is life, and accountability must now flow as freely as the water that surrounds Jozini. It is now imperative for Deputy President Paul Mashatile, as Chairperson of the Infrastructure and Investment Committee, to convene all stakeholders at national, provincial, and local levels, into one coordinated platform to resolve this crisis once and for all. Yours sincerely Ms Thandi Nontenja, MP United Democratic Movement Member of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts Copied to:     ?    Mr Enoch Godongwana, MP - Minister of Finance ?    Mr Songezo Zibi, MP - Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Public Accounts ?    Rev Thulasizwe Buthelezi, MPL – KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs ?    Ms Tsakani Maluleke - Auditor-General of South Africa ?    Adv Andy Mothibi - Head of the Special Investigating Unit ?    Adv Chrystal Pillay – Acting Chief Executive Officer of the South African Human Rights Commission ?    Cllr Remington Mazibuko - Provincial Chairperson of the UDM in KwaZulu-Natal  

Restoring trust in law enforcement: new national crime prevention framework is needed

Restoring trust in law enforcement: new national crime prevention framework is needed

Statement by Nqabayomzi Kwankwa, MP, UDM Deputy President and Leader in Parliament Only 22 percent of South Africans still trust the police. That figure, revealed by the Human Sciences Research Council, is not a statistic; it is a national alarm bell. A country without faith in its police cannot guarantee justice or safety. In recent weeks, incidents of citizens burning police vehicles and attacking officers have become a tragic symptom of how deeply fractured the relationship between law enforcement and communities has become. These acts cannot be condoned, yet they reveal the frustration and despair of people who feel abandoned and unprotected.  The United Democratic Movement (UDM) has long warned that the erosion of trust in the police is not accidental. It stems from years of poor leadership, internal misconduct, and weak accountability. As a political party that has consistently championed ethical governance and professional policing, the UDM has repeatedly called on the South African Police Services (SAPS) to clean up its act, restore command integrity, strengthen internal discipline, and rebuild the professional standards expected of a constitutional democracy. When police officers act without consequence, ordinary South Africans lose hope, and criminal networks thrive. The ongoing Madlanga Commission continues to shed light on the seriousness of the challenges facing the police service. Allegations raised during these hearings have underscored the need for the SAPS to confront corruption and mismanagement head on, to ensure that law enforcement serves the public interest and not private agendas. The UDM believes the Commission provides an important opportunity for the police to reflect, reform, and rebuild credibility through transparency and truth. The Ad Hoc Committee in Parliament has become an important platform for uncovering the depth of dysfunction within the SAPS and its oversight structures. While the UDM is not represented on this committee, we will continue to follow its work closely and insist that it leads to concrete reforms, not political theatre. Oversight must be used to restore the integrity of policing, not to manage scandal. The South African public is watching, and it deserves a process that results in accountability, not performance. The UDM condemns the failure of Acting Police Minister Firoz Cachalia and National Commissioner Fannie Masemola to appear before the Portfolio Committee on Police on 15 October 2025. Their absence forced the committee to defer the meeting without hearing from key entities, including the Auditor General. This disregard for Parliament’s oversight at a time of crisis undermines accountability and sends the wrong message to the public. South Africa cannot afford another cycle of delays, denials, or political protection. The UDM calls for a complete overhaul of South Africa’s approach to crime prevention and policing, anchored in the following principles: 1.    The SAPS must be depoliticised and led by skilled, ethical professionals who are committed to service, accountability, and the rule of law. 2.    Government must coordinate policing, social development, and education programmes to address the root causes of crime, including poverty, youth unemployment, and substance abuse. 3.    Law enforcement visibility must be increased through better resourced police stations, functional patrol units, and active Community Policing Forums that work in partnership with residents. 4.    The SAPS must modernise its operations by investing in technology, digital forensics, and intelligence-led policing to stay ahead of organised crime. 5.    Independent oversight bodies such as the Independent Police Investigative Directorate and parliamentary committees must be strengthened to ensure transparency, swift investigation of misconduct, and regular public reporting. 6.    The criminal justice system must focus not only on punishment but also on prevention, rehabilitation, and social reintegration, so that cycles of violence are broken and communities are rebuilt. The UDM further urges the Government of National Unity to establish a National Crime Prevention Council that brings together national, provincial, and local law enforcement agencies with civil society, the private sector, and research institutions. Such a structure must coordinate intelligence, align policing priorities, and measure progress on crime reduction across the country. South Africa needs a whole of government response that unites every sphere of the state in restoring safety and public trust. Safety is a constitutional right, not a privilege. Weak leadership weakens justice. The UDM calls on the Government of National Unity to treat crime prevention and police reform as an urgent national priority, not another task for committees and talk shops. The GNU must move beyond rhetoric and deliver a coordinated, well resourced, and accountable plan to rebuild trust between citizens and the state. South Africans deserve a police service that protects them, not one they fear, and a government that acts, not one that explains.

A teacher’s betrayal: UDMYV demands justice for exploited young women

A teacher’s betrayal: UDMYV demands justice for exploited young women

Statement by Zintombi Sododile, Chairperson of United Democratic Movement Youth Vanguard in the Eastern Cape The United Democratic Movement Youth Vanguard (UDM Youth Vanguard) expresses its deep outrage at revelations that a teacher from the Eastern Cape stands accused of preying on young women through a trafficking and sexual exploitation ring. It is alleged that this educator targeted women from rural towns such as Qumbu, Mthatha and Ngqeleni, transported them to East London, and exploited their vulnerability for profit under the pretence of offering accommodation and opportunity. Although the investigation reportedly began in September 2023, it has taken more than a year for the matter to reach court. It remains unclear whether the delay lies with the police, the prosecution, or both, but it reflects a wider concern about how cases involving the exploitation of women and children are handled. The slow pace of justice deepens the trauma of survivors and weakens public confidence in law enforcement. The UDM Youth Vanguard calls for clarity and accountability from all institutions involved in the handling of this case. This case exposes a shocking abuse of authority and a moral collapse within an institution meant to nurture and protect the youth. When a teacher, entrusted with guiding the next generation, becomes a perpetrator of such heinous crimes, it betrays the trust of families, communities, and the education system itself. The UDM Youth Vanguard condemns this reprehensible conduct in the strongest terms and demands: 1.    The swift and uncompromising prosecution of all those implicated in this trafficking network. 2.    An immediate internal investigation by the Department of Education to determine how this went undetected. 3.    Comprehensive psychosocial support and protection for all affected survivors. 4.    The introduction of stricter vetting and ethics oversight for educators and school staff. 5.    A national awareness campaign on human trafficking and sexual exploitation targeting schools and communities. We call on the Minister of Basic Education and the Minister of Police to treat this case as a wake-up call. South Africa cannot allow those entrusted with public service to use their positions to exploit the poor and the powerless. We cannot build a just society while predators hide behind positions of trust. The UDMYV pledges to raise awareness among young people about their rights, to support survivors in seeking justice, and to continue speaking out against abuse wherever it occurs. Every child deserves safety, respect, and a future free from exploitation.

No town left behind: UDM backs call to re-industrialise rural and small communities

No town left behind: UDM backs call to re-industrialise rural and small communities

Statement by Yongama Zigebe, Councillor in the City of Johannesburg for the United Democratic Movement and Chairperson of the S79 Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities The United Democratic Movement (UDM) welcomes the release of the report titled “The Impact of De-Industrialisation on Small Towns: Case Studies of Lichtenburg and Komati,” presented yesterday at the Heidelberg Symposium.  This ground-breaking report, produced by Frontline Africa Advisory in partnership with the Industrial Development Think Tank (IDTT) and the Department of Trade, Industry and Competition (the dtic), provides a sobering analysis of how the collapse of industrial capacity in small towns has deepened unemployment, weakened municipal sustainability, and eroded the social fabric of local communities. For the UDM, this report reinforces our long-held conviction that South Africa’s economic revival depends on a deliberate, targeted, and inclusive strategy to re-industrialise small towns and rural areas. It affirms what the UDM has consistently championed: that a vibrant and resilient economy cannot be built on the prosperity of metropolitan centres alone; it must draw its strength from productive, self-sustaining communities across all regions of our country. The UDM was represented at the Heidelberg Symposium by Cllr Yongama Zigebe, who also serves as the Chairperson of the Section 79 Oversight Committee on Gender, Youth and People with Disabilities in the City of Johannesburg. Cllr Zigebe’s participation signified the Movement’s commitment to engaging in evidence-based policy dialogue and to advancing a developmental agenda that restores dignity and opportunity to South Africa’s forgotten towns. The UDM commends the report’s emphasis on place-based industrial renewal, the District Development Model (DDM), and the rebuilding of the industrial commons, which include roads, water systems, energy reliability, and local governance institutions that enable production and investment.  These interventions speak directly to the UDM’s policy position that economic transformation must be locally grounded, transparent, and inclusive, ensuring that every South African community becomes a site of growth and productivity rather than decline. We also welcome the report’s gendered and youth-centred analysis, which recognises that women, young people, and persons with disabilities are disproportionately affected by economic collapse. The UDM reiterates that re-industrialisation must be socially just, integrating empowerment and equality into every policy and programme aimed at rebuilding our small towns. The UDM, calls on government to translate these findings into urgent action by aligning industrial policy, infrastructure investment, and skills development through the DDM and in partnership with local communities. Revitalising production, diversifying anchor industries, and professionalising municipal governance are critical to restoring South Africa’s economic dignity. In welcoming this report, the UDM renews its call for a new social compact for re-industrialisation that is collaborative, transparent, and responsive to the lived realities of our people. Small towns are not relics of the past; they are the frontiers of South Africa’s economic future.  

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