Chapter - 3 DALIT MOVEMENT IN MAHARASHTRA : Two Factors of Dalit Mobilization I Ambedkarism : As an Ideology of Political Mobilization- Ambedkarism is a term used for the ideology of Dalit movement which advocates the faith in Ambedkar's vision and teachings. It is a philosophy of Dalit liberation and social justice, which is basically anti-caste in nature. It stands for egalitarianism and human dignity. Ambedkarism has both theoretical and operational aspects, useful for socio-political movements concerning dalits advancement in discriminatory social structure. Ambedkar was the first person who exposed the inner contradiction of caste based social structure and has brought to fore national attention to dalit sufferings, going on for thousands of years to. date. Today, by his work and writings Ambedkar has occupied a place as a living force to every socio-political activity, seeking to put potential challenge to unjustifiable social order in India. It is almost presumed that the Dalit movements today are working to complete the unfulfilled task of Ambedkar and his ideological vision. The leaders of these movements always pronounce the loyalty to Ambedkarism. They take the lifelong 59mission of Dr. Ambedkar as guiding principle to inspire the people for political activities today. In his life time Dr. Ambedkar never intended to develop or prepare theoretical framework for Dalit movement as such. He never published any work concerning his basic assumptions and ideas which could be regarded as ideological structure of Ambedkar's thoughts. In his 65 years span of life he was active on various socio-political and cultural fronts is said that he never spared enough time to organize his thought content systematically." The whole structure of Ambedkar's ideology has emerged from his scholarly work ‘Castes in India: their mechanism, genesis and development, (1916)' to ‘The Buddha and his Dhamma’ in 1956. His ideology consists of his thoughts incorporated in his various books, lectures delivered by him on variety of subjects, fundamental suggestions to his fellow activists, correspondence with his contemporaries, journalistic writings and innumerable petitions and memoranda submitted to government from time to time. Ambedkar, by his work, and devotion to the dalit cause is recognised as an ideologue of Dalit movement. He vehemently protested against the social, political and economic segregation practised by the high castes in Hindu society, against the untouchables.” 60Ambedkarism as an ideology has been aptly delineated by Gail Omvedt : “First an uncompromising dedication to the needs of his people the Dalit, Dr. Ambedkar asked the total annihilation of caste system and the Brahmanic superiority it embodied. Second, an almost equally strong dedication to the reality of India and whose historical, cultural interpretation he sought to wrest from the imposition of a ‘Hindu’ identity to understand it in the massive popular reality. Third, a conviction that the eradication of caste required a repudiation of ‘Hinduism’ as a religion and adoption of an alternative religion, which he found in Buddhism, a choice when he saw not only necessary for the masses of Dalits who followed him but for the masses in India generally. Fourth, a broad economic radicalism interpreted as ‘socialism’ mixed with the growing out of his democratic liberalism and liberal dedication to. individual rights. Fifth, a fierce rationalism which burned throughout, his attacks on Hindu superstitions to interpret even the Buddhism he came to, in rationalistic, liberal theological forms. And finally, a political orientation which linked a firmly autonomous Dalit movement with a constantly attempted alliance of the socially and economically exploited, projected as an alternative political front to the Congress Party he saw as the unique platform of 'Brahmanism and capitalism'.* 6Dr. Ambedkar's entry into the national political life through untouchable movement was most crucial. It was the period when nationalist movement under Gandhiji's leadership was gaining importance. Negotiations for the gradual deliverance of the political rights to the Indians wWwere taking place. There was complete ignorance and neglect about the miserable conditions of dalits. No political party, including Congress, felt need to eradicate the social evil of caste based inequality and resulting in human substandard living conditions of untouchables of that time, through political platform.* Ambedkar came forward with the understanding of this lacuna. He had anger and assertion in his political strategy and ideology. He tried to convince Dalit people to mobilize themselves for the political gains. ,x€ emphasized the need of independent dialogue with the British government for the betterment of dalits. The era of independent political manoeuvring of dalits on Indian political scenario with distinct political horizon had started.> According to Eleanor Zelliot, the political action of Ambedkar consisted of following ideological justifications : 1) The untouchables should revolt because they are treated as slaves, and slavery is inherently inhuman. There is no racial difference that makes them off from caste Hindus, if Hindu religious scriptures 622) 3) 4) 5) 6) ordaians forthe practice of untouchability, these scriptures should be rejected. Only by acknowledging their slavery, by admitting their inferior position, could untouchables unify and press for change. Only by Government acknowledgement of their deprivation as a class and the correction of that injustice by special treatment on a caste basis could equality eventually be reached. Only untouchables could understand their own condition and needs; hence only untouchables themselves should lead untouchable movements. Education and politics are the chief means to equality: education, so that the untouchable will be able to participate in society on an equal plane, political agitation and participation, so that untouchables can secure their rights and redress their economic and social grievances by law and political policy. Untouchables are totally Indians. No foreign religion can help them to achieve equality as Indians. India must be free before they are totally free, but their battle for freedom must never be subservient to other demands. Only when some untouchables become elite can the whole group be raised. Only when ability and ambition enable some untouchables 63to be at the top of the pinnacle can the mass below realize its own potential. © As a part of his long run battle to gain the rights for his people, Ambekdar has initiated many organized activities. In every activity he had played the role of both organizer-motivator and a fund raiser. His presence in the field provided strength and courage to the most insignificant people. There were thousands of people who took part in every Ambedkar led activities irrespective of age, area or gender. These people firmly stood behind Ambedkar with faith and respect. Ambedkar's movement was parallel to the nationalist movement with its own importance in the history. According to Mat! i, the leadership of Ambedkar falls into three phases :- “First from 1918 to 1930, he was more social reformist in fighting against rigid caste system and its rude practice of untouchability. In thes second phase, beginning from 1930, he was a political leader who ’ stressed the need for acquiring political power for the untouchables for the social and economic freedom. In this phase he fought for separate electorates for the untouchables and set up political organization to enable to have political power. In the final and last phase of his life he embraced Buddhism and led thousands of his caste men to it and emerged openly as the religious reformer of the untouchables.”The formation of Ambedkar's ideology involves each and every aspect of his socio-political and religious move. His ideology and work went hand in hand in solving the problem of inequality. He worked for human dignity and material opportunity, in Hindu traditional society. He put hard work and intellectual energy to expose evils in this society. He tried to interpret the widely accepted religious beliefs, social practices, economic, civic and political deprivation in the existing social order. Focussing on his central theme of thinking, Ambedkar tried to examine and explain the relationship between the present religious belief and inequality in caste structure and also the relationship between the accumulated religious merit and its implications for social and economic deprivation of Dalit in present time. He spurned the system of religious beliefs which denied the human dignity and opportunity for respectable existence. The ideology while making specific demands, underscores of change in attitude and spells out the means and options whereby the ends may be realised. Playing his role as an ideologue, responding to the changing political scenario, Ambedkar always insisted upon the urgent demands of dalit. Ambedkar, as a social revolutionary took to politics as a means for social revolution. Therefore, he projected his image as a person dealing with 6Ssocial problems in the given situation. He had faith in political power and laid stress on the need for education and political representation. Being a highly educated in the west, he felt that literate masses are capable for political upheaval, he envisioned the feature of the untouchables through education and politics. He advised untouchable masses to educate themselves, organize and agitate. This is a new mantra to liberate his enslaved masses. The ideology as an instrument, and clear goalever absolutely essential in Ambekdar's life mission. The realization of his ideological vision through various organised activities, and his own personal endeavour, proved very essential to his mission to succeed. He tried many things to achieve the success. First he tried to sensitize the dalits ‘on their own deprivation and made them socially and politically articulate, which motivated them to organise for agitation. Secondly, by making them aware about their social existence he made them ‘demandful agents' to speak about the urgency of change. Thirdly Ambekdar stressed and propagated values like liberty, equality and fraternity which were helpful for delivering justice. Finally Dr. Ambekdar stood against Hindu philosophies based on caste discrimination and unequal human relationship. According to him, his main task was to make his people 66revolt against injustice and work for the betterment of larger numbers than for few's comfort. The ideology which Ambedkar propogated was revolutionary in its character. It was the ideology which reused deprived people to have courage to fight against injustice. The socio-political thought content of Ambedkar is mainly found in his writings and the spethed he delivered from time to time. These are essentially on the subjects, concerning respectful human esistence. The main aim of his writings was to provide guidance to ongoing struggle of masses for positive results. His scholarly mission starts from 1916 when he wrote ‘Castes in India : Their mechanism, Genesis and development', and is concluded by his conversion to Buddhism. He wrote ‘The Budha and his Dhamma’ which is a religious guide for his people. Ambedkar’ thoughts are diverse which is evident from the books he wrote. ‘Annihilation of caste’ (1936), Federation versus Freedom (1939), Thoughts on Pakistan (1940), Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables (1942), Ranade, Gandhi and Jinnah (1943), Communal Deadlock and a Way to Solve It (1945), States and Minorities (1947), Thoughts on Linguistic States (1955) and the Buddha and his Dhamma (1957 Posthmous). Apart from the books, there is ample literature by him available today which help us to construct his ideology. 67The intellectual work of Ambedkar as an ideologue was an outcome of his life long mission, it developed during the period of his struggle in the socio-political field. It was a kind of dialogue with contemporary processes from which he tried to create his own place as a leader of dalits. The ideology of Ambedkar is still highly respected among the people who are still struggling against caste inequalities in India even today. Ambedkar has shown the path to the people to liberate themselves. His spirit of dissent took physical form when it iritiated people for mobilisation. As an ideologue he charged people emotionally, as well as rationally. He appealed dalit masses to give up all indecent work imposed upon them by caste Hindu social order and acquire self-respect by improving their life style. ° Ambedkar had tried to uplift the most crippled people in the world, by his ideology and work. As a result, a chain of protest movements, was organised to carry out the task. Today, apart from his decision of conversion, Dr. Ambedkar is considered as a leader of the dalit masses, and has become the symbol of struggle against inequalities. During his lifetime, the firm support of his followers provided him with strength and morale to fight against injusitice. Ambedkar had started his work by creating independent platrforms to express his views and strategies toward dalit liberation. He 68started variouis journals,founded political parties and had many stgriuch followers. He started his first Marathi fortnightly ‘Mooknayak' in 1920, and later on published 'Bahiskrit Bharat’ (1927), 'Samata' (1929) and ‘Janata.’ (1930). These publications had contributed remarkably to inspire dalit people for their struggle. In the very first issue of Mooknayak and also later editorial writings in subsequent issues of ‘Mooknayak', Ambedkar tried to expose the hypgefcies of caste Hindu orthodoxy for not allowing natural rights to the dalits and warned them that the dalits were then prenaring for conflict with them. ° As a leader of voiceless masses Ambedkar utilised his intelligence and ability to educate the Dalit people by providing these information, on every wrong aspect in socio-political system. In his political activism Ambedkar was critical of Indian National Congress, he criticised Congress Leaders for their insincerity over Dalit problems. There was a long-drawn competition between Ambedkar and Gandhi to represent Dalit national politics. Despite their common concern, Ambedkar and Gandhi were often at odds in their points of views and programmes for the abolition of untouchability and upliftment of dalits. In 1932 Gandhi thwarted Ambedkar's attemtpt to gain political concessions from the British, which Ambedkar believed to be essential for the progress of untouchables 69Ambedkar retaliated by criticising Gandhi more harshly than he did the orthodox Hindus, who practicés untouchability as a religious faith. The conflict between these two leaders could be understood in terms of ideological differences and the different solutions which they advocated for the resolution of one of India's major social problems.?° The very need of separate dalit political organization propagated by Ambedkar was an outcome of this conflict. In his growing phase, Ambedkar exposed hypocrisy of high reforms and their failure. In fact, in their efforts they were supported by some upper caste liberal Hindus who were not basically inclined to attack the caste system and to fight for their social and political equality. Thus, the upper caste liberal Hindus were clear in their mind but not pure in their heart. The upper caste leadership of the Indian National Congress and Hindu Mahahsabha - was concerned with their politics of the depressed classes.’ The betrayal of dalits by Indian National Coangress in national politics and giving importance to Muslim League forced Ambekdar to adopt more aggressive tactics and outlook in his programming. ‘? Ambedkar had charged Congress both its extremist and moderate factions - for undermining untouchables’ rights and paid they were only interested in perpetuating the servile and lower conditions of the depressed segment of society. 70Ambedkar showed disagreement over the ongoing reform programmes started by Congress and its solution and attitude towards the issues. He clarified his stance from time to time to his followers and potential adversaries represented by the Nationalist leaders as well as social workers. ** It was Ambedkar's firm belief that unless the untouchables, organized themselves; they will not get justice. In the incoming self-rule option by British, Ambedkar did not allow himself and his followers to rely upon the caste Hindu- led reform movements. He criticized V.R. Shinde, a dedicated upper-caste social worker who founded Depressed Classes Mission, for his failure to support the demand of separate representation for the untouchables. He had suggested that untouchable castes' representative could be co-opted by the elected members of the legislature. Ambedkar felt that it was a clear betrayal of untouchables’ interest by putting across wrong solution by high caste political leadership. He raised the issue in the ‘All India Conference of Untouchables’ held under the presidentship of Chhatrapati Shahu in Nagpur in 1920, in his important policy speech. He declared the intention and future strategy of his politics in that. In his speech he criticised the submission made to the Southbroughts Committee by V.R. Shinde on behalf of untouchables. He succeeded in passing a resolution in the Conference to 1request government to reject Shinde's suggestion and allow all untouchables to select their own representatives. Later on the demand for separate electorate became the most prominent policy factor in Ambedkar's politics. By producing a different vision and distinct programes Ambedkar had succeeded in making strong ideological base for his place in national Dalit politics. He delivered the message to dalits that the interest of caste Hindus was not to remove on degradation of dalits. He exposed tne the caste Hindu leaders’ pronouncements about reformation. He searchingly pointed out that if the Dalit movement remained in the hands of ‘touchables' it might lead to the political enslavement of Dalits permanently in this country. In the following years, Ambedkar tried to establish his leadership as the only caretaker of dalits. He was very keen and active’in responding to every political development taking place in color I India. In the sphere of political life he showed ability to influence it by his intelligence and sincerity towards the Dalit cause. He constantly tried to change the most insignificant people into significant status, by his hard work in this regard. After the completion of his barristership in London in 1923, he started to work with new identity as a foreign returned highly educated person. Against the background of V.R. Shinde submission before the Rcommittee Southborough, he undertook his unfinished task of finding a separate platform for dalits. It was a period of Khilafat Movement gaining importance through growing co-operation of Congress and Muslim League in national politics. Due to the Morley-Minto political Reform Bill in 1909 and later Lucknow agreement (1916) Muslims as minority received sufficient weightage in the form of separate electorate. The need to establish a social organization to convey the dalit problems to the government was discussed. As a result ‘Bahishkrit Hitkari Sabha’, a district organization was founded in July 1924 at Bombay. This Sabha pronounced reform programmes. Ambedkar was the Chairman on its working committee. The motto of the organization was Educate, Agitate and Organize*® the main function of the Sabha was to create educational awareness among the Dalits. It sought to promote and implement the principle of organization through establishment of dormitories and free reading rooms for the Dalit students. Ambedkar's idea behind the establishment of such organiztion was very clear, he started working with different perspectives having uniguely. He tried to deliver message about the independent dalit mobilization, for equality in the society. He tried to connect the marginalization of dalist in politics with their lack of education ability. The motive behind the foundation of the Sabha was to make the dalits aware about their Bbackwardness and ask government to fulfil its responsibility to uplift them. He blamed government for the absence of adequate educational facilities which were responsible for Dalit's misery. He delivered the massage to the dalits that lack of education was more a matter of shame than anger for political action. The opportunity for education is not a privilege but a right itself. The birth of the Sabha was followed by the preparation of Dalits to acquire equal access to education. It was the beginning of organising them politically. Through the Sabha and Ambedkar's leadership dalit masses started to realize that their strength and attainment of their right would be possible through organized activities. The Sabha was itself identified as a sign of revitalisation of strength. The Sabha had the wide range of activities including propagation and enhancement of educational activities through opening schools and boardings for dalit students. The emphasis was on the improvement of the economic condition of dalits. It worked to focus the attention of government authorities on the grievances of dalits, It started work to collect the informatin about socio-economic conditions of dalits. It also gave information about concessions given by government to dalits. The overall emphasis of Sabha was to end the frustration among the Dalits prevailing from generations 74Cc Through the Sabha, Ambedkar had tried to expose the vainness in congress led untouchability removal programmes. The Sabha organized ‘several meetings and conferences to discuss the policy matters and the adoption of measures to curb injustice against the dalits. The Sabha was successful in its objectives to instil the spirit of challenge among the dalits. There was a large number of dalits, mentally prepared to participate in the activities under the leadership of Ambedkar. The Sabha organized disciplined workers like ‘Samata Seva Sangh’ and ‘Samata Sainik Dal' to contro! the possible nuisance by caste Hindus as a reaction against Ambedkar's led programmes. Mahad Satyaaraha : The beginning The collective movement was first experienced when the leadership of Ambedkar started Mahad Satyagraha. It was followed by a resolution of Bombay legislation council (1923) for the open access to the dalits for drinking water. The Mahad Muncipality approved the resolution but due to the opposition of local high caste people, it was not implemented. Ambedkar and his followers organized a conference at Mahad and staged a Satyagrah to implement it. The main purpose of this satyagrah was to break the constraints in the way of human dignity. Ambedkar and his followers managed to gather and organize a great number of dalits at Mahad. The method and strategy adopted by the leadership was quick 15and mass mobilization. About 5000 dalit men and women, young and old, drawn from Bombay presidency and Nagpur region, came to the place to take part in the satyagraha. On the first day of the conference in March, 1927, Ambedkar delivered a speech. ‘’ It was full of emotional appeal to the Dalits and warning to Government and caste Hindu people. He criticized the British government for putting ban on the recruitment of dalits in the military service, despite their bravery and sincerity. He warned government for wrong doings. In his speech he appealed to his fellow caste men to give up the shameful life of beggarly dependence on the upper castes. He suggested them to give up the duty of village servant and asked them to do independent cultivation of land. He emotionally charged the audience by putting the urgent need of pride, self-respect and improvement in living conditions. The main theme of the speech was self-improvement and independent identity. The collective action programme was approved by the conference to implement the bill for the free access to the Dalits for drinking water. Ambedkar and agitators completed the task by drinking the water from the chavadar tank. The high caste people reacted violently and created law and order problem in the form. 16Due to social tension, the Municipal Authority of Mahad withdrew its previous decision. The upper caste Hindus ritually purified the tank, Ambedkar felt betrayed and with his lieutents he decided to make another attempt to fulfill the task. The second Mahad Satyagraha was organized on 25-26 December 1927. The conference was held in tense atmosphere, amidst restrictions by the court. Ambedkar had condemned the orthodox Hindu practices for not allowing equal status to the Dalits. As a manifestation of his anger he ceremonously burnt the ancient Hindu law book anusmyite which had sanctioned the differential treatment to the lower castes. ! Ambedkar took the issue to judicial fight. Though the satyagraha was not successful in its result, it proved to be a most significant event in dalit political struggle. It was the first attempt to deliver clear message to the caste ridden Hindu - society. Greater participation of dalits, was a greater preparation for politics. Ambedkar had proved his capacity as a mass leader, having distinguished skill of mobilizing the means. He raised the funds, replied to the allegations and educated and prepared his people emotionally. The event excited much debate and helped dalits to think more about themselves. It provided them both goal and means which they had previously lacked.!? 7Temple Entry Movement : The outcome of the Mahad Satyagraha was that, it fuelled hope in the dalits for more organized activities. It followed by meetings, conferences and the large scale recruitment of volunteers. The spirit of satyagrah found itself in the subsequent temple entry satyagraha. This was the symbolic move to challenge the caste Hindus’ discriminatory social set up. Ambedkar supported the spirit of opposition to oppression and considered it as another kind of freedom struggle. He told dalits that caste Hindus were against the removal of caste barriers. The dalits should think over it and over the possible change. The change could be Possivie only through potent opposition. If the dalits resisted it in practices, the caste Hindus would not be able to force it upon them. The Nasik and later Poona temple agitations proved in vain despite remarkable mobilization of the dalits. The Satyagraha was prolonged and later called off due to caste Hindu reactions and judicial interference once again. Though these attempts of Satyagraha were not successful, in longer run they proved to be most useful and positive attempts for dalit mobilization.”° It recieved moral and positive support from the reformist caste Hindus as well. After the Mahad Satyagraha, Ambedkar started his own Marathi weekly called ‘Bahishkrit Bharat’. The first issue came out on 3 April 81927. it survived for a short period but played a vital role in propagating Ambedkar's idea of movement and strategies. Ambedkar used it as a weapon to reply to the criticism of caste Hindus in the wake of Mahad Satyagraha and Temple Entry Satyagraha. Ambedkar had condemned the caste Hindu psyche for not allowing social equality to the dalits. In his editorials, Ambedkar wrote about the Hindu religious faith and its harmfulness. The articles were illustrations of his assertiveness, Philosophical sophistication, sarcasm and art of argumentation that characterise Ambedkari journalistic working. 7+ Ambedkar in Legistlative Council : He took initiative in introducing many important Bills connected with hardships of dalits in Bombay Legislative Council. Among them the two bills contributed positive results in his politicial move. The bill to amend the Bombay Hereditary Offices Act 1874 and the bill to abolish Khoti System in 1928, Watan or khoti system was associated with the bounded labour system. *? He reintroduced Mater Watan Bill in Bombay Legislative Council in Sept. 1937, Ambedkar started to take interest in rural areas and the socio-economic conditions of rural dalits. The watan issue was very much related to his own Mahar caste people. He started creating awarness among the Mahars through watan issue. The main intention behind his strategy was to relate the watan with the village slavery of 9Mahar people. He appealed the Mahars to give up traditional duties enjoined in the watan system. Rajection of the watan signified more than a refusal to perform traditional duties. Ambedkar condemned the watan system, arguing that it created and perpetuated submissive and self degrading attitude among the Mahar community and frustrated the development of any ambition or every to alter their position. For him, the watan relationship was beyond reformation and the only solution to it is elimination. Ambedkar condemned the village system by saying that a village was a good which confined and restricted the development of the community. These efforts of Ambedkar had large impact on the Mahar community, which started discarding the traditional duties and stood firmly behind Ambedkar and supported his every socio-political move in future. The Second Phase : During the Satyagraha period the ‘liberal demands for equal treatment’ was asserted but orthodox Hindu did not respond positively. Ambedkar had tried to find another way to come into the stream of national politics. It was the beginning of Ambedkar's second phase of political career. In the national political scenario, there was a British Government move to bring in self rule for Indians and this was a ground for Ambedkar's appearance on the political horizon of the country. The 80Simon Commission visited India for inviting new recommendations in 1927. Congress boycotted the Commission but Ambedkar picked up the opportunity and submitted his memorandum on behalf of the Bahishkrit Hitkari Sabha’. The important points in the memorandum were : 1. The population of the depressed classes in Bombay Province had been grossly underestimated. 2. On the basis of population, the depressed classes must get 22 sets out of total 140 sets in Bombay Legislative Council. 3. The representatives of the depressed classes must be elected and not nominated. 4. The qualifying condition for the right to vote must be lowered. 5. The depressed classes must be given separate reserved sets in general constituencies. 2 6. the depressed classes must be guaranteed special protection and facilities in education, employment and representation in focal bodies. ** Towards Poona Pact : This move had shown that Ambekdar had wanted to ensure that the dalit interest must be protected in future constitutional framework. He criticized Motilal Nehru report (A committee was established by Congress under the leadership of Motilal Nehru in 1928 to prepare a draft of 81constitution for autonomy during Simon Committee visits (Rajyaghatana Hindi Swarajya) for its suggestion for abolition of all community based constituencies except Muslim.?> In the national politics, the period was full of political aspirations and turmoils. Ambedkar tried to study and deal with the situation from many fronts. He had proved his foresightedness and political strategic ability by showing his uncompromising attitude on the problems of dalit and their future. The period was marked with the development of political awakening through electoral representation on governing bodies. Round Table Conference : In the First Round Table Conference in London, the discussion of reservation for various minorities in the distribution of election seats, was the turning point in the history of dalits. It was for the first time in history that their claims were being considered along with other Indians, with the right to be consulted in the framing of the constitution for India.”° Ambedkar received invitation to attend the conference held in September 1930. Congress was not represented due to its non- cooperation policy. At the Conference, Ambedkar delivered an effective speech: he expressed deep concern about the Dalit's condition which did not change even in the British Raj.” He had brilliantly pleadged the case of the dalits, highlighting the real picture of the dalit life in India. When 82the Muslim representative were putting forward their demand for separate electorate, Ambedkar pointed out that the condition of the dalits was worse than Muslims. He pointed out that were a minority which came next to the Muslim minority in India, and their social standard was lower than the social standard of ordinary human being.® He further stated that the future of Dalit people was not secure in the hands of caste Hindus, and emphasized that , “no one remove" the grievances of the dalits as satisfactory as they could". He had pushed the British Government as well as the representatives of Hindu majority on the defensive. He had charged the Hindus with deliberate suppression and exploit@tion of the dalits over ine ages, and the British were using them as a convenient ploy in their political strategy.” The British Government conceded the demand of separate electorate under the Communal Award. The disagreement over the award was stormed in nationalist circle. It was condemned as an attempt to divide the Hindu society at every village level. At the Yerawada Jail, Gandhi started his fast into death in protest against the communal award. He wrote a letter to The British Prime Minister to withdraw the communal award, The event was followed by the confrontation between Gandhi and Ambedkar at the Round Table Conference. The outcome of the Gandhi's fast was Poona-Pact which was between these two leaders. It was a situational demand created by 83Gandhi to force Ambedkar to sign it. Accordingly, Ambedkar dropped the demand of separate electorate and accepted a scheme by which depressed classes were given reserved seats on the basis of joint electorates. The outcome of the whole episode of the Round Table Conference leading to Poona Pact, was Ambedkar's entry into national politics. He received wide publicity for his dedication to the opie of deprived classes. It delivered clear message to the untouchable masses, and made clear, how Congress had put pushed hurdles in their way of upliftment. The event put a seal on Ambedkar's leadership and credibility in the future nauional politics. Against the background of the unsuccessful attempts in Satyagraha and growing disenchantment with the reformist movement under Gandhi, with the experience of the Round Table Conference and Poona Pact Ambedkar realized that the interest of the Dalits could not be protected unless they got organised under a separate political party. Efforts to mobilise politically - formation of Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.) : According to the Government of India 1935 Act for the autonomy of the states the general elections were to take place in 1937. It had provided opportunity to Ambedkar to form a political party by which he 84would decide to assert in electoral politics for dalit cause, Many political parties started preparation for the election, and Ambedkar looked upon this election as an opportunity by further his interest and founded Independent Labour Party on August 15, 1936. The party was on the line of Labour Party of England. °° The main objectives’of the newly founded political party was to work for bringing about useful socio-economic reforms for the improvement in life conditions of dalits and labour classes. The programmes and objectives of the I.L.P. were published in Times of India on 15 August 1936.** The manifesto of the party addressed various issues related to dalit and labour classes viz; land questions, agrarian problems and the problems of industrial workers, their working conditions, control on industry etc. By its overall nature and composition the I.L.P. was in confrontation with Congress Party and Communist Party. Independent Labour Party was Ambedkar's first political move to broaden the base political mopiration by tackling the problems of the working classes. He just @ to the working classes as guaranting employment, promotions, improvement in industrial sector, fixed working hours, pay- leave, and healthy residence etc. It had unique combination of well-being of untouchables and working classes, which was appreciated by journalistic circle.°? 85,The elections were held on 17" February 1937. In the Bombay Presidency, the ILP won the 14 seats (11 reserved and 3 general seats). In C.P. C.P. and Berar, 7 candidates were elected and two party members were nominated by the Governor to the Bombay Legislative Council. This shows that the party had achieved spectacular success in the first attempt itself.°> The party was second only to the Muslim League as an opposition party to Indian National Congress in Bombay province. The party's contribution was to convince the government to recruit Mahars under a separate regiment. On 17 September, 1937, Ambedkar had introduced a Bill in Legislative Assembly to abolish ‘Khoti system’ of land tenure and organized a March of Peasants to protest against the ‘Khoti’ system, and also introduced Watan Bill. On Sepember 17, 1937, the Bill had concrete objectives : (i) to make better provisions for the remuneration of the watandars, (ii) to allow commutation of watan, (iii) to free the inferior watandars from the obligation to serve the ryots, and (iv) to define the duties of officiating watandars.** The ILP also introduced a bill in 1939 to improve the conditions of Bidi workers in Vidarbha region. It had called convention of the Railway workers at Manmad in which Ambedkar very contegorically pointed out that there were two enemies of the working classes in the country and they were Brahmanism and capitalism. °° 86LLLP. had participated in one-day strike in protest against Industrial Dispute Act, in September 1938 which put restrictions on right of strike. It was a strategy of Ambedkar under the I.L.P. to create base in working class sector. Government and the opposite party Congress used their strength to make the strike unsuccessful. But the outcome of the strike was that Ambedkar received wide publicity and recognition as leader of the working class. The overall performance of I.L.P. was enthusiastic, but it got shorter life due to the constrains to it was the beginning of World War-II and Congress Party's had resigned from the government in protest against British Policy of War. Ambedkar's experiment to provide the alternative platform did not succeed in its objectives. The party was not successful in. creating its base in non-Marathi speaking states. The overall growing importance and popularity of Ambedkar by his performance at the Round Table Conference has ideological vision and work for Dalit had alarmed both Congress party and orthodox Hindu community. For his future political move, Ambedkar declared his intention of conversion. This provided his opponents good opportunity to criticise Ambedkar for breaking Hindu Social order. The negative propaganda against him damaged party's morale. The caste Hindu campaign carried out vicious propé¥anda against Aambedkar as a result of which many party men left the party. 87The party had lost sympathy of the caste Hindu working class. Capitalism, Brahmanism and even communism had made their contribution in disintegration of the party. Ambedkar had blamed communists for their war policy.® He prepared new ideological ground for labour struggle on social eugality. ye Experiement of Scheduled Cases Federation (SCF) : After the collapse of the government Ambedkar suspended the LL.P.'s activities and started thinking in terms of another party. In July 1942, at the Depressed Classes Conference in Nagpur, he formed another political organisation which could work only for the untouchables. During his experience of I.L.p., he found the overall negligence in the representation of dalit problems by other political-parties. He thought of in priority of in representing Dalit problems on political platform on priority basis. He blamed Congress and British Govt. for betraying untouchables. The conference at Nagpur was attended by 70,000 people. When he founded All India Scheduled Caste Federation (AISCF) as an alternate strategy to organise dalits politically; his assumption was that dalits could not rely on the dalit support of the non-dalits for their solidarity. It was a total reversion of his previous model of I.L.P. This new political organization was concerned almost exclusively with the issues related the dalit's life. The assumption behind the organization 88was the interest of the dalits. This was unique and distinct from the caste Hindus.?” The dalits all over India shared a set of common interest despite the particularities of regions and languages. The manifesto of the AISCF pronounced many basic principles related to the well-being of dalits, viz; insistence on economic and political freedom, right to equality, liberty and development, safeguards from oppression and exploitation of man by man, class by class and nation by nation. Taking into account the multi national character of the party he was ashering parliamentary form of government. The two resolutions adopted in the conference were : (1) condemning the proposal of Govt. regarding changes to be brought to India, and (2) demand for scheduled castes’ representation in education as well as in services and on legislative bodies through separate electorates.** The adoption of caste model of organization in the form of AISCF was related to the political situation of the time. It was a time when all political parties were trying to secure their position on national scale. The discussion on the movement of transfer of power was in progress in national politics. The other communities were prepared to come forward with their specific demands, including Muslim League, which demanded separate statehood for the Muslims. Under these circumstances 89Ambedkar felt that the dalits too should have their own party, through which they could speak and persist on the national platform. The Depressed Classes conference at Nagpur, adopted several resolutions and some of the important subjects were : demand for separate electorates for the dalits and rejecting the proposals of that Cripp's Mission which granted right to provisional legislature to work as a single electoral college for the constituent assembly election. The resolution to criticise the Mission's presupposition that Congress could represent the Depressed Classes, and could speak on behalf of them was also approved and a resolution demanding separate settlements for scheduled caste people was also adopted.*? In 1945, labour party came to power in England. It decided to take fresh elections in India. It also indicated to form a constitution making body as soon as possible, The elections for the provisional assemblies were held in March 1946. All India Scheduled Caste Federation had contested these elections and were utterly defeated. It contested altogether 51 seats in total but got elected only on one seat. Ambedkar did not contest the election in view of adverse political situation and propaganda against him by the Congress. It successfully antagonized public option about Ambedkar's book ‘What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables (1945) and “Pakistan or the Partition of India 90(1946)". The hostility flared up due to his continuing in the Viceroy's Executive Council and supporting Government's war policies by advising Mahars to join the army. The caste based political line of A.I.S.C.F. had substantially alienated the caste Hindus who considered it an organization merely representing the dalit interests. The combination of communal forces and national antipathies directed against A.I.S.C.F. proved devastating for the political fortunes of the organization. In the Joint Elecorate system the Hindu voters favoured dalit candidates of Congress against A.1.S.C.F. candidates.** After the election results, Ambedkar tried to maintain the morale of S.C.F. workers by declaring to them that their war was not over, and that as long as the problem of dalits remained unsolved the federation would continue in one form or the other. Cripps Mission (24 March, 1946) invited Ambedkar for interview on behalf of the S.C.F. As a desperate lonely person, he pleaded the case strongly and rejected the allegation about dalits that they were putting hurdles in the political development heading towards independence of India. Ambedkar presented his charter of demands before the Commission, which were separate colonial administrator, proper representation on central and state legislative council, the reservation for dalits in government services, grant for dalit students for their education 1etc. He insisted that these demands should to be included in the future constitution of India.“* The Federation received a temporary setback when the demands were dropped by Mission in its paper released afterwards. Ambedkar had sent a telegram to the British Prime Minister when Sir Stattord Cripps returned to recognize the S.C.F.'s demands. The protest took the form of agitation in Poona, Bombay, Nagpur, Kanpur and Lucknow (15 July 1946). In constitution Making Process : The elections were held for the formation of Constituent Assembly. The members were elected by the members of provincial assemblies. Ambedkar was unable to get elected to the Assembly from Bombay Provincial Legislative Assembly as there were no members of his own party to support his candidature. Then he got elected from Bengal Province with the help of one S.C.F. leader in Bengal and Muslim League members, in the assembly. However, due to the partition of Bengal under the Indian Independence Act, the seat won by Ambedkar was lost, Ultimately the Congress realizing the talent and integrity got him elected from Bombay Provincial Legislature, in place of Mr. Jayakar who had resigned. 92The Constituent Assembly met on December 9, 1946 and elected Dr. Rajendra Prasad as its president. in the Assembly Ambedkar prepared a memorandum which envisaged state socialism, parlimamentary democracy and the special privileges to the scheduled castes. It was published in the form of a brochure under the title ‘State and Minorities’. The Assembly also resolved to abolish untouchability, Ambedkar was included in the first cabinet of free India as a Law Minister, and he carried out his responsibility with a sense of devotion, He was successful in incorporating the safeguards in the Draft Committee but it did not mean that he was interested in safe guarding dalit interests.ontf. He was writing a constitution for India as a whole. He had a broad vision of the kind of society and polity that should be brought into existence in independent India. He categorically maintained that the basic unit of Indian polity was not the village. He also rejected caste as the basic unit. The unit was an individual, and a state and at the top there was the centre. He did not share any kind of romanticism about the village community. Overall he vauchsafed many benefits for larger section of the society But the constitution did not provide for separate electorates either for Scheduled Castes or the religious minorities. The constitution created special office of Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled 3Tribes, whose task was to report the parliament from time to time on the measures taken and the result achieved by the central and state governments for promoting the welfare of these people. At the later stage, the parliament enacted the Untouchability Offences Act (1955), making the practice of untouchability in public places a cognisable offence. Then, the constitution created a framework under which conditions for social, civic and politcal equality could become a reality, if the laws were observed in spirit. Ambedkar was generally satisfied with what he had been able to achieve for the weaker section of India's population. * As a law minister, his role was secondary as compared to his role as a Member and Chairman of Drafting Committee. The constitution was finally adopted on the 26 November 1949. As Law Minister, he introduced Representation of People’ Bill in 1950, He introduced Hindu Code Bill, which was widely criticised by the orthodox Hindus, including Congress Party members. Ambedkar resigned from central cabinet on 28th September 1951 on these controversial grounds. In Post Independence Activt Policies : After his resignation, Ambedkar drafted manifesto of All India Scheduled Caste Federation for the first parliamentary elections under the new constitution. It was third manifesto that Ambedkar had drafted for 94the purpose of election. The first was in 1936, the second was in 1942 and third in 1951. The newly drafted manifesto contained many important matters like, statements on party workings, policy and programme, the principles of liberty and parliamentary system, Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes cooperation, problem of poverty, linguistic states, backward castes welfare, etc. In the election S.C.F. met with same failure as in previous elections. There were several factors contributing to this defeat : rift between alliance partners, his advocacy of Kashmir partition during the election campaign, criticism of Nehru, and his speech before the Bombay Muslims where he spoke the validity of separate electorates were a few to mention; and these went against him. These points damaged his image, Admiration and sympathy he had received from people for his work as a Chairman of Constitution Drafting Committy were at a discount. Organizational flaws also contributed to its failure in elections. Between the 1952-1954 Ambedkar continued to be active in politics. He criticised the Government on several issues. The major political project he took before his death on 6" December 1956 was to transform the S.C.F. into a party which would speak for all disadvantaged classes, including Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Backward Classes. His reformist orientation, liberal sympathies and admiration of 95Abraham Lincoln had contributed major share in his thinking about new party. Towards the end of his life Ambedkar was willing to wind up the S.C.F. and establish a new party, i.e. Republican Party of India. According to him the party was to accommodate the non-scheduled castes to work as a strong opposition party to the mighty Congress and strive for the success of democracy. The new party was to represent a reversion to the class model of political organization. The entire life of Ambedkar was a mission of distinguished programming and contribution in mobilizing dalit people by providing them independent ideology and scholarly vision. The political mobilization of dalits in India occupies an important place in national politics. Post-Ambedkar Dalit Politicial Mobilization Republican Party of India: yy The party came into existence on 3” October, 1957 at the conference at Nagpur. The ancestry of the Republican Party of India (RPI) can be traced back to the late 1920s when the British Government convened Round Table Conferences to provide political representation to the Scheduled Castes. Ambedkar was nominated as the representative of the Depressed Classes. He insisted on separate electorates for the Depressed Classes. Through establishment of various political organizations, he appealed to the Scheduled Caste people to win power 9%through unity. *? Though the ideology and objectives of the party were announced by Ambedkar, he could not form it due to his sudden demise. The party was formed immediately after his death. The aims and objectives of the party were the same as they are incorporated in the preamble of the Indian Constitution, namely “Justice, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity".“* The constitution of R.P.I. was framed by B.C. Kamble, Babu Haridas Awale and Barrister Knobragade and was implemented on 10 March 1959. The R.P.I. however sought strength in the philosophy of Ambedkar. The history of RPI right from its creation is not all too palatable. The leadership vacuum created after the death Ambedkar became the dilemma in the party. At the very beginning, the changing political situation had brought many challenges to its existence and smooth working. The party itself came into existence amidst many troublesome factors. These factors did not allow the party to work with spirit with which it was formed to remain loyal to Ambedkar's teachings. The debate and disagreement over the representation and claim over the legacy of Ambedkar became points of dispute among the Ambekdar followers. The disintegration of the party had started at the very beginning of its foundation. The first split in the party was brought about by B.C. Kamble and Rupwate, the senior most members of the ”party, in 1958. There were divisions and dividing opinions among the party leaders. The party programme, personal ego, and issue of alliance with Congress, had contributed to the damage of the party unity. In its political history, the party was divided and united a number of times. The party had delivered factional politics to its people. The partyt~ stalwarts associated with Ambedkar developed their own factions. The factor began with Dadasaheb Gaikwad, R.S. Gawai, Rupwate, Khobragade, Bhandare, Bhayyasaheb Ambedkar, and this legacy has continued down to the new generation leaders like, Prakash Ambedkar, Ramdas Athwale, Jogendra Kawade and host of others. Ambedkarites like Raja Dhale, Namdev Dhasal showed their separate existence and style of working through dalit Panther, The alliance politics and association with Congress have been the major obstacles in its unity. In every election the RPI factions defeated each other or supported other parties. In this factional politics, Congress became the major gainer. After the creation of Maharashtra State, Congress Party became the only powerful party in the State politics. Though it has a strong base datriong Dalits, the party has not been successful in its infiltration into ex-Mahar (Neo-Buiddhist) community. The various fractions of R.P.I. have their own followers, and their mobilization is based on regions and leadership. They get associated with The Congress Party at the election time to have 98adjustment for sharing power. The lack of coordination and mutual understanding as well as selfish motives of some leaders has kept the party cadre divided and insubordinate to Congress. The pressure and requirement of unified strength of the masses who believe in Ambedkar's teaching has led to some unification of various factions but that has not yielded positive results. The permanent problem in dalit politics at present is unity. As a party of downtrodden people, it failed to buill up strong rural base. It has no effective working organizational mechanism as compared to the other major political parties. These factions become active only eave when there are only the issues like constitutional privileges, government employment and reservation. The factions concentrate on such issues have followers who are mostly ex-Mahars or Buddhists. Therefore, the parent party is labelled as party of the ex-Mahars and Buddhists people party.*° Though the party has been stigmatised for its non-petformance and factional politics, it has important place. In its history the party has some success, essentially in protecting the interest of Scheduled Caste people. The March of landless people under the leadership of Dadasaheb Gaikwad, the agitation for the minimum wages, the issues related to slum dwellers, its vigilance over the reservation policy, the atrocities on women and 99)dalits, Propagation of Ambedkar's ideology is carried out through the party's weekly 'Prabhudha Bharat’. Celebration of Ambedkar's birthday, reserves Ambedkar's spirit in every dalit locality. It has played a prominent in securing land for Deeksha Bhoomi, and allotment of uncultivated land to the landless. These are the things in which R.P.I. has played its role.*® The division of R.P.I. in various factions has been playing an important role in state politics. Their mobilizational capacities and ideological persistence have their its base, in neo-Buddhist population in urban as well as rural areas. Dalit Panthers : Emergence of Dalit Panther! movement in dalit politics in Maharashtra in 1972 was also the beginning of a new feature for its militant version of Dr. Ambedkar's ideology and mobilization. It was a major dalit youth organization that later on was divided in various segments but continued to be a remarkable alternative to R.P.I.'s in the state. It came into existence as a revolt against R.P.I.'s disntegrating and defective politics, to serve dalit interest. Being disenchanted with overall political situation, and the growing altrocities on dalits (specially against New Buddhist Community) Dalit Panther emerged as an organization of 100educated youths in Urban setup. In 1972 the emergence of aggressive. Hindutwa ideology of the political organization of Shiva Sena also contributed to Dalit Panther's reactionary role.*” Growing dissatisfaction about development schemes and a non- beneficiary democratic process created reactive impulses in dalit youths. The Black Panther$movement in U.S.A. had provided them a model to follow a new path of mobilization. It revolutionized the dalit youth by creating literary circles and wide range of literature. It is not entirely fortuitous that their new organization should have named itself after the Black Panther movement in U.S. Since Ambedkar's time, the example of the Negroes - their struggle against the whites - had exercised considerable influence over scheduled caste leader in India. The progress of American Negroes from the peaceful path of the 1950s to the Black Panther movement, it appears, showed its parallel among the scheduled castes in India.*® The Panther leaders like Namdeo Dhasal, Raja Dhale, Arjun Dangle and J.V. Pawar flared up the youth by their literature and speeches. They had appealed dalit youth throughout the state to fight against the exploitation and discriminatory practices? of the social system. The movement spread first to the urban areas and cities like Bombay, Poona, Nasik and Aurangabad gavd became the centres for its activities due to the large number of schedule caste population living 335263 ‘onthere. The movement later penetrated into rural areas. The Dalit Panther movement in its initial period was very successful in doing its his6ric work of revitalising the dalit youths. By the working style and ideological prespéctives, Dalit Panther movement was a potential threat to the caste Hindu political organizations like Congress and Shiv Sena in Maharashtra. They began showing their reaction by boycotting elections and showing their courage to dishonour the national flag. They confronted and retaliated courageously during the riots in Worli, Naigaon and Aurangabad. Their acts added coaurage and strength to the rural dalit against dominant castes. It was reassertion of dignity and honour which was lost by R.P.I.'s politicai subordination. They assailed R.P.I. for becoming corrupt by enjoying power, and abandoining connections with dalit masses. They explicitly disavowed any blood ties between themselves and the R.P.I. and claimed that in repudiating its politics and leadership they were seeking to restore Ambedkar's heritage.°° The political difference between Dalit Panther and R.P.I. had brought out a fresh debate on Ambedkar's ideology. The participation of Dalit Panther in renaming of Marathwada Unaiversity in the name of Ambedkar, made the organization acceptable to dalit masses. The Panther volunteers were prepared to go to any extent to protect the interests of dalits and protect them if they were threatened with injustice. 102In its later phase, the ideological debate in Dalit Panther took serious turn in the process of its political development. Two major streams of ideological commitment began to be debated in Dalit Panther's organizational circle. The first of the stream is of Namdeo Dhasal who showed his inclination towards left ideology, and the other is of Raja Dhale for his commitment to Dr. Ambedkar's ideology and Buddhism. These resulted into further diversification of the organization. Dhasal and his followers, associated with left forces, had clarified their stand that dalit struggle must be connected with the large-scale struggle of working class struggle in the world. Raja Dhale, the other leader and ideologoue, had opposed Marxist inclination of the organization, instead he emphasized Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism should be considered as the ideological base of the organization. The disagreement came to surface when Namdeo Dhasal published his manifesto. In 1974, Raja Dhale expelled Dhasal and his companions by alleging disloyalty on their part. The split weakend the very spirit of the movement. Subsequently it was disintegrated into a few sectarian groups. Dhale and Dhasal had major disagreement in their attitudes towards the communists and other left parties as political allies and towards the Buddhist conversion and its implications for the dalits.°! Raja Dhale himself had launched another 103organization called 'Mass Movement’ on 7 March 1977. He confined himself with Buddha's teaching. Dalit Panther as an organization is found in various sections but it lacks militant spirit which was evident at the time of its emergence. Today it is divided among many small areawise fractions claiming original identity and ideology. They are trying to mobilize dalit local masses at various issues, especially local issues, but the party has lost national or state wise strength and is almost moribund. Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism is very important in struggle for dalit liberation in India. This decdision to conversion had created deep impact on political process. It split the struggle and proved to be an debatable subject as far as dalit political mobilization is concerned. Ir CONVERSION TO BUDDHISM The Decision : Ambedkar's final effort to mobilize dalit people to achieve equality was the act of conversion to Buddhism. It was unique and peaceful refusal of existing socio-religious identity based upon discrimination and oppression. Prior to his conversion to Buddhism Ambedkar had tried to secure respectable place for his fellow-castemen in Hindu social system but unfortunately he could not succeed in his efforts. During his 104satyagraha period he demanded an equal access to drinking water and temple entry for the dalit people. He made a moral appealed“to upper castes to reform their religious regulations which debarred and refused equal treatment to dalits in public life. After spending long period spending in struggle, he was rewahded with setback and opposition. Therefore, he expressed anger and frustration by burning sacred code book of Hindus, ‘Manusmruti' ceremonially, as a symbolic protest move. Ambedkar had tried to put forward grievances of dalit people on national and internatinal platform. His exposition received attention by many major organisations and leaders in India. The demand for reformation geared up but it could not receive positive response. In this depressing situation Ambedkar prepared his mind to discard the Hindu faith, In 1927 during the Mahad satyagraha, he served a warning that he could be forced to think of leaving the Hindu faith as an alternative for the salvation of his people.*? His intention of conversion he expressed first time publicly on 25" May 1929 at Jalgaon, where to his fellow castemen, he stated that, disabilities imposed upon dalits would continue if they remained in the Hindu fold.®? Consequently later on 4" June 1929, twelve Mahars converted themselves to Islam.** At Yeola conference in Nasik district on 13" October 1935, as its President, he delivered an important speech in which he spelt out his intention of conversion. It was an 105emotionally charged speech against the background of failure of satyagraha episode, It lasted over an hour and a half, in which he narrated the inhuman treatment meted out to them by Caste Hindus during the past five years and their struggle to secure elementary human rights under the aegis of Hinduism. He said, we had been unsuccessful in our efforts to bring about a change in the Hindu heart, therefore, it is futile to waste our energies in future trying to get redress of our grievances from caste Hindus. He expressed the opinion that the time had come to make a decision in this matter and settle their future. The disabilities which the dalits were suffering from were the result of their membership of the Hindu community. Ambedkar advised them to severe their connection with Hinduism and to embrace some other religion. He also warned dalits to be very careful in choosing the new faith and that they should confrim that the new faith had the principle of equality of treatment, status and opportunities, of progress and it must be guaranteed unreservedly.*° Ambedkar wanted that his people should be mentally prepared for the change in faith as he himself was. As a leader of dalit movement he strongly reacted the criticism and allegations levelled against his decision of conversion. In his efforts to prepare dalits for the event, he appealed them to think introspectively about their place in Hinduism. In the 106Bombay district Mahar People Conference in May 1936, he made moral appeal by giving several examples of social inequalities persisted by caste Hindus against them. He emphasized the need for conversion as a necessity to the dalit people for better life. °° The resolution moved by B.K. Gaikwad, the leader of the unsuccessful Kalaram temple satyagraha in Nasik, indicated the reason for the conversion that it was not a positive belief in another religion but a rejection of Hinduism.°” The declaration of conversion became the strategic part of Ambedkar's long struggle against the prejudicial politics on national scale. He strategically utilized the sufficient period of time to actual conversion which took place in October 1956. He suggested many points including abolition of birth based or hereditary priesthood and customary regulation which spoiled the religion.®® It was the period when Ambedkar was vaccillating between the two themes : to fight against the discriminations imposed by the upper castes i.e. whether to stay within the Hindu religion or to abandon Hinduism altogether. However, in 1956, Ambedkar resolved the dilemma by accepting Buddhism and abandoning Hinduism which also meant giving up caste. A large number of his followers accepted Buddhism which upheld egalitarian values.°? In May 1950 in an issue of of Mahabodhi, Ambedkar stated that the religion must fulfill the following conditions - (i) It must be based on morality, 107(ii) It must be compatible with scientific spirit. (ii) Tt must recognize the fundamental tenets of liberty, equality and fraternity. (iv) It should not sanctify or glorify poverty.© Though the conversion announcement was made without reference to any particular religion, his leaving Hinduism was sure. He was well aware of available options. He showed inclination towards Buddhism from his childhood when he had recived a book on Buddha from his teacher, Mr. Keluskar Krishnaji Arjun.®* According to Ambedkar only Buddhism fulfilled all the required conditions. In his lecture on 5 May 1950 at Bombay, he stated that the moral teaching of Buddhism is permanent and based onthe principles of equality. He visited Colombo in May 1950 to observe the Buddhist ceremonies and ritulas. In the conference he defended Buddhism had survived in the form of its spiritual power. He advised the Sinhali dalits to accept Buddhism and requested the Ceylon Buddhists to work for the upliftment of these people.®? He wrote several articles on Buddhism in which he compared Buddha's teaching with other religions. The actual conversion ceremony took place on 14" October 1956 at Nagpur. Ammbximately 40,00,000 people attended it and converted into Buddhism. Feeling of liberation, regeneration and even rebirth was 108experienced by most Mahar people. This conversion gave new identity to the dalit people. Their shame, inferiority and degradation were washed away by this change in faith.°> Now as Buddhists they stand for equalitarian values which Buddhism propagates. The ongoing struggle of dalit people to achieve equality has intensified with this new identity. It was rightly pointed out that the conversion to Buddhism is nothing but an assertion of self respect and protest against the religion of upper caste Hindus.°° The Role of Conversion in Mobilization : Ambedkar had postponed his decision to quit Hinduism for twenty years, he gave enough time to caste Hindus to think introspectively, but ultimately perturbed and agonised by their inhuman treatment to the dalits, he end raced Budhaism. This twenty years period was very crucial in Ambedkar's as well as dalit's socio-political life. Ambedkar had spent entire span of time to build up the potential challenge to this upper caste psyche by creating consensus among dalits for mobilization. As a leader of dalits he tried to participate in every political development taking place in colonial India. The ongoing freedom struggle and transfer of power occupied major space in everybody's life in India. Ambedkar tried to put forward the Dalit agenda on the priority basis to secure future prospects for them from British government. He made a statement before the 109Southbrough Committee on Franchise Testimony (1919), spoKt at the Round Table Conferences (1930-1932) and before signatory’Poona Pact (1932), to secure the rights for dalits. Ambedkar was mobilizaing the dalits for the struggle. His political organization and political parties stood for meaningful impact on national politics. He tried to maintain the spirit of separation in every, move based upon the social reality. The well being of dalits didnot rest with upper caste Hindus, was the central theme of his politcal movement. The announcement of conversin in Yeola (1935) played a major role in Ambedkar's political movement in period. He was more conerned with his social achievements, some times throwing him into a state of disappointment. The decision of conversion was an integral part of his struggle against the upper caste Hindus. He had waited long to if there was any change in the psyche of the caste : Hindus. He tried to shift and shape his mission in different ideological directions when he realized the vainness of his hope. His conversion to Buddhism was completion of his ideological mission. It had deep impact on dalit peoples lives as they viewed it as their new birth. India had witnessed several conversions in history. The 19" and 20" century conversions to Christianity were viewed both as the result of material inducement and exclusively religious in nature. The conversion noof untouchables to Christianity in South India had its own history. The consolidation of British power and colonial occupational interest had weaken the traditional socio-economic system. The effect of Bhakti movement had enhanced the hope in untouchables’ for better living. The dominance of landlords and Brahmanical supremancy over social interaction made life intolerable. The Christianity worked in such situation as an external agent of change.°” Untouchable viewed Christianity as a mechanism to accelerate and get benefits in the changing circumstances. The process of Christianisation started from the anti-Brahmin sentiment and culminated in the fragmentations and differences among the converts themselves. The differences continue according to region, caste and rank, The quarrel over the ceremonial rights and equal treatment is found everywhere in churches of convert Christians. The castwise treatment and inter-relationship continued in Churches. The dominance of particular major caste af‘has led to hostility among the Christians. The lower caste person or an ‘untouchable’ still faces stigmon of heirignal caste and is forced to enter the church building through different entrances. He prays in different sections of the building and receives communion at separate railings.®* The segregation of the “unctouchalbe’ in church has put a question mark on the relationship of conversion and social change in India. The Nadars, Ezhavas and Syrian Christians in mnSouth India had a quarrel with other converts over the dominance in Church affairs in respective areas.®° The social distance, rituals among the Christian community make it impossible to speak about the unified or ‘one Christian community in India. There are many groups with differing backgrounds. All of them are conditioned by their local environment and history. They have knowingly or unknowingly integrated in their past values and customs within what they consider is a Christian perspective. Consequently, they have retained many aspects of casteism, based upon their social origins. Many Christians do not consider it as incompatible with the Christian message of equality, just as many westerners do not see any contradiction between class distinction and the Christian message. They consider caste separation is a part of Indian culture since many rituals and social customs go together with one's caste.”? The identity of Christianity in India does not stand for equality. Therefore, several attempts have been made to oppose the caste oppressions against lower castes. Many Christians fee! guilty about injustice to these converts in Church. There are several groups working for the reformation and awakening of the Christian masses. The struggle within the Church by the oppressed people reveal the truth that a Christian in India maintaining casteism in Church, is not compatible with the ideology of gospel which is the base of Christianity. ”* 2Ambedkar led conversion of dalits into Buddhism in Maharashtra is open for inquiry on its objectives, necessity and outcome. This conversion made people united and organized to carry out Ambedkar's uncompleted task of achieving self-respect in caste sfaden society. In his socio political career, Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism has played a vital role. Ambedkar's conversion is not purely religious in nature but is a social movement and even after the death of Ambedkar it is perceived to be the same in free India. Immediately after the conversion, converted Buddhist people continue working with the legacy of Ambedkar. The ideology and working style of this conversion is different than the other conversions like Islamic, Christian, Arya Samajist or Sikh mass conversions. with no outside missionar help, but that of Ambedkar's inspiring leadership the neo-converts to Buddhism have maccessfully found a new identity characterized by equality. Ambedkar believed that untouchability was born out of struggle between Buddhism and Brahmanism. According to him the untouchables were originally Buddhists and their untouchability was a punishment for sticking to Buddhism. He called them "Broken men” who were forced to live outside the village from the very beginning. He further believed that the root of untouchability is found in beef-eating. It became intimately connected with the ban on cow-slaughter which was made a capital 13offence by the Gupta king in the 4" century. Therefore untouchability was born in the same period. ”” The desire to alter their position within or without the Hindu order, however, did not become social movement but represented tendency which could give a direction in the condition. Given the situation of the untouchables in the Hindu order, it is not surprising that a dissatisfaction with their religious and social position was apparent throughout the history. The desire to have change in their status in Hindu order seems to have been constant. Yet this dissatisfaction and desire has remained talent and did not result in concrete and concerted action for remedying their situation until the modern era. Its menitesiation, in the form of a purposeful movement for change, depend on other factors primarily political, which came into operation with the advert of Ambedkar.”? In its historical development, untouchable castes face similar type of injustice in social arrangement. Ambedekar had tried to liberated all untouchable castes from this burden, by getting support of all of them, but his decision to quit Hinduism was not accepted by many untouchable castes. These castes had participated in earlier reform programmes like Satyagraha movements for equal access to drinking water and temple entry agitations. The Yeola announcement of the conversion became a starting point of disintegration of dalit unity. The chambhar and Mang 114untouchable castes gradually withdrew their support and the Mahar caste became predominant in the movement. They promptly repudiated his advice as inimical to the best interest of the country. The criticism took two forms; firstly, the opinion that untouchability was a phenomenon peculiar to Hinduism and Hindu society, and therefore its resolution could only be effected through the Hindu fold; secondly, conversion to another faith would not fundamentally change the position of the untouchables. Instead of being untouchables in dwindling numbers in Hinduism, they would be untouchables in another. Ambedkar's colleague at Round Table Conference, Mr R. Srinivasan had reacted against Yeola announcement as it would weaken the numerical strngth of the Depressed Classes and encourage their oppressors. He advised his community to keep up their strength and fight for their rights and ori? He sincerely hoped that Ambedkar would change his mind.”* Another associate of Ambedkar, B.J. Deorukhker, thought that it would be extremely inopportune for depressed classes to think of getting out of the Hindu fold. In his view, change of religion will not bring about an improvement of status automatically. There are inequalities in one form or another in almost all religious.”> N.S. Kajrolkar expressed his indignation by saying that decision of conversion shocked him and that Ambedkar was asking them to commit suicide. For him religion was not a commodity which could be 4sexchanged easily.” P.G. Solanki, a close associate of Ambedkar and a member of Bombay Legislative Council had disapproved the decision and suggested that they would have to wait at least ten years for the outcome of Poona Pact and also give the chance to younger generation to fight for 77 There were many other prominent leaders of various equality. untouchable castes who presented their opposition. Some of them were Moti Ram, G.M. Taware, P.Baloo, Rasiklal Bishas and Prof. N. Shivraj who suggested foundation of new religion instead of converting to another religion.”® The disappointement among the non-Mahar Dalit caste working previously under the leadership of Ambedkar was inteptt€d by Congress, and very well. Gandhi started Harijan Sevak Sangh.as a movement in 1930 which was basically a congress manifesto. ”? The combined efforts of Congressmen and Shri Savarkar led Hindu Mahasabha made these differences among depressed classes sharp which intensified the opposition to Ambedkar very much. The contract between M.C. Rajah and Dr. B.S. Moonje (Hindu Mahasabha) on the reserved seats in a general constituency in 1932, and the overall electroral politics among Dalit caste leaders sharpened the rift in Ambedkar's political movement. M.C. Rajah proved to be the chief rival of Ambedkar's politics after the Poona Pact.®? When the other untouchable castes separated themselves 116due to the conversion of Ambedkar decision, Mahar caste to which Ambedkar belonged to stood firmly behind him. The advancement in education due to the British politics and their history of organised agitation in pre-Ambedkar period, Mahar people organized as a strod firmly behind Ambedkar, supporting him in his decision. The process of political awakening and consolidation of Mahar caste people for the political action was noticeable in the political organization and political parties including independent Labour Party and All India Scheduled Caste Federation established by Ambedkar. The announcement of the conversion added a powerful new issue for mobilization within Mahar community. The new phase of agitation and awakening took place in their life. The various political meetings, music and drama and jalsas became a very effective medium to propagate Ambedkar's teachings and solution to the problems of untouchability. In accordance with his earlier decision at ‘Yeola’ in October 1935. Dr. Ambedkar delivered a speech in All India Bombay District Mahar Parishad, he stressed the need for conversion, with all shortcomings of Hinduism. He tried to focus on certain essential points in this regard by saying that though the conversion is very important it is also very difficult for laymen to comprehend unless they understange/ it correctly. Without such preparation it would be difficult to actualise religious conversion. uN7Therefore, he said would try to make them understand it in as much as easy as frenneried possible.** The announcement of conversion had becdme the starting point of second phase of Ambedkar's political movement. In this phase the only Mahars people were mentally prepared to associate with Ambedkar and on the other side the process of opposition and denouncement continued to obstruct the drocess. As a result the denouncement of the Hindu religion became the powerful theme in the mobilizational activity. It was a religious protest response of Mahars under the leadership of Ambedkar.’ In his efforts Ambedkar delivered a speech in 1950 on Buddha Jayanti day at Delhi in which he mounted attack on Hindu gods and goddesses and praised Buddhism as an only religion based on moral principles. Besides, he pointed out, unlike the founders of other religions, who considered themselves the emissarires of god, the Buddha regarded himself only a guide and thus gave a revolutionary meaning of the concept of religion. He said that if Hinduism stood for inequality, Buddhism stood for equality. * The shifting of ideological stand over dalit problem after the announcement of conversion, Ambedkar started orienting his fellowmen through Buddha's teachings. He delivered the message to them by asking them not to stick up to Hindu identity and advised them to stop the traditional work of dragging the bodies of the dead cattle out of the village and the practice 118,of eating carrion and that should dress well, and should not beg and educate their children for self-respecting. Recalling the twenty years of progress in 1942, he said that the scheduled caste people had stopped eating dead animals, flesh and did not observe meaningless Hindu customs. Now he was in a position to send representatives to the legislative council. In the same year he congratulated his audience for their political awareness (near about 75,000 had attended the public meeting), good progress in education, and entry into the police and army. ® In his pronouncement of dalits rights, he declared that untouchables were not part of Hindu society and that they had distinct and separate interest from the Hindus. Therefore, he advocated independent political platform as well as political mobilization. | Ambedkar emphasized independent political model. Controversy between Gandhi and Ambedkar started on this ground. After the announcement of conversion at Yeola, theissue reappeared apd again in Ambedkar's political strategy. The Mahars backed this the decision and got converted to Buddhism. Therefore, in a way this is the conversion of Mahar people only. This conversion movement still continues even after the death of Ambedkar on 6" December 1956. The existence of orthodox Hindu social system and the mentality to give sub human treatment to the dalits is the caste behind 19this. The whole mass of dalits have not caffie under conversion and the movement for continus equality. The Buddhist society of India, organizaed by Ambedkar in 1955 has been continuing the movement. Many conversion ceremonies have been held in different parts of the country. Several Buddhist viharas have been constructed for the religious use and socio-religious gatherings. The renewal work of many Stupas and Buddhist memorials has been undertaken as a part of revival of the Buddhist spirit in India. There is a monumental help hemispherical dome to commemorate the mass revival of Buddhism in India at the site where Ambedkar had embracced Buddhism.® The impact of conversion is largely found in Mahar people's personal life as nearly about 90 % Mahar people have accepted Buddhism. They stopped practising Hinduism and threw Hindu deities out of their houses. The conversion was followed by the replacement of all pictures of Hindu gods and goddess with the portraits of the Buddha and Ambedkar. The large number of publications regarding Ambedkar's life mission, his writings, songs praising him began to appear. This literature haS available at many stalls, set up on in every Ambedkar and Buddha birth day celebrations sight in every city. The people believing Ambedkar's teaching purchase this literature to increase their awareness. The Buddhist Society of India and many other religious organizations make people aware about Buddhism and its rituals. Themajor centres of the Buddhist society in Maharashtra are in Nagpur. Poona and Mumbai. There are also centres working in towns like Dhulia, Nasik, Aurangabad and Sangamner and other towns and each centre maintains its links with nearby villages in the areas. These centres are engaged in activities in teaching the Buddhist principles and perform various ceremonies at functions such as marriage and death. They have started many schools and hostels as well as community centres to establish Buddhist identity of converted people. There are almost all political parties working under Ambedkar's ideology, who have accepted the need of such Buddhist organization in social life. °” The leaders of Buddhist people to visit these centres and render in solving to solve their problems. The propagation of Buddhism was a top priority in Ambedkar's last phase of life. He used various means, to make his people believe in Buddha's teachings. In December 1954, in a speech in Rangoon he said that he wished to establish Buddhist viharas in the four metropolitan cities in India, In the same month, speaking at opening of a new Buddhist temple in Pune, Ambedkar declared that he was going to withdraw himself from all other activities and would devote to the spread of Buddhism. He also said that the enemies of Buddhism would have no place in India and predicted that his new movement would annihilate Brahmanism. °° Ambedkar firmly believed that the success of temporal life depends on 121creating responsible citizens which is possible through the moral strength of religion. hé agreed with Edmund Burke that “religion is necessary for the survival of the society. Further, he wished to bring about a change in society by combining the principles of morality with rationality. °° Ambedkar was very specific about his objectives in political movement, for him these problems were basically social in nature and only religion and social movement would help to solve them. The political movement could not proceed unless it has social base. He asserted the model of Buddha is more accurate than communism and in that sense Buddha was more scientific, rational and progressive. Therefore, he emphasised that the use of Buddhism was more useful in achieving socialism. °° The reinterpretation of Buddhism as ‘Dhamma’ by Ambedkar brought about a code of conduct and objectivities in the life of Buddhists. ‘Dhamma’ means a way of life, devoid of any dat worship or rituals. It rejected mystification, belief in God and soul, fanaticism, dogmatism and all other incomprehensible characteristics of religion. His Buddhism is based on scientific, rational, egalitarian, democratic and secular principles. It does not believe in casteism, untouchability and superstitious beliefs of the Hindu religion.°* He strongly advocated conversion to Buddhism as it would enchance the social status of the dalits, by removing the stigma 122of untouchability, & would restore their self-esteem and dignity and that the conversion would help them to establish separate cultural identity. °* The positive impact of conversion was in the words of Shankarrao Kharat, well known Marathi writer that spread as a wave of passion and welcomed by most of the people who believed in Ambedkar's leadership. They called themselves ‘Buddhist’ and saluted themselves pronouncing ‘Jai Bhim’ with pride. The name of 'Maharwada' was renamed as ‘Buddhawada'. The statues of Ambedkar and Buddha are installed in every Buddhist locality or at the major places of every big or small cities. These statues have becafne the symbol of existence of Buddhist people in the area. The mixture of religion and political activities of the Buddhist people are is different from other religion-political parties. The demand and urge for equality and human dignity is the basis of Buddhist religio- political parties. It has a legacy of Ambedkar's historic struggle for equality. As per the other details are concern, the overall political development among dalit in Maharashtra has gradually shifted in opposite direction. The decision of conversion to Buddhism has widened the split permanently. The dalits are divided by their religious identity now. These caste groups have differences on many social issues in their long. socio- cultural history. There was a shared common dalit identity. Their commonness and differences need to be studied properly to understandtheir different ideological as well as political mobilization. Following chapter presents this phenomenon of dalit socio-cultural life. 124NOTES AND REFERENCES : a Raosaheb Kasabe, ‘Ambedkarwad' (in Marathi). Buddhist Pub House, Nagpur, 1978, p.24 Chandra Bharill, ‘Social_and Political ideas of B.R. Ambedkar,’ Aalekh Pub. Jaipur, 1971, p.1. Gail Omvedt, ‘Dalits and the Democratic Revolution :_Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India’ Sage Pub., New Delhi, 1994, pp.233-224. See how Congress gave up the programme Tilak Swarj Fund started in 1921 to deal with untouchables’ problems and lack of spirit of congressmen in working for untouchables problems is widely discussed by Dr. Ambedkar in What congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables. Ed by Vasant Moon Educatin Dept. Govt. of Maharashtra., pp.19-39. See the Point of Untouchable politics is discussed by M. Glen and Sipra Bose Gonnoson in Gupta Giri Rai (ed) Cohension and conflict in modern India. Vikas Pub. House Pvt. Ltd., Bombay, 1978, pp. 76-79. Eleanor Zelliot, ‘From Untouchables to Dalit _: Essays on the Ambedkar movement,’ Manohar Pub., New Delhi, 1990, p p. 61- 62. 12510. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. Joseph Mathew : ‘Ideology, Protes jal Mobility : Use study of Mahars and Pulayas', Loc Cit , pp.60-61 See Shankarrao Kharat edited, Dr, Babasaheb Ambedkaranchi Patre (in Marathi)', Indrayani Sahitya Prakashan, Pune, 1990, pp. 73-74. See M.S. Gore, ‘The Social Contact of an Ideology : Ambedkar's political and social thought! Loc Cit, p. 75. Eleanor Zelliot, "Gandhi and Ambedkar : A study in leadershi M.J. Mather (ed) ‘The Untouchables in Contemporary India’ Unviersity of Arizon Press, Arizon, 1972m p.70. Nandu Ram, ‘Beyond Ambedkar : Essays on Dalit in India‘, Har- Anand Pub. New Delhi, 1995, p.62. 7, The See what congress and Gandhi have done to the untouchable Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar writing and speaches Vol.9. Education department, Govt. of Maharashtra 1980 - Also see debate on abolition of untouchability in Barbara Joshi ‘Democracy and Search for Equality. Hindustan Pub. House, Delhi, 1982, pp.42- 57 M.S. Gore, ‘Social Context of Ideology’, Loc cit, p.75. Ibid p.75. Ibid p.77. 12616. ae 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. See Shankarrao Kharat (ed) ‘Dr. Babasaheb edkaranchi Patre', Op. Cit pp. 6-21. C.B. Khairmode, ‘Dr. Bhimrao Ramji_Ambedkar, Vol.3'_(in Marathi), Sugawa Pub., Pune, 1964, pp 17-27. Eleanor Zelliot, ‘Learning the use of political means : The Mahars of Mahashtra', in Rajani Kothari (ed) ‘Caste in India Politics’, Orient Longman Ltd., New Delhi, 1970, p.43. See C.B. Khairmode, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Vol.3, Chapter 16- The judicial fight and reaction against the satyagrah was narrated in detail, Sugava Prakashan, Pune, pp. 226-265. Ibid. pp.267-358. The temple entry satyagraha narrated in detail by another. M.S. Gore, ‘The Social Context of an Ideology’, Loc Cit, p.93. Bharill chandra ‘Social political thought of B.R. Ambedkar’ Alekh Publishers, Jaipur - 1977 pp.47-48. Ibid. p 110. M.S. Gore, ‘The Social Context of an Ideology’, Loc Cit, p.115 Ibid. p. Jr. Kamble, ‘Rise and awakening of depressed classes in India‘, National Pub. House, 1979, p.104. Ibid, p.105 12728. 29, 30. 31. 32. x. 34. 35. 36. 37. Ibid p.113. M.S. Gore, Loc Cit, P.131. See C.B. Khairmode, ‘Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar’, Vol. VII, pp. 10-14. Ibid. pp. 47-50. See Namdev Dhasal, ‘Ambedkar Chalwal ani Socialist- Communist, (in Marathi) Ambedkar Prabhodini Pub. Mumbai, 1981. R.K. Kshirsagar, ‘Political thought of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar,’ Intellectual Pub. House, New Delhi, 1991, p.95. Ibid p.4. See C.B, Khairmode, ‘Dr. Bhimrao Ramji_ Ambedkar, Vol.-VII, pp.86-105. See. Namdeo Dhasal ‘Ambedkari Chalwal ani Socialist Communist (Marathi) Loc Cit and also Bhaskar Luxaman Bhole, 'Dr._Ambedkarancha_Vaicharik_Varasa' (in Marathi) Sugava Prakashan, Pune, pp.51.92. Jayshree Gokhale, ‘From Concessions to confrontation _: The politics of an India Untouchable Community’, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1993, p.142. 12838. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44, 45. 46. 47. 48. Eleanior Zelliot in Rajni Kothari (ed) Caste in Indian politics orient. Op. Cit, . 1970, pp.52.53. Eleanor Zelliot, Fronm Untouchable to Dalit : Essays on the Ambedkar Movement’, Loc Cit, pp. 108-09. See-nine resolutions of AISCF in R.K. Kshirsagar ‘Political thought of Dr, Babasaheb Ambedkar’, Op.Cit., p.100. See Eleanor Zelliot, ‘From Untouchable to Dalit’, Op.Cit, p.109. Dhananjay Keer, 'Dr. Ambedkar (in Marathi) Popular Prakashan, Mumbai, II ed, 1991, pp. 390-91. See M.S. Gore, ‘The Social Context of an Ideology’, Loc Cit, pp. 185-86. T.K. omen, ‘Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes’, in S.C. Dube (ed) ‘Indian since independence - Social report of India 1947-1972', Vikas Pub. House, New Delhi, 1977, p./178-79. Ibid. p.179. Ibid p.182. Ibid. pp. 180-181. Jayashree Gokhale, 'From Concessions to confrontation’, Loc Cit, p.270. S.D. ‘Children of God became Panthers’, Economic and Political Weekly, Bombay, Special Number, August 1973. 12949. 50. 51. 52. a. A. 55. 56. 57. See Chapter ‘Dalit literary movement and Dalit Panther Movement’ in Lata Murugkar' Dalit Panther Movement in Maharashtra‘, Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1991, pp. 48-60. Jayashree Gokhale, Op. Cit, p.268. Jayashree B. Gokhale-Turner. ‘The Dalit Panthers and the Radicalisation of the untouchables’, Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, Vo. XVII, Mar. 1979, No. 1 p.89. 3.R. Kamble, Rise and Awakening of Depressed Classes in India, Op Cit, p.194. Ddhananjay Keer, ‘Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar! (in Marathi), Popular Prakashan, 1991, Mumbai, p.139. Ibid, p.140. Trilok Nath, ‘The Politics of Depressed Classes', Deputy Publication Delhi, 198, pp.190-191. Shankarrao Kharat, 'Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkaranche Dharmantar’ (in Marathi) Indrayani Sahitya Prakashan, Pune 1990, pp. 52-65. Eleanor Zelliot, ‘The Psychological diemnsion of the Buddhist Movement in India‘, in Oddie G.A. (ed.) ‘Religion in South Asia: Religious conversions and revival movements in South Asia in Medieval and modern times', Manohar, New Delhi 1977. 13058. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. R.K. Kshirsagar, ‘Political though of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Op.Cit, p.39. M.S.A. Rao, ‘Social Movements and Social Transformation : A study of two backwa: Sse: vement_in India’. The Macmillan Company of India Ltd., Delhi, 1979, p.216. Dhananjay Keer , Op. Cit, P.435. Ibid. p.25. Ibid, pp. 437-38. Shankarrao Kharat, Op.Cit, P.159. M. Glen and Sipra Bose Johnson, ‘Social Mobility among untouchability’, in Giriraj Gupta (ed.), Cohesion and Conflict in Modern India, Vikas Pub. House, Bombay, 1978. Jayashree Gokhale, ‘The Socialogical efforts of ideological change The Buddhist conversion of Maharashtrian untouchables’, Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. XLV., No.2, February 1986, p.276. M.S.A. Rao, p.216. Walter Fernandes, ‘Caste and conversion movements in India’, Social Action, April-June 1982, Vol. 31, p.280. Ibid., p.284. Ibid., p.286. Ibid., p.289. 13171. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. Ibid., p.290. A.K. Narian, ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Buddhism and Social Change’ A Reappraisal, in A.K. Nariman and D.C. Ahir (ed.) ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Buddhism_and social change’. Dr. B.R. Publishing Corp. Delhi, 1994, p.85. Jayashree Gokhale, Op Cit, pp.160-67. Trilok Nath, Op Cit, pp. 192-193. Ibid., p.193. Keer, Op Cit, pp.260-61 Ibid. p.266. Ibid.p.271. Sunanda Patwardhan, ‘Social mobility and conversion of the Mahars', Sociological Bulletin, Vol. XVII, September 1968, p.193. Eleanor Zelloit, ‘From untouchable to dalit : An essay on Ambedkar Movement’, Manohar Pub., New Delhi, 1996, p.105. Chandra Bharill, "Social and Political ideas of B.R. Ambedkar,’ Op Cit, p.247. Joseph Mathew, ‘Ideology, protest and social mobility’, Loc Cit, p.69. M.S. Gore, ‘The social context of an ideology : Ambedkar's political and social thought’, Loc Cit, p. 249.84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91, 92. Eleanor Zelliot, from untouchable to Dalit, Op Cit, p.131. Ibid, p.131. David K. Pandyan, ‘Dr. Ambeakr and the dynamic_of_neo- Buddhist’, Gyan Pub. House, New Delhi, 1996, p.115. See Adele Fiske, ‘Scheduled Caste Buddhist Organizations’, in M.J. Mahar (ed.) Untouchable in cntemporary India, University of Arizona Press, Tuscon, Arizona, 1992, pp. 118-120. M.S. Gore, Loc Cit, p.251. Lata Murugkar, ‘Dalit Panther Movement in Maharahstra,’ Op Cit, p11. Raosaheb Kasabe, ‘Ambedkarwad' (in Marathi), Op Cit, pp.33-34. Lata Murugkar, Op Cit, p.111. Idbid, p.111. 133