In 1996 the US passed the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which deregulated radio ownership and established section 230 (which basically allows social media to exist by making companies not liable for content third-party users post online), the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, which introduced work requirements into welfare, and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, which, among other things, permitted the cooperation between local law enforcement and what is now ICE. I’ve written a bit about how these pieces of legislation have created the reality we’re living in today in 2026.
British music journalist David Stubbs also agrees that “we’re still living in 1996” (140). However, his book 1996 and the End of History focuses exclusively on the UK context. Instead of grungy, rap-rocky alt rock, there’s Britpop, Oasis in particular. And instead of grievance at gender and racial minorities, there’s nostalgia for purportedly pre-PC times when the monoculture was led by white guys with guitars. “1996, in other words, was the year in which cultural forces gathered, as if in a manifestation of the collective unconscious, to recreate the year 1966, before the slide into hippie decadence and misplaced idealism really began” (7). Oasis was perceived to be like what people in 1996 thought The Beatles were, i.e., a point of national pride and unity, a symbol that gave the British people (well, the white, mainly English, mainly men ones) a sense they shared in a project where the UK was leading the world.
This longing for a sense of cultural unity unperturbed by questions as to who actually constitutes the “we” in the collective whose unconscious that unity manifests is a form of reactionary centrism. As Stubbs explains, this was an attempt to use shared culture as a substitute for something like the common good: “In this era, despite the continued craving for shared experience and the banishment to the peripheries of the remotely experimental or futuristic, the ‘centre’ has nonetheless collapsed: in politics, music, and TV, all victims of various deregulations and disintegrations” (20). As privatization swept across British society, experiences of membership in a common public waned, and Britpop conveniently emerged as an “alternative” (see what I did there) to civil society and its psychological affordances (which, notably, were designed to center precisely the same people the Britpop narrative did).
According to Stubbs, Oasis arrived at a time when the pendulum had already been swinging back from its left swerve in the 80s, a time when “rock was to be considered a pejorative term, a hidebound and reactionary form, the guitar a phallic symbol loaded with the dead weight of rock history and overbearing, hetero maleness” (124). The expansive musical and gender expression in 80s genres like New Romanticism, goth, synthpop, and new wave generally emerged precisely as an alternative to mainstream white cishetero rock masculinity. In my WOXY book I wrote about how 80s music critics framed modern rock as queer. As Pet Shop Boys’ Neil Tennant told Rolling Stone in 1988, “It’s kinda macho nowadays to prove you can CUT IT live. I quite like proving we CAN’T cut it live. We’re a pop group, not a rock and roll group” (Cited in Goodwin, “Sample & Hold”). Highlighting a compilation now well-known as the foundation of indie-pop, Stubbs points to a “mid-Eighties rut of deliberate smallness, as showcased on the NME cassette compilation C86” (124); this “smallness” could be reframed today in the language of “twee,” a heavily feminized term typically applied to women artists like Tiger Trap. Traditional cishet white rock masculinity was far from fashionable in the 80s.
However, when Nirvana broke the American mainstream, the pendulum started to swing hard back to the right, where white guys rocking out to guitars took center stage. Britpop was the UK’s attempt to align with that movement and get their domestic scene swinging in the same direction as the American one. As Stubbs puts it,
Couldn’t it be like the Sixties again, when it was basically just The Beatles, the Stones, groups ‘we’ were all into, and so were all our mates: big white guitar music confidently ruling the roost? Nothing against synths, nothing against ethnic minorities, nothing against women, nothing against gays, but they had their time, back in the Eighties. All those subcultures, subcategories, all that eclecticism and experimentation…blokes, guitars, that’s the essential rock’n’roll experience when it comes down to it, isn’t it? And why aren’t we getting that? (127).
To be clear, Stubbs is snarkily voicing an opinion that is not his, but which was what he claims as the prevailing attitude regarding Britpop in the mid-90s. This is not quite the vehement misogyny and racism of American-style affirmative action backlash, but a slightly more polite version of white masculine chauvinism that thinks white cishetero men and their preferences should drive pop culture.
“None of this was exclusively Oasis’s fault,” Stubbs claims, “the recrudescence of conservatism was a structural phenomenon” (135). Britpop was a beacon of a broader vibe shift not just in British culture, but Global North Anglophone culture more generally. My work on alt rock and the alt right points to some of the structural factors at work in the US, and Stubbs’s account of Tony Blair’s candidacy and administration points to equivalents in the UK. Stubb’s book was published a year before the Brexit vote, but you can see the straight line from 1996’s “why can’t British music be by and for white guys?” to the idea that the UK is only for a certain kind of British person.
Stubb’s book is very helpful in situating what’s going on in the transformation of American commercial alt rock radio into a space of reactionary masculinity and masculine grievance in a broader, trans-Atlantic context where the political and cultural pendulum is swinging in a parallel direction. The forces of deregulation, privatization, and backlash against feminism, immigration, and the like each operate in specific national contexts, but the US and the UK are roughly on the same track and headed in the same direction.
Stubbs notes that this conservative turn in British musical culture led audiences to crave music that’s effectively slop - frictionless music that basic white people can lose themselves in because it affirms all of their preferences and biases. For example, he argues that Pulp’s “Common People” was a hit because
its lumbering anthem [was] precisely what an emotional and fatigued public wanted: simply to fall into each others’ arms and sing along, rather than keep pace with drum’n’bass or trip-hop or Romo or The New Wave of The New Wave or minimal techno or whatever new subcultural permutation was being shouted at them from below’ (129).
AI produces slop because it’s only capable of generating new-to-us versions of the same stuff it’s been fed - it can’t have an original idea and just reheats other peoples’ nachos to deliver an already-familiar experience. Though Stubb’s book was published nearly a decade before generative AI would be widely available to the public, the aesthetic he attributes to Britpop could describe AI slop equally well. Noting that most of Oasis’s lyrics, like the comedy of the era, “say nothing much about anything” (129), Stubbs hits on the fact that this slop mimics the experience of people structurally insulated from the trials and tribulations of history; the frictionlessness of the slop aesthetically represents the frictionless way in which middlebrow straight white men had been able to navigate the postwar era.
I’m still trying to figure out the broader direction for this “alt rock to alt right” project (the article version is forthcoming in American Music, pub date tbd), but thinking about this more trans-Atlantically has been helpful.



