“Great Spirits of All Who Lived Before”: Exploring the Original Peopling of the Americas

Through the Examination of Paleoindian Skeletal Remains

by

Hannah E. Matulek

A Thesis Submitted in Fulfillment of the

Requirements of Independent Study
in Archaeology at
The College of Wooster

Archaeology 451-452

Advisor: Dr. P. Nick Kardulias March 7th, 2017

i
 Story of “The Ancient One”
By Bearwalker

Ancient One sat in the shade of his tree in front of his cave. Red People came to him and he said to Red People,
"Tell me your vision."

And Red People answered, "The elders have told us to pray in this manner, and that manner, and it is important that
only we pray as we have been taught for this has been handed down to us by the elders."

"Hmmmm," said the Ancient One.

Then Black People came to him and he said to Black People, "Tell me your vision."

And Black People answered, "Our mothers have said to go to this building and that building and pray in this manner
and that manner. And our fathers have said to bow in this manner and that manner when we pray. And it is
important that we do only this when we pray."

"Hmmmm," said the Ancient One.

Then Yellow People came to him and he said to Yellow People, "Tell me your vision."

And Yellow People answered, "Our teachers have told us to sit in this manner and that manner and to say this thing
and that thing when we pray. And it is important that we do only this when we pray."

"Hmmmm," said the Ancient One.

Then White People came to him and he said to White People, "Tell me your vision."

And White People answered, "Our Book has told us to pray in this way and that way and to do this thing and that
thing, and it is very important that we do this when we pray."

"Hmmmm," said the Ancient One.

Then Ancient One spoke to the Earth and said, "Have you given the people a vision?" And the Earth said, "Yes, a
special gift for each one, but the people were so busy speaking and arguing about which way is right they could not
see the gift I gave each one of them." And the Ancient One asked same question of Water and Fire and Air and got
the same answer. Then Ancient One asked Animal, and Bird, and Insect, and Tree, and Flower, and Sky, and Moon,
and Sun, and Stars, and all of the other Spirits and each told him the same.

Ancient One thought this was very sad. He called Red People, Black People, Yellow People, and White People to
him and said to them. "The ways taught to you by your Elders, and your Mothers and Fathers, and Teachers, and
Books are sacred. It is good that you respect those ways, for they are the ways of your ancestors. But the ancestors
no longer walk on the Face of the Earth Mother. You have forgotten your own Vision. Your Vision is right for you
but no one else. Now each of you must pray for your own Visions, and be still enough to see them, so you can
follow the way of the heart. It is a hard way. It is a good way.

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 Abstract

The original peopling of the Americas has puzzled researchers for decades. While some evidence
points to a single wave of migration, still other data suggests two or more waves. Their reasonable
estimated arrival dates range from 14,500 to over 20,000 BP, although some scholars push back
their arrival even farther. Drawing from archaeology, genetics, historical linguistics, and physical
anthropology, the peopling of the Americas debate encompasses research from a wide range of
experts. In this study, craniometric data is examined through the means of the cranial index,
defined as the ratio calculated by multiplying the maximum width (XCB) of the head by 100, then
dividing by the maximum length of the head (GOL). Cranial indices are known to vary between
different regions of the world, suggesting that different ratios represent different geographic
affinities of peoples. I examine cranial indices from 112 individuals dating from the Terminal
Pleistocene to the Early Holocene found throughout the Americas. These indices are then
compared to the 2,524 indices from 30 populations examined in the Howells Craniometric Data
Set using basic statistical functions. Results of these tests suggest morphological affinities between
certain ancient and modern groups, offering insight into possible links between the two
populations.

Resumen

El poblamiento original de las Américas ha sido un enfoque significativo a los investigadores para
décadas. Algunos datos apuntan a una sola ola de migración, aún otros sugieren dos o más. La
fecha de llegada estimada razonable oscila entre 14.500 a más de 20.000 AP, aunque algunos
eruditos empujan su llegada aún más lejos. A partir de la arqueología, la genética, la lingüística
histórica, y la antropología física, el debate sobre el poblamiento de las Américas abarca la
investigación de una amplia gama de expertos. En este estudio, los datos craneométricos se
examinan por medio del índice craneal, definido como la relación calculada multiplicando la
anchura máxima (XCB) de la cabeza por 100, luego dividiéndose por la longitud máxima de la
cabeza (GOL). Se sabe que varían los índices craneales entre regiones diferentes del mundo, lo
que sugiere que diferentes proporciones representan diferentes afinidades geográficas de personas.
Examino índices craneales de 112 individuos que datan desde el Pleistoceno Terminal hasta el
Holoceno Temprano descubiertos en las Américas. Estos índices se comparan con los 2.524
índices de 30 poblaciones examinadas en el base de datos craneométricos Howells usando
funciones estadísticas básicas. Los resultados de esta prueba sugieren afinidades morfológicas
entre ciertos grupos antiguos y modernos, ofreciendo una visión de los posibles vínculos entre las
dos poblaciones.

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 Acknowledgements
Because this project revolves almost entirely around Native American communities and
their collective history, it would be wrong to exclude them from the acknowledgements. There are
innumerable diverse and rich heritages observed in the hundreds of tribes and nations that inhabit
the Americas. The traditions, stories, perspectives, and legacies of these peoples have surely seen
the more tragic side of history, but it is the hope of this author and many others that engagement
with and inclusion of native perspectives continues to be a growing trend among modern
researchers. It is critical to understand that a research topic to a detached scholar may represent a
very real and tangible aspect of daily life to an indigenous person or peoples. For this reason and
many more, native voices are needed in contemporary academia. It is my hope that bridges will
continue to be built between the two.
This work would not have been possible without the continuous support, feedback, and
suggestions of several irreplaceable individuals. First and foremost, I would like to thank my
advisor, Dr. P. Nick Kardulias, for his endless suggestions for ideas, background information,
relevant publications, and critical feedback. During periods of doubt, Professor Kardulias also
provided much needed reassuring words and positive reinforcement. My second reader is also
deserving of thanks and appreciation.
Library services are often under-appreciated, but throughout the course of this research,
they have proved to be of the utmost use. There are a multitude of library workers who offered so
much assistance this year— particularly Lorna Flynn from ILLiad who delivered myriad hard-to-
find publications, Jacob Heil from Digital Scholarship, and other librarians involved with the
CONSORT, OhioLink, and ILLiad systems.
Denise Monbarren, head of Special Collections, is gratefully recognized as one of my main
sources of encouragement. Denise always provides a listening ear and a level of understanding
that parallels no other. She has also posed some critical questions that have helped me better
prepare for the oral defense aspect of Independent Study.
There are a number of individuals who assisted in creating the more intricate graphs of this
study— Professor Anne Nurse of the Sociology and Anthropology Department, Professor Jim
Hartman of the Math Department, Professor Greg Wiles of the Geology Department, Isaac Parker,
and Cara Peterson, who solved the final graphing issue.
I would also like to thank my best friends Holly, Bridgette, and Mark for being the best
support system I could have asked for as well as for helping with odds and ends of this project.
My mother Lori also provided endless support, love, and feedback whenever she could, as did
much of my family. I would like to give special thanks and appreciation to my grandmother,
Carmel (Orsini) Matulek, who has—both in the past as well as recently— shown me the necessity
of taking life one day at a time and completing each task with the best effort you can muster. Her
strength, unwavering spirit, and unconditional love are qualities I hope to maintain later in life.
For these reasons and more, I wish to dedicate this work to her.
These individuals have made this project possible and I am so very grateful for each and
every one of them.

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 Table of Contents
Story of “The Ancient One” ......................................................................................................................... ii
Abstract ....................................................................................................................................................... iii
Acknowledgements ...................................................................................................................................... iv
List of Tables ............................................................................................................................................. viii
Figure Credits............................................................................................................................................... ix
Chapter 1 -- Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 1
Problem Statement .................................................................................................................................. 1
Journey to the New World ........................................................................................................................ 4
A note on vocabulary and the origins of anthropological study ............................................................... 6
Early anthropological approaches to diverse societies and race ............................................................... 7
Anthropometry and craniometry as a viable means of studying human biological diversity ................. 12
A more modern view of “race” ............................................................................................................... 15
General history of the Peopling of the Americas .................................................................................... 20
Chapter 2 — Theory ................................................................................................................................... 25
Plausibility of Human Migration in the Terminal Pleistocene................................................................ 25
Past Geologic Studies ............................................................................................................................. 26
Modern Geologic Studies ....................................................................................................................... 27
Physical Anthropology............................................................................................................................ 30
Dental evidence ................................................................................................................................... 31
Genetics ............................................................................................................................................... 34
Linguistic Anthropology ......................................................................................................................... 40
Multiple migration models ...................................................................................................................... 42
Coastal Entry/Maritime Route ................................................................................................................ 47
A Pleistocene Journey to the West .......................................................................................................... 50
Explanation of Model ............................................................................................................................. 54
Chapter 3 — Methods ................................................................................................................................. 57
Data Acquisition ..................................................................................................................................... 59
Creating the GIS map.............................................................................................................................. 60
Statistical Analyses ................................................................................................................................. 60
Chapter 4 — Data ....................................................................................................................................... 62
North America ....................................................................................................................................... 63
Whitewater Draw, Arizona ................................................................................................................. 63
Gordon Creek, Colorado ..................................................................................................................... 64

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 Melbourne, Florida ............................................................................................................................. 65
Vero Beach, Florida ............................................................................................................................ 66
Buhl, Idaho .......................................................................................................................................... 68
Browns Valley, Minnesota .................................................................................................................. 70
Pelican Rapids, Minnesota .................................................................................................................. 70
Sauk Valley, Minnesota ...................................................................................................................... 73
Anzick (Wilsal), Montana ................................................................................................................... 75
Arch Lake, New Mexico ..................................................................................................................... 77
Horn Shelter No. 2, Bosque County, Texas ........................................................................................ 80
Midland, Texas ................................................................................................................................... 82
Wilson-Leonard, Texas ....................................................................................................................... 84
Kennewick, Columbia River, Washington.......................................................................................... 86
Hoyo Negro, Tulum, Quintana Roo, Mexico...................................................................................... 96
Peñon de los Baños Hill, Mexico City, Mexico .................................................................................. 99
South America ...................................................................................................................................... 107
Lagoa Santa, Minas Gerais, Brazil.................................................................................................... 107
Atacama Desert, northern Chile ........................................................................................................ 109
Baño Nuevo-1 Cave, Aisén, Chile .................................................................................................... 111
Sabana de Bogotá, Colombia ............................................................................................................ 112
Punín, Ecuador .................................................................................................................................. 114
Las Vegas, Ecuador .......................................................................................................................... 116
GIS Map ................................................................................................................................................ 118
Chapter 5 — Analysis ............................................................................................................................... 120
Possibility of Evolutionary Connections to Cranial Shape ................................................................... 123
Results ................................................................................................................................................... 124
Migration Model and Founder Population Size Estimation .................................................................. 128
Synthesis ............................................................................................................................................... 129
Chapter 6 — Conclusions ......................................................................................................................... 136
Appendix ............................................................................................................................................... 139
References Cited ...................................................................................................................................... 146
Supplemental Bibliography ................................................................................................................ 170
Index ......................................................................................................................................................... 181

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 List of Figures
Figure 1.1 Blumenbach’s five Principal Varieties of Mankind 13
Figure 1.2. Front and left lateral views of the three major human races 18
Figure 1.3. Major cranial landmarks 19
Figure 2.1. North American glacial and interglacial patterns 26
Figure 2.2. Partial Cenozoic time scale 28
Figure 2.3. Global temperature fluctuations and freshwater flux over the past 20,000 years 29
Figure 2.4. Modern human (Asian) dentition showing some traits of sinodonty 33
Figure 2.5. Human migrations and mitochondrial haplogroups 38
Figure 2.6. Dominant Y-chromosome haplogroups in pre-colonial world populations 39
Figure 2.7. Popular hypothetical migration routes for the peopling of the Americas 43
Figure 2.8. Map depicting the Laurentide and Cordilleran Ice sheets 44
Figure 2.9. An unknown artist’s rendition of a big-game hunt by Paleoindians 45
Figure 2.10. Yaghan boy with bark canoe with schematic 49
Figure 2.11. Solutrean tools, 22,000–17,000 BP from Saône-et-Loire, France 51
Figure 2.12. Recast of the triangular projectile point from Cactus Hill, Virginia 51
Figure 2.13. A series of bifacial, fluted Clovis projectile points 52
Figure 2.14. Map displaying the Solutrean and Land Bridge Migration Hypotheses 53
Figure 2.15. Model demonstrating the theoretical approach of the present study 56
Figure 4.1. Frontal and left lateral views of the Gordon Creek Woman 64
Figure 4.2. Frontal view of second reconstruction of Melbourne Man 65
Figure 4.3. Frontal view and top view (with outline drawings) of the Vero Man 67
Figure 4.4. Frontal view of the Buhl Woman cranium 69
Figure 4.5. Multiple views of the cranium of Pelican Rapids Woman 72
Figure 4.6. Right lateral and frontal view of Sauk Valley Man 74
Figure 4.7. Clovis tools and skeletal remains of Anzick-1 and Anzick-2 76
Figure 4.8. Superior view of the Arch Lake skeleton after additional exposure in the laboratory 77
Figure 4.9. Multiple views of Arch Lake Woman 78
Figure 4.10. Unifacial stone tool and 15 talc beads recovered from the Arch Lake Burial site. 79
Figure 4.11. Skeletal remains of Burials One and Two from Horn Shelter, Texas 81
Figure 4.12. Right oblique view of the Midland Calvarium 83
Figure 4.13. Cast of a Midland point from Lee County, Texas (Late Paleoindian Period) 83
Figure 4.14. Sequence of photographs illustrating the reconstruction of Wilson-Leonard II 85
Figure 4.15. Cranium of Kennewick Man and corresponding facial reconstruction. 95
Figure 4.16. Pelvis of Kennewick Man with lodged stone projectile point. 95
Figure 4.17. Multiple views of the skull of HN5/48 (Naia) from Quintana Roo, Mexico 98
Figure 4.18. Reconstruction of La Mujer de Las Palmas 98
Figure 4.19. Localities with Paleoamerican remains around the Basin of Mexico 99
Figure 4.20. Radiocarbon dated Mexican Paleoamericans 100
Figure 4.21. Skull of Lapa Vermelha IV Hominid I (Luzia) from Lagoa Santa, Brazil 108
Figure 4.22. Map of sites corresponding to Paleo and Archaic Colombia populations 113
Figure 4.23. Multiple views of the Punín calvarium 115
Figure 4.24. West coast of the Santa Elena Peninsula, Ecuador showing Las Vegas sites 116
Figure 4.25. Map showing global distribution of Late Holocene cranial shapes 119
Figure 5.1. Scatterplot showing cranial index of each individual in each population 126

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Figure 5.2. Cranial shape distribution of 112 Paleoindians examined in the present study 127
Figure 5.3. Cranial shape distribution of 2,524 individuals from the Howells database 127
Figure 5.4. Box-and-whisker plot showing cranial index centroid size in each population. 128

List of Tables
Table 1.1 Three Human Races and their Associated Craniofacial Traits 16-17
Table 3.1. List of Cranial Index Ranges and their Associated Names and Abbreviations 58
Table 4.1. Summary of Statistical Analyses of Kennewick Man Using CRANID 88
Table 4.2. Results of LDA Testing of Kennewick Man Using the CRANID 89-91
Table 4.3. Results of NNDA Testing of Kennewick Man Using the CRANID 92
Table 4.4. Nearest 56 Neighbors of Kennewick Man in Increasing order of Distance 93-94
Table 4.5. Summary of Statistical Analyses of Peñon III Using the CRANID 100
Table 4.6. Results of LDA Testing of Peñon III Using the CRANID 101-103
Table 4.7. Results of NNDA Testing of Peñon III Using the CRANID 104
Table 4.8. Nearest 56 Neighbors of Peñon III in Increasing Order of Distance 105-106
Table 4.9. Site-specific Data of Paleo and Archaic Colombia Populations 113

viii
 Figure Credits
Story of the “The Ancient One”. http://indians.org/welker/ancient.htm
Figure 1.3. http://www.lawyerfindonline.com/media/expert/article_23971344c5817e63dc1db989b42
e1bd9.pdf
Figure 2.3. https://www.ncdc.noaa.gov/abrupt-climate-change/The%20Younger%20Dryas
Figure 2.5. https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=32585433
Figure 2.6. https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=27947271
Figure 2.7. https://misfitsandheroes.wordpress.com/category/migration-theories/early-human-
migration-into-south-america/
Figure 2.9. https://profediegoestin.wordpress.com/2016/04/20/1o-el-paleolitico-tarea/
Figure 2.10. http://patagoniamonsters.blogspot.com/2014/01/mtdna-d4h3a-haplogroup.html
Figure 2.11. https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=10683227
Figure 2.12. http://www.lithiccastinglab.com/gallery-pages/cactushillprecloviscompleteptlrg.htm
Figure 2.13. http://www.livescience.com/43325-photos-clovis-culture-stone-tools.html
Figure 2.14. http://tywkiwdbi.blogspot.com/2012/03/new-evidence-supports-solutrean.html
Figure 4.12. http://www.oaoa.com/community/good_news/article_b9a9e822-20dc-11e3-ab58-
0019bb30f31a.html?mode=story
Figure 4.13. http://www.proprints.com/Stonehenge/midland.htm
Figure 4.18. http://mujerlaspalmasqr.blogspot.com/
Figure 4.21. http://humanorigins.si.edu/evidence/human-fossils/fossils/lapa-vermelha-iv-hominid-1
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WCFbE8EGrvE

ix
 Chapter 1
Introduction

Problem Statement
The migration of human ancestors across the planet spans a history of over two million

years, most recently with the extensive diffusion of Homo sapiens into every habitable continent

on Earth. Although evidence suggests that Homo erectus was the first human ancestor to migrate

out of Africa into Asia (and even as far as Europe and Java), Homo sapiens were the first of our

ancestors to populate the remainder of the world’s viable land. This dispersion started not long

after anatomically-modern humans first made an appearance in Africa, likely moving north and

eastward from the area, eventually populating southwestern Asia. According to this “Out of

Africa” model, these groups later moved on to inhabit Europe as well as east and southeast Asia,

followed by Australia soon afterwards. Most scholars agree that North, Central, and South

America were among the last regions on Earth that were populated by these migratory groups at

least 14,500 BP near the end of the Pleistocene epoch, although a great deal of scholarly

controversy exists regarding the details of this migration. Due to this tenuous academic situation,

the very nature of these groups is often called into question. Who were they? Where did they come

from? When and how did they arrive? Was there a single migration event, or did their dispersal

occur in multiple waves? Perhaps most interestingly, what became of these peoples? A great deal

of evidence exists that suggests answers to these questions, but as a discipline, we often struggle

to understand which answers are the correct ones (Meltzer 2009). These questions represent only

a few of the myriad issues raised by this decades-old debate.

The original peopling of the Americas is of great interest to a range of fields such as

archaeology, cultural anthropology, and history, although its importance can even extend to some
1
current social issues including minority rights, political action (or inaction), law, and natural

resource development. There have been a handful of especially controversial archaeological

investigations that investigate this topic, perhaps most notably with the remains of Kennewick

Man, an early Holocene hunter-gatherer man found on the banks of Washington’s Columbia River

(Chatters 1997; Owsley and Jantz 2014). Multiple lines of evidence from many disciplines

including genetic studies, physical anthropology, and historical linguistics help to scientifically

evaluate these controversies. Additionally, the implementation of legislation like the Native

American Graves Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) plays a critical role in determining to what extent

these materials can be studied.

For the purposes of the present study, I examine this debate from an osteological

perspective, specifically through the statistical analyses of cranial indices of Terminal

Pleistocene/Early Holocene skeletons found in North, Central, and South America. Cranial data

was gathered from as many skeletal remains as possible for comparison with the Howells

collection of crania of worldwide Late Holocene human groups. Low-level statistics such as

standard deviation and mean are employed to determine any significance between cranial indices

of the ancient and modern populations. These analyses demonstrate connections (or the lack

thereof) between the ancient and modern groups, associations assumed to be based in a similar

ancestral lineage or geographic region.

Cranial indices are known to vary based on geographic region, with sometimes significant

differences between even neighboring populations. Before the introduction of genetic testing,

physical anthropologists relied on ratios like the cranial index to examine population differences,

but these studies often had underlying derogatory racial or ethnic explanations of such differences.

Since those initial efforts, physical anthropology has made strides in recognizing its past errors

2
while reinforcing the integrity of certain skeletal measurements and markers as legitimate elements

of scientific study, but this time with a far less racist and ethnocentric perspective. The study of

the human body for archaeological purposes is of undeniable significance in answering many of

the discipline’s most prominent issues and should be regarded as a viable means of attaining

primary source data from an ancient context.

I hypothesize that the ancient (Paleoindian) crania will generally be most similar

statistically to southeast Asian populations and differ significantly from modern Native American

groups as well as Europeans. Should this statistical difference be demonstrated, I hypothesize that

it can be attributed to significant differences in ancestral and/or regional lineage. In doing this, I

recognize and discuss any discrepancies between the results I gather and previous work in other

fields that has been completed on the Paleoindian crania (for example, my tests show an affinity

with southeast Asians while a previous study of mtDNA has shown connections to northern

Asians). I critically evaluate the migration hypotheses with respect to the number of waves, route,

and geographic origin to determine which hypotheses (if any, or multiple) agrees with the results

I obtain.

Introduction

For decades, the matter of the true identity of the first Americans has been the subject of

incredible discoveries, enthusiastic claims, and notable controversy. These first Americans, often

referred to in scholarly literature as Paleoindians or Paleoamericans (a term proposed by

Bonnischen and Turnmire 1991:1), present an interesting situation to investigators of the past.

Many sites with Paleoindian dates have been brought to the attention of the scientific community

especially in recent years with the increased precision of radiocarbon dating. Some sites use other

methods of relative and absolute dating in conjunction with 14C analyses to further speak to the

3
antiquity of the strata and archaeological material therein. These other methods could include

geostratigraphic and chemical evaluations of the soil matrix, dendrochronology,

thermoluminescence dating, and utilizing the Laws of Association and Superposition, especially

if the site contains elements of contemporaneous biological markers. Generally speaking, these

Paleoindian sites tend to be richer in lithic technology and byproducts than most other types of

cultural remains, although this can be said for many sites around the world and not just those of

proposed Paleoindian origins. With the exception of a few extraordinary locations which are

discussed below, preservation levels in Paleoamerican sites are notably poor. Some scholars

(Meltzer 2009) have even argued that there is a higher than average amount of “missing” evidence

of these peoples. This lack of evidence only serves to fuel the scholarly controversy. In order to

better understand this controversy, the historiography of the peopling of the Americas must first

be examined.

Journey to the New World

The earliest European explorers set sail westward from their homelands, frequently under

royal sponsorship, in search of undiscovered trade routes, riches, and resources. These explorers,

including Christopher Columbus, Giovanni da Verrazzano, John Cabot, Jacques Cartier, and others

sailed under the colors of various western European countries who had an interest in imperial

expansion, whether they would colonize a given area or simply exploit its resources. Some voyages

took a more northern route across the frigid and treacherous north Atlantic while others sailed in

a southern direction toward the northwest coast of Africa, then moved westward along or near the

equator. Still others, including Magellan, Drake, and Cabral, navigated around the west coast of

Africa and continued southwest along the Brazilian coast. If they survived the treacherous journey

across the Atlantic, they would come to discover an entire “unfound” hemisphere that they never

4
imagined could exist. They would designate this hemisphere the “New World”, as it was a region

previously unknown to their culture. However, this term would have no meaning to the millions

of inhabitants already present in the Americas by the time of even the earliest European arrival 1.

To them, this world was hardly new. The Americas were the homelands of their revered ancestors,

the backdrop of their creation stories, and the sacred, dynamic, living entity that surrounded and

provided for them. To their ancestors, however, the term “New World” is beautifully appropriate.

No matter their manner or dates of entry into the Western hemisphere, it can be assured that they

were, at one point, the first to make human footprints in its ancient soil. Thousands of years later,

the descendants of these ancestral populations again found themselves face to face with a side of

the world they had never known.

The history of these indigenous Americans would be called into question for the next five

hundred years. Scholarly investigation put forth serious efforts in the nineteenth century, but the

explosion of interest and research on the subject would not occur until the beginning of the

twentieth century. Aleš Hrdlička was among the first scholars to pioneer the evolving field of

anthropology, specifically in the subfield of physical anthropology. His interests included

anthropometry, human origins, and migration patterns. He put forth a now-obsolete hypothesis

that argued for a human origin in Central Europe rather than Central Asia and contributed a great

deal of research to human origin studies, although many of his methods have been called into

question by contemporary scholars. Hrdlička worked mainly with Native American Indian groups,

but his research extended to many diverse groups around the globe including ancient Peruvian

1 The actual population of indigenous peoples in the Americas before Columbus’ arrival has proven
difficult to determine. Due to a lack of historical records, as well as the rampant and swift depopulation
from disease and warfare, total population estimates range from a mere 500,000 (US Census 1894) to
more than 90 million (Dobyns 1966:416) (see also Kroeber 1939:131-177; Lord 1997; Taylor 2002:40-
41; Thornton 2005)

5
(Hrdlička 1914) as well as Neanderthal groups (Hrdlička 1927). He wrote on a variety of topics in

physical anthropology, including mandibular variation (Hrdlička 1940a), human growth and

development (Hrdlička 1936), dental ablation and shovel-shaped incisors (Hrdlička 1920, 1940b),

contemporary indigenous pathology (Hrdlička 1909), ear exostoses (Hrdlička 1935), long and flat

bone analyses (Hrdlička 1932, 1942), the peopling of the world (with special interest in Native

Americans) (Hrdlička 1908; 1930), and myriad studies of proposed anatomical differences

between races (Hrdlička 1898; 1899; 1900; 1901). Although many of his racial and ethnic studies

were considered revolutionary for the time, some of his works are now understood to be obsolete

due to their conclusions about the differences in human groups.

A note on vocabulary and the origins of anthropological study

In its recent history, anthropology has seen a great shift in the accepted vocabulary of its

literature. To one unfamiliar with the field, this may seem a minor issue. However, it is my opinion,

shared with most modern anthropologists and archaeologists, that common terminology of the

field should evolve simultaneously with contemporary intellectual and social changes. In many

ways, this has already been done, but it is pertinent to note that a major portion of this study draws

its information from publications in which antiquated terms and categorizations are employed.

Anthropology arguably began as a means for Europeans to study and classify the diverse

and “exotic” cultures they encountered in their expeditions around the globe (Sidky 2004:5). What

they found often shocked them, and in an attempt to establish control and better understand why

these peoples were so drastically different from themselves, they searched for patterns. In doing

this, they compared patterns of other cultures to the only thing they knew for certain—their own

culture. These early anthropologists assumed that civilization (by European standards) was the

ultimate goal of all peoples around the world, and that Europe had just been the first to “evolve”

6
to that stage of development. It was extremely common for early anthropologists (especially

among the “armchair anthropologists” (Sera-Shriar 2014) to study their cultures from an etic

perspective, a research method described as “studying behavior as from outside of a particular

system” (Pike 1967). Its opposite, an emic perspective, or “studying behavior as from inside the

system” (Pike 1967), would not truly develop until later. This is not to say that one method is

superior or inferior to the other; both are viable means of evaluating data and should be employed

as befits the research question. This study does not speak to the many advantages and

disadvantages of the two perspectives, but it should be noted that in the early nineteenth and

twentieth centuries, an etic perspective was more often than not synonymous with ethnocentrism

(generally of a Western and/or European nature), and in many cases, meant inherent racism,

sexism, and classism. It is not the fault of the scholars necessarily that they investigated and

presented their research with such undertones; it shows only that they are a product of their own

culture and society. It is critical that we acknowledge this and appropriately place research and

terminology in its respective era.

Early anthropological approaches to diverse societies and race

Perhaps one of the most prominent changes in anthropological terminology deals with the

levels of cultural evolution. This terminology is particularly critical to the central theme of this

study because it involves the comparison of various types of human groups (many of which are

hunter-gatherer societies) and their associated lifestyles and behaviors. In 1877, Lewis H. Morgan

authored a text on the subject, the first to assign patterns to the many diverse presentations of

human social, economic, and political organization around the world. In Ancient Society, he

described the seven-step process of cultural evolution as he understood it (Morgan 1985 [1877]).

The first three steps dealt with the Lower, Middle, and Upper statuses of “savagery”. The Lower

7
Status of Savagery describes “the infancy of the human race…the acquisition of a fish subsistence

and a knowledge of the use of fire” (Morgan 1985 [1877]: 16) while the Middle and Upper are

delineated by the invention of the bow and arrow and the invention of art and pottery, respectively.

The successive categories of cultural development are as follows: Lower, Middle, and Upper

Status of Barbarism, and lastly, “evolving” to the Status of Civilization. Since the invention of art

and pottery officially “ends” the Older Period of Savagery, the domestication of animals and plants

and the invention of iron smelting terminate the Middle and Upper Statuses of Barbarism. Morgan

uses the invention of a phonetic alphabet with the implementation of writing to separate the Upper

Status of Barbarism and the Status of Civilization. This categorization, in theory, neatly packages

the “steps” of human cultural evolution into seven tidy and organized groups. If human behavioral

patterns were steady, predictable, and progressive, Morgan’s approach would be foolproof.

However, many future anthropologists (Boas 1920; Kroeber 1915) would come to recognize that

the variation between human organizational systems is too great and too high a degree of overlap

exists between the Statuses for his method to be of any great practical use, without speaking to the

use of the terms “savagery” and “barbarism” to define “lesser” groups, a paradigm strongly

opposed by Radin (1927). This is not to discount the numerous intellectual achievements of

Morgan and others of the evolutionist school of thought, but a later change in theoretical approach

must be noted. Later in his work, however, Morgan recognizes the struggle in placing diverse

human groups in unilineal “order” to make an argument for one cumulative, progressive human

social, cultural, and political evolution. He states:

It is difficult, if not impossible; to find such tests of progress to mark the

commencement of these several periods as will be found absolute in their

application, and without exceptions upon all the continents. Neither is it

necessary, for the purpose in hand, that exceptions should not exist. It will be

8
 sufficient if the principal tribes of mankind can be classified, according to the

degree of their relative progress, into conditions which can be recognized as

distinct (Morgan 1985 [1877]:97)

Building on the works of early thinkers, later anthropologists would try to redesign the

model of human sociopolitical “evolution” as well, with one of the more notable scholars being

Elman Service. Service completed many cultural, ethnographic, and theoretical works and is

perhaps best known for his delineation of human groups into bands, tribes, chiefdoms, and states

(Service 1962). Rather than base intergroup differences on technological advances as Morgan did,

Service focused more heavily on social and political organization as well as subsistence, descent,

and population size. Various global societies were analyzed based on these and other

characteristics to see in which “typological” societal group they fit best. Again, this theoretical

approach categorized many groups well enough, but still encountered a relatively large number of

exceptions or overlaps when applied in practice. Service’s model would be challenged by later

anthropologists, facing claims that he purported the state-level societies to be the ideal end goal

while belittling the more “primitive” societies as many cultural evolutionists had before him.

This concept of “primitive” versus “civilized” peoples has been a thorn in the side of

anthropologists for decades. Historically, scholars like Thomas Hobbes, upon considering the

“natural state of man”, determined that life is “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” when no

form of centralized government exists (Hobbes 1651). To European scholars, band and tribal

societies (if not chiefdoms as well) were considered to lead these (apparently) miserable lives.

Terms such as “savage”, “barbaric”, “primitive”, and “simple” were frequent in the academic

literature of this time period and maintained their utility until very recently. More often than not,

the cultural and scholarly value of non-European groups was directly tied to the terms used to

describe them.

9
 Anthropology in the modern era has tried fervently to distance itself from its damaging

ethnocentric past. Due to the debate among cultural anthropologists especially, the use of certain

terminology to describe or differentiate between groups has become widely criticized. In a work

by C.R. Hallpike (2011), the modern breakdown of the field of cultural (social) anthropology is

discussed, especially with its relation to ‘political correctness’ and the opposing presence of

modern ‘ultra-Darwinism’. Hallpike (2011) explains that some cultural anthropologists argue that

any term meant to differentiate between human groups cannot and should not be employed in

academic research because it is not politically correct and inherently assumes bias on the part of

the researcher. This school of thought adheres to the belief that ‘all cultures were born equal’ and

therefore cannot truly be compared. Although helpful when dealing with cases of cultural

insensitivity or racism, one pitfall of this school can be found in its hesitancy to assign any defining

term to a group. This extreme caution could arguably hinder the progress of scholarly debate and

the goals of specific fields like forensics and physical anthropology. In other words, if terminology

cannot be employed to distinguish the similarities and differences between groups, what purpose

does cultural anthropology serve as a discipline?

On the other hand, there are those who argue for the presence of progressive cultural

evolution in human cultural debates and do not dismiss the terms associated with this thought. This

paradigm, sometimes called the ‘extreme reductionist’ school, purports that ‘man is just an animal’

(Hallpike 2011). The ‘ultra-Darwinism’ approach of this school explains all human sociocultural

evolution as a result of Darwinian selection, thereby devoid of any deeper meaning or of any

special scholarly explanation.

It is not too farfetched to assume that neither of these two schools accurately describes the

differences between human populations in a way that most anthropologists would approve.

10
Therefore, the present study utilizes reasonable aspects of both schools to make the argument for

noticeable, patterned distinctions between ancient and modern human populations while

simultaneously not attributing these differences to any quality or characteristic that demeans any

group.

Even with a brief examination of the contemporary literature, one can recognize that there

has been a critical shift in the vocabulary of the discipline, the aims of fieldwork, inherent biases,

and the methods used to gather, analyze, and interpret data. This has allowed anthropology (and

archaeology therein) to shift toward more objective thought with the ultimate goal of examining

and explaining the past in the most accurate way possible. However for now, these ideals are

simply that. Decided progress has been made up to this point, but what is anthropology to do with

all the previous work?

Particularly prominent among modern cultural anthropologists, a great deal of historical,

biological, ethnographic, and cultural data collected in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have

fallen victim to the “throw the baby out with the bathwater” approach that a handful of scholars

employ in order to distance themselves from the errors of the past. This well-intentioned but

damaging mindset became especially prevalent following the publication of Washburn’s (1951)

The New Physical Anthropology. Early human studies, often carried out in the name of

anthropometry and craniometry, were unfortunately and often completed with an underlying

agenda to prove or disprove the superiority of one group, race, or ethnicity over another. This is

obviously problematic, and some scholars today treat the obtained data as “tainted” and argue that

it simply cannot be used without its associated historical context. This may be true to some degree,

but ultimately, data are data. Although misused historically, the wide array of qualitative and

quantitative data collected by these early anthropologists still represent a body of knowledge that

11
would have otherwise been lost to time. The data examined in this study are no exception. In the

following section, I argue that the significance of early anthropomorphic and craniometric

measurements can exhibit patterns of human biological diversity over time and space, and

therefore should be reexamined with a global ideology separate from that of their original study.

Anthropometry and craniometry as a viable means of studying human biological diversity

Anthropometry and inherently, craniometry, have a long history within archaeological and

anthropological research. Anthropometry is defined as the measurement of human body parts,

whereas osteometry and craniometry record measurements specifically of skeletal elements and

crania, respectively (Jurmain et al. 2008:7). The use of data from these fields have been prominent

in human origin studies for centuries and a great deal of the modern controversy in the use of these

studies stems from these early periods.

Some of the earliest studies using these methods date to 1795 with Johann Friedrich

Blumenbach’s (1752-1840) revolutionary work Decas craniorium suae craniorum diversarum

gentium illustrata, which detailed sixty human skulls and ultimately introduced craniometry to the

scientific literature. In this work, he argued for a comparison of skulls using his norma-verticalis

method rather than introducing a new system of measurement. One author notes that, although he

did not heavily utilize his method in his own research, the norma-verticalis would serve as the

basis of Anders Retzius’ (1796-1860) creation of the cephalic or cranial index (Das Gupta

2007:24). The cranial index is discussed in detail below, as it is the central theme of this work.

Represented in the shapes of the sixty crania, Blumenbach concluded that five races exist

in the world (Figure 1.1) — the Mongolian (yellow) race, the American (red) race, the Caucasian

12
 Figure 1.1. “Five very select skulls from my collection, to demonstrate the equivalent number of the principal
varieties of mankind: 1. Tungun [Mongolian]; 2. Caribbean [American]; 3. young female Georgian [Caucasian]; 4.
Tahitian [Malay]; 5. Ethiopian of Guinea [Ethiopian]” (Blumenbach 1795:324-6; plate 2).

(white) race, the Malayan (brown) race, and the Ethiopian/Negroid (black) race (Bendyshe 1865;

Blumenbach 1795). Other scholars of the time postulated up to nine distinct human “races”

(Huxley 1870), although Huxley noted that data from certain complex ethnic groups such as the

“Abyssinians and the Hindoos” were withheld from his publication because they did not agree

with his racial model as did the other groups (Huxley 1873:153). Although Blumenbach delineated

these five categories, he did not view himself or his ideas as inherently racist. He even challenged

the conventional beliefs of his time by arguing against the concept of a human racial hierarchy,

especially an inferiority of the black race compared to the white race, as did many other scholars

of his time. Blumenbach (Bendyshe 1865: 312) wrote that:

Finally, I am of opinion that after all these numerous instances I have brought

together of negroes of capacity, it would not be difficult to mention entire well-known

provinces of Europe, from out of which you would not easily expect to obtain off-

hand such good authors, poets, philosophers, and correspondents of the Paris

Academy; and on the other hand, there is no so-called savage nation known under the

sun which has so much distinguished itself by such examples of perfectibility and

13
 original capacity for scientific culture, and thereby attached itself so closely to the

most civilized nations of the earth, as the Negro.

Blumenbach was a monogenist, meaning that he believed all of humanity began and

diversified from a single source— in his case, from Asia. He and other monogenists of the time

such as Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, posited that the cradle of human origins was in

the high temperate zones of southwest Asia with the primordial family being a Caucasian Adam

and Eve. These men believed that when humans moved out of Asia, a “degeneration” of sorts took

place, thus creating human racial groups. This degeneration hypothesis neatly explained the high

phenotypical (visible, physical characteristics) variability between human groups. Racial

degeneration took place because of a shift to a poor diet combined with environmental factors such

as increased exposure to sun or wind. This, they argued, deviated so far from standards of living

that Adam and Eve must have had, that they were significant enough to produce the many faces of

humanity that we see today. They also postulated that, if an environment could be adequately

“controlled” and diet could be altered, all non-white races could return to the “original” Caucasian

phenotype within one lifetime. Still, Blumenbach (1795: 264). held that these ideas were not

inherently racist and even suggested an overall human unity when he stated, “No variety [of

mankind] exists, whether of colour, countenance, or stature, etc., so singular as not to be connected

with others of the same kind by such an imperceptible transition, that is very clear that all are

related or only differ from each other in degree.”

Other scientists, as previously mentioned, held drastically different paradigms than

Blumenbach regarding these worldly issues of race and ethnicity. Many scholars of that day, such

as Christoph Meiners (1747-1810), held beliefs in opposition to monogenism— a school known

as polygenism. Rather than assume a single locale of human origin, polygenists held that each of

14
the human races hailed from a different geographic origin. This very easily transformed into a

hierarchy of human races based on accepted “science” during that time, frequently through the

inclusion of data from anthropomorphic and craniometric studies. Polygenist scholars often

utilized this evidence as a means of justifying the poor treatment and European conquest of “lesser”

races, or any other action that kept the racial hierarchy in place— a practice that would become

known as scientific racism. Meiners, in his 1785 work Sketch on the History of Mankind, noted

that beauty or ugliness were among the most important traits that separated human groups. He and

others like Samuel Thomas von Sömmerring (1755-1830) studied the anatomical differences

between human racial groups such as skull shape and body type and determined that the black and

American Indian races were the most inferior, while the Celts and other European ethnicities were

superior. The Nazi Party of Germany would later look to the works of Meiners and regard him as

a revered intellectual ancestor (Mikkelsen and Kant 2013: 197). The distinctions of beauty between

human races is but one example of the type of “research” involved when such a paradigm is

enabled. Scientific racism was often evident in many aspects of Western scientific thought until

the latter parts of the twentieth century.

A more modern view of “race”

Since the times of Blumenbach and Meiners, literature on racial differences has been

heavily reevaluated. Cultural anthropologists, psychologists, and others have warned of the use of

culturally insensitive or improper terminology by scientists, especially those that could elicit a

sociopolitical response (Smedley and Smedley 2005). Racial or ethnic association are often among

the primary causes for an explosive sociopolitical response. Krogman (1962) and Stewart (1979)

note the caution one must take when attributing race to a skull. Despite their antiquated origins,

racial delineations of “Caucasoid”, “Negroid”, and “Mongoloid” (and occasionally “Australoid”)

15
are categorizations are still utilized in fields such as forensic and physical anthropology (Bass

2005; İşcan and Steyn 2013). It should be noted that identification is made more challenging when

examining multi-racial individuals (see Anderson 2012). Debate over this terminology has gone

back and forth for decades, but these terms are still employed in these disciplines because they

represent quantifiable differences that are commonly found between global human groups.

Bass (2005) describes the general phenotypic differences between American Whites

(representing Caucasoids), American Blacks (representing Negroids), and Native Americans

(representing Mongoloids) (Figure 1.2). He states that “the skull is the only area of the skeleton

from which an accurate estimation of racial origin may be obtained” (Bass 2005:83), although he

notes other studies on anterior femoral curvature have been conducted (Stewart 1962), but the

methods and results were questionable and the sample sizes were too small. Giles and Elliot (1962)

developed a discriminant function useful in identifying racial ancestry of a skull that uses eight

cranial measurements, but has been criticized by Birkby (1966) and Gill and Hughes (1979). Bass

(2005:83-88) recognizes the following characteristics as “general in nature and usually readily

apparent” (Table 1.1).

Table 1.1. Three Human Races and Their Associated Craniofacial Traits (Bass 2005:83-88).

Race Associated cranial traits

American White (Caucasoid) Presence of a nasal sill, retreating zygomatics, flat

(orthognathous) face, long and narrow face, narrow

nasal opening, depressed nasal root (at nasion), and a

narrow, high-bridged nose (Figures 1.2a and 1.2b)

American Black (Negroid) Presence of nasal guttering, alveolar prognathism of the

mouth, little or no nasal depression (at nasion), rounded

forehead, bregmatic depression, wide nasal opening,

16
 and a “dense or ivory texture to the bone” (Figures 1.2c

and 1.2d)

Native American—Arikara tribe (Mongoloid) Presence of projecting zygomatics, lack of an overbite

(edge-to-edge bite), worn occlusal surfaces of incisor

teeth, shovel-shaped incisors with possible rotation

toward the midline, inferior zygomatic projection, and

nasal overgrowth (Figures 1.2e and 1.2f)

Basic racial identification is a critical component of forensic and physical anthropological

studies. This study often refers to literature where “Caucasoid”, “Negroid” and “Mongoloid” are

commonly used to describe human remains. Because of this, these terms are employed throughout

the present study to describe anatomical similarities of Paleoindian remains with those of modern

humans, especially when describing Paleoindian data from early archaeological reports.

Recognizing landmarks and obtaining measurements

Techniques of measuring the human body and its constituent elements have evolved over

time, but in general, the points which are measured have remained largely the same since their

definition in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. These points are critical in the sense that they

standardize the points in data collection for a more precise measurement by any scholar in any

location (see Figure 1.3). This study utilizes four main points (landmarks) of the human skull—

the glabella, the maximum occipital point (opisthocranion), and the two euryons— to determine

maximum cranial breadth and length. These are then divided and changed into a percentage,

obtaining a ratio known as the cephalic or cranial index. The difference between the two terms is

simply that the cephalic index describes measurements done on living populations while the cranial

index describes those done on skeletal remains. As noted by MacGowan (1953:155), there are

three major classes into which human skull shape can be categorized.

17
18
Figure 1.3. Major cranial landmarks.

First, the dolichocephalic class with a cranial index of < 75 describes a long narrow head

shape and exhibits the greatest protrusion of the back of the head away from the neck. The second,

with a cranial index of 75.1-80.0, is the mesocephalic class. This describes an intermediate head

shape with slight protrusion of the occipital skull away from the neck. The last, demonstrating a

cranial index of 80 or more, is brachycephalic. This term suggests a short, round and “broad” head

with little to no protrusion of the occipital bone from the base of the neck. These three classes are

distributed in recognizable geographic patterns and have previously been used to determine

possible ancestry of modern human crania (see Howells 1973, 1976). These shapes can be stated

with one of two endings: -cephalic or -cranic (e.g., mesocephalic or mesocranic). In the present

study, these endings are used interchangeably. It must be noted that these studies in human origins

19
are not as ideologically driven as they have been in the past. These researchers recognize that race

is not biologically affiliated or determined, but analyses of patterned ratios like the cranial index

can be suggestive of geographic or ethnic origin when compared statistically. Meanwhile, the

classes of cranial shapes— brachycephalic, mesocephalic, and dolichocephalic— should not be

employed as defining racial or ethnic markers; they simply represent a common phenotype within

a population.

General history of the Peopling of the Americas

Anthropologists and archaeologists alike have long accepted the traditional theory of the

Beringian peopling of the Americas. Dates vary, but this migration event is generally understood

to have commenced between 20,000-14,000 calendar years before the present (cal BP) (Schurr

2004). Ancient populations from south central Siberia are said to have followed large game

animals (megafauna) such as mammoths and mastodons north to near the Arctic Circle then

eastward onto the Bering Land Bridge (Beringia). At that time (~14,500 BP), the Earth was

experiencing the tail end of a global cooling event, often referred to colloquially as the Last Ice

Age (Clark et al. 2009). Studies show that this Ice Age was the most recent in a series of an

estimated 20 Ice Ages that occurred regularly throughout the Pleistocene epoch (~1.8mya-

11,000kya) at 100,000 year intervals (Abe-Ouchi et al. 2013). During the Ice Age, climate was

unstable and caused global temperatures to shift radically in many areas. Worldwide, biomes

experienced abrupt changes in a few hundred or thousand years, far more rapidly than under

normal conditions. Taigas became tundras, and temperate forests became taigas. Growth of

vegetation slowed in areas closer to the poles and up to 70% of the world's freshwater became

locked in glaciers, a statistic that remains today (National Snow and Ice Data Center n.d.). Due to

the scarcity or sometimes complete lack of vegetation in many of the extreme latitudes, it has been

20
argued that wild game struggled to survive in these areas and thus migrated to lower latitudes,

seeking the food resources they needed for energy (Pedersen et al. 2016). The Earth's overall

temperature was an estimated 4.0 ± 0.8◦C lower than normal conditions (Annan and Hargreaves

2013).

Because of these factors, homeostasis between temperature, environment, seasons, and

ocean currents was difficult to achieve. The water that fell as snow on top of Earth's glaciers did

not experience a melting event as they would have normally during a seasonal warming event. Due

to the Earth's unstable cooling and other factors, newly fallen snow solidified rather than melted,

causing the glaciers to expand at an increased rate. This, in combination with the overall heaviness

of the ice that had piled up, caused rapid glacial movement across the land. In North America, the

Laurentide Ice Sheet covered some of the Pacific Northwest and most of Canada. The Cordilleran

Ice Sheet covered the coasts of Alaska down to present-day Seattle. A third body, called the

Greenland Ice sheet, covered its namesake as well as some regions in far-flung northern Canada.

Studies show that these massive glaciers began to recede around 19,000 BP due to solar insolation

(Clark et al. 2009). This melting would eventually cause a narrow passageway (ice-free corridor)

to form between the formidable Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets, conveniently allowing for

terrestrial human passage from Beringia into the continental United States. This set of

circumstances serves as the basis for the most-widely accepted theory of how the Americas were

populated. Other theories have been introduced in recent decades, each with varying degrees of

supporting evidence. These are detailed in the following theory section. Ultimately, there is no

single theory that explains each instance of early human presence in the Americas, particularly in

the cases of radiocarbon dates that pre-date the known Clovis timeline.

21
 For many years, America’s undisputed “First Peoples” were believed to members of the

Clovis culture. This group, first identified by a projectile point embedded in the ribs of a mastodon

near Clovis, New Mexico, produced a type of lithic technology commonly called Clovis points.

These points were bifaces (two-sided) with characteristic fluted notches on the lateral (side)

surfaces for hafting onto spears. Clovis points are often intricately crafted and highly symmetrical.

They have been discovered in sites across the continental United States and Mexico. The Clovis

tradition, however, appears very suddenly in the archaeological record, and seems to disappear

just as quickly, within a few millennia (Bonnichsen 1991; Meltzer 2009). Another Paleoindian

culture stemming from the American southwest—Folsom— also occupied much of the central

continental United States a short time later. After a detailed review of available Clovis and Folsom

radiocarbon dates, Haynes (1993:220, Table 1, Figure 1) gives the following timelines for the two

cultures:

Folsom ca. 10,260 – 10,930 RCYBP

Clovis ca. 10,690-11,650 RCYBP

Currently, the oldest Clovis site is El Fin del Mundo, dated to 13,390 BP. It is located in

the Sonoran Desert of northwestern Mexico, where evidence of a megafaunal hunt of

gomphotheres (a species of extinct elephant) in association with a Clovis toolkit was discovered

in 2007 (Holliday 2009). Although the easily-recognizable Clovis lithic toolkit represents the most

commonly found cultural remains, there is a notable dearth of evidence for the existence of these

people apart from their toolkit (Meltzer 2009). Perhaps unsurprisingly, preservation of organic

material from Clovis sites is generally poor, which explains the exceedingly sparse Clovis skeletal

material throughout the continent. There are numerous hypotheses that attempt to explain this

cultural and osteological paucity, but for the sake of brevity, these are not discussed further.

22
 Clovis’ long and unchallenged reputation as the First Peoples of the Americas has been

seriously called into question, namely by two sites: Monte Verde in south-central Chile and

Meadowcroft Rockshelter in Pennsylvania. These sites show a clear human presence and offer

reliable radiocarbon dates that push back humanity’s migration into the Americas at least 1,500 to

7,000 years, respectively, earlier than any Clovis site thus far (Adovasio et al. 1990; Dillehay et

al. 2015). Both of these sites demonstrate a unique state of preservation given the circumstances

of the surrounding environments and the extant geologic and climatic conditions during the

deposition of these strata. Highly perishable organic material was discovered at both sites that

included simple basketry, wooden artifacts of unknown function, meat still on the bones of prey,

and pegs used to secure a dwelling that were still wrapped in vegetal cordage. As with any

academically-comfortable hypothesis, perspectives on the “Clovis-First” were slow to change.

Years passed before these sites were accepted in academic circles, but they are now understood to

represent the few verifiable exceptions to this hypothesis.

Though infrequently, a few remains of pre-Clovis or Early Clovis dates have been found,

although they are rarely found in any kind of diagnostic cultural context. One of the most

antiquated sets of remains are those of a young woman found in an underwater cave near Tulum,

Mexico. According to PBS (2015) this woman was likely around 21 years old at the time of her

death. Investigators named her “Eva of Naharon” or simply “Eva” for short, recognizing her

impressive age and heralding her as one of Mexico’s earliest ancestors. This name is reminiscent

of that of the Biblical Eve, mother of all humanity. It is presumed that Eva fell into a sinkhole, due

to her final resting place being ¼ mile from the nearest entrance into the Yucatán underwater cave

system. Her skeleton dates to 11,770–11,400 cal BP (cf. Taylor 2009) and numerous studies have

been conducted on her remains to identify her closest genetic and anatomical relatives (González

23
González et al. 2006), although many of these studies have not been published. Eva represents one

of only a handful of individuals from the Pleistocene-Holocene boundary who are the central focus

of this study. Pre-Clovis (Paleoindian) remains like these are regarded as highly precious cultural

materials because they provide a primary account of the past—direct evidence of human

existence—through skeletal information gleaned either internally or externally. Even with the

advent of sophisticated technology like mtDNA and Y-chromosome genetic testing, craniometric

studies are still being completed on remains such as these (see Neves and Hubbe 2005), and for

good reason. Scholars are recognizing the benefits of these centuries-old measurement techniques

while still remaining mindful of the historical connotations of such work. These scholars do not

succumb to the fear of academic backlash from studying anthropomorphic and craniometric

distances because they understand that, despite the origins of these fields, patterns do exist in

human biological variation and these patterns can be traced and connected when sufficient data

are available for comparison. This is what the present study hopes to accomplish in the following

chapters.

24
 Chapter 2
Theory

Scientific inquiry and discovery would be impossible without a theoretical backing.

Because of the intense debate concerning the original peopling of the Americas has persisted for

over a century, there are numerous elements, both old and new, to be considered. Scrutiny of these

various components is critical for the advancement of the scholarly investigation. Many

hypotheses and conditions are examined in this chapter, beginning with the plausibility of a

Pleistocene migration and associated environmental and geologic factors. The discussion then

segues into the data that comprise the three most popular migration hypotheses, followed by the

hypotheses themselves: Beringia/Ice-Free Corridor, Coastal Entry, and Solutrean. A flowchart

model connecting the data is then presented, which attempts to argue the significance of

craniometric data specifically for the purposes of the present study. Although this is argued, the

necessity of examining data from diverse fields is noted below.

Plausibility of Human Migration in the Terminal Pleistocene

In order to make any case for a Pleistocene peopling of the Americas, one must consider the

critical factors that would make such an event even possible, let alone plausible. Each time period

during which the migration(s)2 would have occurred would have required a specific combination

of skills and knowledge relevant to survival in that specific context. Detailed in the following

pages, the influences on human migration during the Terminal Pleistocene is understood to have

2
Some scholars posit one to eight or more waves of migration, depending on the dataset in question (Schurr
2004:562).

25
been heavily influenced by two main factors: environmental conditions and human adaptability to

such conditions.

Past Geologic Studies

Geologists have been considering the environmental conditions in the Americas during the

Quaternary period for nearly a century. Some of the earliest twentieth century scholars on the

subject raised questions regarding the extent of ice sheets at different times during the Pleistocene,

interglacial (also called interstadial, warming) conditions, the expanse of Beringia, faunal and

floral migration, and the time elapsed since the retreat of the last ice sheets (Johnston 1932:12).

Johnston, a researcher for the geological survey of Canada, argued for a sequence of five glacial

advances and retreats in North America, differing from the four glacial stages of Pleistocene

Europe (Johnston 1932:13). The author models the stages of glaciation (Figure 2.1) as follows:

Wisconsin Peorian Iowan Yarmouth Illinoian Sangamon Kansan Aftonian Nebraskan Present
Glacial Interglacial Glacial Interglacial Glacial Interglacial Glacial Interglacial Glacial Interglacial
Stage Stage Stage Stage Stage Stage Stage Stage Stage Stage

Figure 2.1. North American glacial and interglacial patterns (from Johnston 1932:13).

These early geologists recognized the presence of two major ice sheets, the Laurentide and

the Cordilleran, both named by G.M. Dawson (1890), one of the founders of glacial theory.

Johnston argues that the Cordilleran ice-sheet covered an area of “about 1,200 miles long, running

parallel to the Pacific coast, and from 250-400 miles wide” (Johnston 1932:14). The Laurentide,

conversely, was described as covering “nearly all of Canada east of the Rockies, and extended

south to St. Louis and Cincinnati and to the Atlantic coast at New York” (Johnston 1932:16),

though no quantitative data were given. Johnston (1932:18) also argues for a lack of glaciation on

the lowlands bordering the Bering Sea and the Arctic coast due to low precipitation in the area.

26
More recent articles would give further credence to his hypothesis (Mann and Hamilton 1995).

Even after decades of technological advances in geology, much of the data from these early studies

still holds true today.

Modern Geologic Studies

Near the end of the Pleistocene (see Figure 2.2 for a geologic timeline), the Earth’s climate

was experiencing volatile warming and cooling trends that altered factors like sea level, glacial

bodies, thermohaline circulation, weather patterns, and vegetation growth. These warming and

cooling cycles occurred multiple times during this epoch, with the most recent large-scale glacial

(cooling) event being the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). The LGM is arguably the most

significant Pleistocene cooling event in the discussion of the original peopling of the Americas

due to its rigorously-tested dates that reveal it occurred at the time when Homo sapiens sapiens

likely migrated to the American continents. Clark et al. (2009) examined over 5,700 14C, 10Be, and
3
He radiometric ages that spanned from 10,000 to 50,000 BP to determine the geologic boundaries

of the LGM. Their work identified the growth of these ice sheets as having taken place between

33,000 and 26,500 BP, likely reaching their maximum extent from 26,500 to ~19,500BP. This is

a critical finding considering the radiocarbon dates of the earliest accepted Paleoindian sites of

Meadowcroft Rockshelter in Pennsylvania, U.S.A., and Monte Verde in south-central Chile, which

are discussed below. It is nearly certain that the immensity of the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice

sheets prevented human entry from the Beringia landmass into the central continent until the ice-

free corridor opened between them. This ice-free corridor is a critical component of the Beringian

migration theory, which is detailed below.

Colder climatic conditions caused freshwater to be frozen into land-based glaciers, altering

the delicate ratio of freshwater and salt found in the global oceans. Because freshwater more

27
readily freezes than saltwater, worldwide oceans

demonstrated higher levels of salinity during the

LGM. Salinity is a critical part of thermohaline

circulation, which is the natural force behind deep

ocean current formation, global temperature,

oceanic nutrient circulation, and weather patterns.

Thermohaline circulation is driven by difference in

both salinity and density, which is directly affected

by temperature and salt concentration. Warmer,

nutrient-poor water is found at the surface of the

ocean, whereas colder, nutrient-rich water is found

in the deep ocean. The imbalance causes warm

water to rise and cold water to sink, moving along

Figure 2.2 Partial Cenozoic time scale (from Lewis
and Maslin 2015).
density and salinity differences in a “conveyor-belt”

fashion. As this conveyor belt of currents travels the oceans, it takes in freshwater from rivers and

streams and is influenced by wind and varying temperatures at the surface. These factors influence

the thermohaline circulation, pushing the new water mixture to its appropriate depth and allowing

the conveyor belt motion to continue. Even slight changes can have significant effects on this

system, as was the case with likely freshwater absorption during the LGM. The oceans (at least in

the North Atlantic; little data exists for the Pacific deep water circulation during the LGM (Mann

and Hamilton 1995)), were left with too high a haline concentration for the system to function

normally. This greatly slowed critical deep ocean currents in the Atlantic and worked to separate

28
the circulations of the Atlantic and Pacific (see Ballarotta et al. 2014). The atmosphere became

exceedingly dry and weather patterns became more erratic (Mann and Hamilton 1995).

Following the LGM, glaciers in the Northern Hemisphere began to melt largely because of

summer insolation (exposure to solar rays) and a high surface albedo, causing sea levels to rise

relatively quickly. Partway through this warming event, conditions in the Atlantic Northern

hemisphere returned to near-glacial levels and the Earth entered a phase known as the Younger

Dryas. Highlighted in Figure 2.3, the Younger Dryas occurred abruptly in the middle of an

interstadial (warming) period causing widespread climate change, with dramatic subsequent

effects on life. Scientists (Licciardi et al. 1999) have theorized that this sudden shift was likely

caused by freshwater influx in the northern Atlantic Ocean, caused by the rapid melting of the

Laurentide ice sheet into the St. Lawrence Seaway, which empties into the north Atlantic.

Figure 2.3. Global temperature

fluctuations and freshwater flux over the
past 20,000 years. Data taken from cores
in Greenland (GISP2) and the tropical
Cariaco Basin in Venezuela (Cariaco).
Snow accumulation is shown for the
Greenland data as well as a hydrogen
isotope from a core in Antarctica
(deuterium δD, labeled as “Dome C”)
that is directly proportional to
temperature. The LGM is demonstrated
in the relatively stable, lower
temperatures that preceded the
~15,000ya warming event. The Younger
Dryas event is highlighted here (in blue)
between 12,000-13,000ka. From the
National Data Climatic Center: NOAA
Paleoclimatology.

29
Others, however, have claimed an extraterrestrial origin to this dramatic return to Ice Age

conditions, namely through a bolide impact with Earth (Boslough et al. 2013; Buchanan et al.

2008; Bunch et al. 2012; Collard et al. 2008; Firestone et al. 2006; Firestone et al. 2007; Pigati et

al. 2012). Further geophysical testing, however, has revealed the unlikelihood of both the

catastrophic impact and freshwater flooding events. Lowell et al. (2005) examined four drainage

locations (ancient river channels) of glacial Lake Agassiz (located between of modern Lake

Superior and the Hudson Bay) and concluded that, at the beginning of the Younger Dryas, the lake

was actually more similar to bog-like conditions. Their results indicated that the lake did not drain

in a massive flooding event, but instead evaporated due to its shallow depth. It is also possible that

Lake Agassiz was filled slowly filled with sediments, steadily decreasing the water volume over

time. With the publication of this study, doubt has been on the flooding of the St. Lawrence Seaway

as the primary cause of the Younger Dryas event. Regardless of its cause, this cooling event

nevertheless caused large-scale disruptions of climatic homeostasis that produced proxy records

still observable today.

Physical Anthropology
As described in the previous chapter, anthropomorphic and craniometric data has been

utilized to examine biological relations between human groups for centuries. Like many other

fields, these were imperfect in their infancy, but especially since the 1960s, they have gained a

renewed importance in anthropology. Among the pioneers of this revamping of anthropomorphic

studies was W. W. Howells, whose immense cranial database is utilized in this study. Between

1965 and 1980, Howells took measurements of over 2,500 historic and modern human crania from

30 locations around the world. In order to understand the relationship between and within these

groups, Howells evaluated these data statistically. Although this and other studies are discussed

30
below in the data chapter, it is pertinent to note that Howell’s contributions in many ways refocused

the approaches of anthropomorphic and craniometric studies and allowed for the measures to gain

credence in the academic community once again. Certain non-metric features are recorded when

available. These can include features such as alveolar prognathism, a sagittal ridge (in frontal view,

the top of the head angling noticeably inward toward the bregma), and a supraorbital torus (brow

ridge), although this list is not exhaustive.

Dental evidence

One of the most frequently discussed osteological topics that attempts to explain the peopling

of the Americas is the dental evidence from Paleoindian human remains. Results from numerous

studies of Terminal Pleistocene-Early Holocene dentition have provided compelling evidence for

a three-wave migration model of the colonization of the Americas. The dental data represents one

of multiple lines (including linguistics and archaeology) whose evidence favors this model (Scott

and Turner 1988:104; see also Greenberg et al. 1985).

Scott and Turner (1988) offer an overview of the importance of “dental anthropology” to

this debate. Multiple trends have been observed in terms of dentition patterns and their relation to

human biological distance. The authors argue that human dentition has seen an overall reduction

in tooth size since the end of the Pleistocene, drawing on studies from North America (Hinton et

al. 1980), north Africa (Calcagno 1986), Europe (Brace et al. 1987; LeBlanc and Black 1974), and

mainland Asia (Brace 1978; Lukacs 1984), although some studies have shown the opposite or

show no change (Brabant 1971; Garn et al. 1969; Sciulli 1998; Scott 1979). New methods of food

harvesting and processing, the consumption of softer foods, and the increased reliance on tools (cf.

Holloway 1967) were likely causes of this generalized reduction in tooth size (Brace and Mahler

1971; Scott and Turner 1988:105). Despite a general reduction in human tooth size, verifiable

31
differences are often still present between members of different racial or ethnic backgrounds. Two

major branches of Mongoloid dentition have been described by Turner (1990), a classification

which would add valuable insight to the dental anthropological approach to the studying of the

First Americans.

Turner (1987; 1990) conducted a significant study that delineated two distinct forms of

dentition: (1) Sinodonty and (2) Sundadonty. Twenty-eight dental traits were examined with goals

to “define the nature of Mongoloid dental variation, use it to measure Asian intergroup

relationships, and develop in greater detail and with larger samples a dental anthropological model

of the late Pleistocene and Holocene population history of eastern Asia” (Turner 1987:305). This

research is inherently tied to the peopling of the Americas debate, considering the multiplicity of

data that connects modern Native American groups to an Asian heritage. Hanihara (1967)

describes a “Mongoloid dental complex” which Turner (1983, 1987) furthers by associating it with

sinodonty. Scott and Turner (1988:105) note that groups such as modern Chinese, Japanese, and

Siberian populations (as well as their derivatives, American Indians) share a similar sinodonty

pattern. According to Scott and Turner (1988: 105), characteristics associated with this

classification represent a kind of “specialized derivative” of Sundadont populations, who exhibit

“more generalized crown and root trait frequencies” (see Figure 2.4). Sinodont dental

characteristics encompass the following: shoveling in incisors 1 and 2, protostylid in the lower

molars, the deflecting wrinkle, seventh cusp, and metaconule (Hanihara 1967:924-925). A

sundadont pattern, conversely, is commonly found in populations from the southwest Pacific like

Polynesians and Micronesians, as well as southeast Asians and the Jomon people of Japan (Scott

and Turner 1988:104). Sundadonty is more commonly exhibited through less specialized traits

32
such as: presence and enlargement of the third molar and lower frequencies of deflecting wrinkle

(Turner 1990).

Although these differences are found in

the Mongoloid dental complex, the other

generalized human racial groups have their

own common features. The “Caucasoid dental

complex” attempts to define characteristics

frequently found in its namesake ethnic

indicator. Mayhall et al. (1982) coin this term

and supply it with a number of distinguishing

qualities including: the common presence of

Figure 2.4. Modern human (Asian) dentition showing
Carabelli’s trait, premolar occlusal tubercles, some traits of sinodonty (such as shovel-shaped
incisors) and the Mongoloid dental complex (Bailey
and the tuberculum dentale, with an absence of 2002; 2006).

shoveling, winging, odontomes, protostylid, cusp 6, and cusp 7. These qualities vary greatly from

the previously described Mongoloid patterns. The Negroid dental complex (specifically that of

Sub-Saharan Africans) demonstrates “the world’s highest occurrences of Bushman canine, two-

rooted UP1, UM1 Carabelli’s trait, three-rooted UM2, LM2 Y-groove, LM1 cusp 7, LP1 Tom’s

root, two-rooted LM2, and UM3 presence, and among the lowest occurrences of UI1 double

shoveling and UM1 enamel extension” (Irish 2011:174).

Shovel-shaped incisors are among the most frequently discussed dental morphological

characteristics in studies dealing with ethnicity estimates. Scott and Turner (1988:107) note that

the populations with the “highest frequencies and most pronounced expressions” of shoveling are

those of northeast Asia and the Americas while Europeans and Asiatic Indians demonstrate

33
“moderate frequencies and slight expressions”, which other authors define as “rare” instead of

“absent or trace” (Scott and Alexandersen 1992:485). This is pertinent to the focus of this study

because some of the Paleoindian remains examined in this research exhibit shovel-shaped incisors,

which could offer insight into their affinities. The presence or lack of shovel-shaped incisors is

included in the brief description of each set of remains found in the following chapter.

Genetics

Until recently, the quantity and quality of data recovered from skeletal assemblages was,

for the most part, from a “naked eye” perspective. In other words, most if not all of the data was

an amalgamation of measurements, visible physical features, and contextual clues that could only

suggest a probability of common ancestry. These methods were functional for the time (and are

still valid today), but the introduction and development of the field of genetic studies adds a new

level of investigation of skeletal assemblages. With only a small (but well-preserved) quantity of

collagen in bone, geneticists are able to draw conclusions about the lineage of an individual

through a complex process that is summarized below.

The genetic makeup of any individual in the human population is 99.9% identical to any

other individual (Rosenberg et al. 2002). Genetic material is inherited by offspring in equivalent

portions from mother and father via maternal and paternal sex cells, which each contain half of the

chromsosomal DNA necessary for life. As these two cells combine, the corresponding pairs of

chromosomes undergo random exchange events which ultimately bestow physical attributes, or

phenotypic characteristics, to the offspring. Such visible traits as skin, hair, and eye colors are

attributable to single points, or loci, within a chromosome. Over time, random mutations to the

genetic material may imbue variations to the traits of an individual or a group; these altered

phenotypes may then be transmitted to subsequent generations of a populaton. Diversity in

34
phenotypic variations across any population are only attributable to a small portion of the genetic

differences found in humans, but nevertheless, recent advances in genetic analysis allow for

correlation of these minute differences to the broader scope of human populations.

Mutations occur very frequently within populations and are explained simply as having a

“good”, “neutral”, or “bad” effect on the organism, although the reality of the matter is far more

complicated (Loewe and Hill 2010). Mutations are considered “bad” or deleterious if they affect

the function of a critical gene in such a way that hinders an organism’s “fitness” to survive in

nature. In such a case, it is less likely that the organism will survive to reproduce, thereby

diminishing the frequency of the mutation within the population. Adaptive mutations, conversely,

negate the negative effects of these deleterious mutations—which can still proliferate in a

population despite hindering organism fitness (Keightley and Eyre-Walker 2010). Adaptive

mutations are found in all organisms to some extent. For human examples, consider the “protective

effect” that living at high altitudes provides from total and coronary mortality (Baibas et al. 2005),

the evolutionary advantage of pale skin for Vitamin D absorption in dim environments (Holick

1987), and the adaptive response of body shape (Allen 1877), size (Bergman 1847), and

pigmentation (Gloger 1833) that allow for optimum response to climatic conditions. Genetic

mutations are responsible for other aspects of human nature apart from adaptive changes.

After hundreds and/or thousands of years of proliferation of a species, certain genetic

mutations become more common within certain populations and less common in others, especially

if factors of reproductive isolation are at play (see Currat and Excoffier 2011 for an example).

These genetic markers, of particular loci can provide distinctions between groups and are found

at loci known as single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). For both inter- and intra-group

comparison, it is necessary to line up both sets of chromosomes side-by-side for comparison in

35
order to infer the rate of genetic “errors” over time. This type of genetic analysis seeks to determine

for how long one set of genes has been functioning on a slightly different set of DNA while

considering genomic mutation rates which are “close to an evolutionary equilibrium” (Drake et al.

1998:1667). Each difference along the chromosome is considered as a separate mutation event.

The frequency of these events are tallied and the percent difference between the two sets of

chromosomes (within one species) is calculated. It is more difficult to determine which mutations

occurred first, so many analyses can only conclude that the mutations happened at some point in

the organism’s evolutionary history. The chromosome that contains more SNPs or genetic markers

shows a greater diversity than the chromosome that presents fewer SNPs, suggesting that the first

organism has undergone more frequent evolutionary mutations over time, distancing itself from

the second organism.

Because half of an offspring’s genetic makeup is comprised of DNA from either parent,

two possible routes of examination exist when completing a genetic study. It is possible to trace a

familial or ancestral lineage through the analysis of SNPs on the paternal side through y-

chromosome testing and on the maternal side through mitochondrial or mtDNA testing. Although

the sex chromosomes are significant in genetic studies, the majority of DNA essential for

sustaining life (or organism “fitness”) are found within somatic (body) cells which cannot be tested

using y-chromosome or mtDNA analyses. The introduction of autosomal (atDNA) genetic testing

has permitted DNA extraction from these types of cells. These marked advancements in genetics

have had a profound effect on the way in which our world views human relationships—such as

the concept of “family” (Wailoo et al. 2012). Genetics have also been the foci of hotly debated

political issues, such as the Kennewick Man controversy (Owsley and Jantz 2014). However, the

36
ever-expanding realm of possibilities in genetic studies has been of incalculable aid to many

disciplines—including archaeology.

Great progress has been made in determining the interconnectedness of the many diverse

human groups found around the world. Both y-chromosome and mtDNA testing reveal that

degrees of variability exist between these groups that can be categorized into subfields called

haplotypes. Haplotypes (also known as genetic signatures) are set of numbers that consists of Y-

chromosome or mitochondrial DNA results (ISOGG 2016). A group of similar haplotypes that

share a common ancestor with a SNP mutation is referred to as a haplogroup (ISOGG 2016). These

haplogroups illustrate the different common ancestors present in mtDNA and Y-DNA.

Haplogroups of mtDNA are lettered A through Z while Y-DNA haplogroups are lettered A through

T. Worldwide distributions of these haplogroups are illustrated in Figures 8 and 9. It is important

to note that their alphabetic proximity to one another does not necessarily indicate a relation—it is

due to the fact that they were assigned letter designations as new haplogroups were discovered.

Further differentiation within haplogroups are designated with subsequent numbers and lowercase

letters (A1a, for example). A theoretical “mother” and “father” are noted as the most recent

common ancestor (MRCA) of all currently living humans, though it is not necessary for the two

to have lived at the same time (Dawkins 2004:45). These theoretical entities represent the most

recent woman and man from which all living humans descend in an unbroken matrilineal and

patrilineal line. These individuals are known as “Mitchondrial Eve” and “Y-chromosomal Adam”,

respectively. Dates for these individuals range greatly. One study posited Y-MRCA to have existed

~180,000 to 200,000 BP (Francalacci et al. 2013) while another suggested a date between

~237,000 and 581,000 BP (Mendez et al. 2013). Dates for mt-MRCA range from 99,000 to

148,000 BP (Poznik et al. 2013). Although these theoretical figures may be far in space and time

37
from the Paleoindians discussed in this study, they nonetheless represent an important element in

understanding the lineages and migrations of Homo sapiens over time.

Figure 2.5. Human migrations and mitochondrial haplogroups.

Recent studies have utilized mtDNA, Y-chromosome, and atDNA testing to evaluate

evidence regarding the peopling of the Americas. Many believe that it is important to study modern

Native Americans in order to begin to understand the lifeways of Paleoamericans. The five most

common mtDNA haplogroups among modern Native Americans are A2, B2, C1, D1, X2a (Bandelt

et al. 2003; Reidla et al. 2003) with less common groups being D2a (Derbeneva et al. 2002; Tamm

et al. 2007), D3 (Helgason et al.2006; Saillard et al. 2000), D4h3, and C4c (Kemp et al. 2007;

Tamm et al. 2007). One study (Kashani et al. 2012) noted that 15 recognized founding maternal

lineages are present in genomes from Native Americas, although very little is known about some

of these lineages. The same study evaluates the C4c and X2a haplogroups, noting that they share

“parallel genetic histories” and C4c is based in “deeply rooted” Asian mtDNA phylogeny. The

authors claim that this “definitively dismisses the controversial hypothesis of an Atlantic glacial

entry [Solutrean] route into North America” (Kashani et al. 2012:35). This study furthers the idea

38
that modern Native Americans share the most genetic similarities to Siberian populations rather

than any other group.

Y-chromosome variation among Native Americans is composed of two main haplogroups:

Q-M3 and P-M45 (Schurr 2004:557). Schurr (2004) notes that, within Q-M3, a significant degree

of variability exists in haplotype distributions across North, Central, and South America (Bianchi

et al. 1997, 1998; Karafet et al. 1999; Lell et al. 1997, 2002; Ruiz-Linares et al. 1999; Santos et al.

1996, 1999). These data are based on a different indicator called a single tandem repeat (STR)

rather than a SNP. Using STR to examine genetic sequences produces similar results as would

SNP testing. In his review, Schurr (2004) concludes that three migration events into the Americas

occurred, with the first taking place between 20,000–15,000 cal yr BP in the middle of the LGM,

thus preceding the thawing of the ice-free corridor and strongly suggesting a coastal entry.

Figure 2.6. Dominant Y-chromosome haplogroups in pre-colonial world populations, with possible migration
routes according to the Coastal Migration Model.

39
 These first peoples brought “mtDNA haplogroups A–D (maybe X) and NRY haplogroups

P-M45a and Q-242/M3 haplotypes,” whereas the second migration event likely brought “mtDNA

haplogroup X (maybe more A–D haplotypes) and contributed NRY haplogroups P-M45b, C-

M130, and R1a1-M17 to Native American populations” (Schurr 2004:571-572). The author

suggests that this second migration, dated to ~12,550 cal yr BP, could correspond to the Beringia

Hypothesis. The final influx brought in ancestors to living Native Americans such as Yupik and

Inupik Eskimos, Aleuts, and Na-Dené Indians. These groups are genetically distinct from one

another and offer an intriguing view on the evolution of population migration and biology

throughout the history of the Americas. An understanding of these genetic relations is critical to

forming a more cohesive and holistic knowledge of Americas First Peoples. In the following Data

chapter, genetic data (when applicable) are included in the descriptions of the skeletal remains

examined in this study.

Linguistic Anthropology

Evidence for the true first peoples of the Americas is not limited solely to the material

record or geologic sequences, but can also arguably be found in the linguistic patterns of surviving

Native American groups. There are 566 federally-recognized Native American communities and

tribes in the US alone (Department of the Interior 2015), without speaking to the myriad other

known and unknown tribes of Canada, Central, and South America. These numbers are assumed

to have been substantially higher before the arrival of the Europeans, but within the communities

and tribes that remain, a high degree of social, political, cultural, and linguistic variability still

exists. The study of this variability falls under the jurisdiction of the field of linguistic

anthropology, which is described by one scholar as "a field devoted to the study of what speakers

can and cannot do with words in the context of their everyday life" (Duranti 2004: vii). This is an

40
interesting definition because it suggests the innate power that language holds within human

culture, but also recognizes that it has its limitations.

With regard to the information that can be drawn from language and language diversity,

linguistic anthropology has been a critical factor in the debate of the peopling of the Americas. For

decades, scholars have recognized the high degree of variability that exists in these languages and

language families, and have attributed human migration to the Americas accordingly. The linguist

and ethnologist Pliny E. Goddard (1869-1928) was among the first to study in-depth the

Athabaskan language family found in western North America and some parts of the southwestern

United States. He understood the great diversity in these languages alone, without speaking to the

multiplicity of other Native American languages. He argued that, because of this diversity, a great

deal of time must have been needed for the separation and diversification of these languages,

especially if it was assumed they originated from one parent language (Goddard 1927). He

vehemently contested the viewpoints of some of his contemporaries, namely William H. Holmes

and Aleš Hrdlička, who opposed any great human antiquity in the Americas, no matter the medium

of evidence (Goddard 1927). Through the discovery of new archaeological sites and a series of

conferences, studies, and publications, this debate was established as one of most prominent

discussions of the twentieth century, and remains so even today.

A major part of linguistic anthropology, especially with regard to the peopling of the

Americas debate, is the subfield of glottochronology. According to Lees (1953:113),

glottochronology is defined as “the use of statistical techniques to measure the degree of

relatedness among cognate dialects”. Glottochronology is only a small branch of linguistic studies

and also contains some inherent assumptions regarding diversification of language, but is generally

41
regarded as a useful tool and has been employed, to some degree, in landmark studies such as

Greenberg (1987) and Greenberg et al. (1986).

After spending 26 years compiling a database of vocabulary and grammar of Amerind

languages, Greenberg et al. (1986) put forth the Greenberg Hypothesis that used this database to

argue for the existence of only three separate language families in the Americas. These include the

Amerindian, Na-Dené, and Eskimo-Aleut language families (Greenberg 1987:38; Greenberg et al.

1986; Ruhlen 1987). Greenberg argues that these three distinct language families could represent

three distinct migrations into the Americas (Greenberg 1987:333). He is cautious in this claim,

however, and notes that although these three language families exist, it does not inherently mean

that three migrations occurred (Ruhlen 1987:10). Fewer than three migrations could have occurred

as well, but Greenberg argues that more than three waves of migration is unlikely (Greenberg et

al. 1986:494; Ruhlen 1987:10; cf. Greenberg 1987:333). Should each of these language families

in fact represent a migration pulse, their chronological order would be as follows: the Amerind

migration at least 11,000 BP, followed by the Na-Dené migration taking place 4,700 BP (Dumond

1987; Greenberg 1987; Greenberg et al. 1986; Ruhlen 1987; Swadesh 1959, 1962), and lastly the

Eskimo-Aleut migration occurring approximately 2,900-5,600 BP, with a concentration around

4,000 BP (Greenberg et al. 1986). Thus, the linguistic evidence could support a three-wave

migration model.

Multiple migration models

For decades, scholars have assumed the Pleistocene human migration to the Americas was,

to some degree, a stroke of luck. Two major migration hypotheses exist in the peopling of the

Americas debate (Haynes 2009). The first group favors a rapid, single-wave migration event across

Beringia ca. 11,000 BCE (Fix 2002). Genomic analysis, citing the low degree of genetic diversity

42
among Native Americans, tends to favor this approach. The second group recognizes the

possibility of an earlier entry (13,500BCE) and suggests that ancient Asian populations traveled

via watercraft along the Pacific northwest coast, settling in small campsites not far from shore. The

rate of this migration was far slower that of the “blitzkrieg” Beringia hypothesis (Fix 2002), but

eventually led to the peopling of all regions of Americas.

A simple map illustrating these and other hypotheses is illustrated in Figure 2.7, although

it must be noted that for the purposes of this study, the South Pacific (Rivet 1945), the Australia-

Antarctica (Rivet 1945), and the African hypotheses are not detailed due to a lack of discussion in

scholarly literature.

Figure 2.7. Map depicting the most popular hypothetical routes for the initial peopling of the Americas as well as
significant Paleoindian sites.

43
Clovis-First Hypothesis

The first theoretical

approach is the Clovis-First

Hypothesis, which is deeply

(although not exclusively)

connected with the Land Bridge,

Interior Route, or Single-Entry

Hypothesis (Fiedel 2006;

Haynes 2006). Holding the title

of the oldest and longest-

accepted paradigm in the debate,

oppositions to this hypothesis

did not surface until the mid-

Figure 2.8. Map depicting the Laurentide Ice Sheet (labeled here as
“Continental ice” and the smaller Cordilleran Ice sheet on the south coast of
twentieth century. The earliest the Bering Land Bridge. From Pedersen et al. 2016.

proponents of this stance postulated that male hunters, leading their small bands of primitive

nomads, followed megafauna from northeastern Siberia onto Beringia and then into Alaska. From

there, these groups are said to have discovered an ice-free corridor formed by the warming and

subsequent melting of the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets that cut a passable tract of land

through the unforgiving and desolate terrain (Figure 2.8). The notion of the brave and hearty

Paleoindian man trailing megafauna into a vast new world untouched by human hands was widely

romanticized in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

44
 Many artists, both then and today, created works that illustrated this idealized and assumed

past. An example of this type of artistic reconstruction is shown in Figure 2.9, which illustrates a

mammoth hunt—possibly a woolly mammoth (Mammuthus primigenius)— by a band of hunter-

gatherer men wearing loin cloths and wielding long spears, large crushing rocks, and fire. The

mammoth appears to have fallen into a carefully constructed pit-trap and will soon meet its demise.

It should be noted that no remnants of pit traps have been found to support the plausibility of this

notion (Adovasio 2016). This work is but one of many of its type, depicting these fearless and

robust male hunters as masters of even the most massive and formidable of Pleistocene creatures.

There is also a noted lack of women, children, and elderly members of society in these types of

artistic representations of Paleoindian life.

Figure 2.9. An unknown artist’s rendition of a big-game hunt by Paleoindians.

45
 Criticism of this type of depiction is not intended to discredit the possibility that these

groups did track and kill megafauna during this time. Evidence exists that places human occupation

in contemporaneous stratigraphic layers with Pleistocene-aged megafauna (e.g., Dillehay 1999).

Additionally, and perhaps it need not be mentioned, but the assumption of the male as the

significant contributor to daily subsistence has been heavily challenged and is now understood to

be false as well (Ember 1978; Hunn 2000; Lupo and Schmitt 2002). It is interesting to note that up

to 35 mammalian genera have gone extinct since the LGM (Haynes 2009). Although the discussion

if outside the realms of the present study, multiple hypotheses exist seek to explain this

phenomenon (Koch and Barnosky 2006; Vignieri 2014). There has been a surge in recent decades

in studies of the archaeology of gender, especially with regard to hunter-gatherer societies. An

interesting contribution to this discussion was put forth in an ethnographic example by Bliege Bird

and Bird (2008). Their in-depth study examined the Martu tribe of west central Australia and each

community member’s time spent collecting calories, degrees and likelihood of sharing food,

maintenance of social relations, the risk associated with each food resource, and the return rate of

calories collected, among other criteria. They statistically determined that women were as likely,

if not more likely, than the men to contribute a significant portion of daily caloric intake of the

group. Some of the elements that compose this migration hypothesis were inherently based in

unchecked assumptions and biases, thus they stray from an accurate portrayal of Paleoindian life.

The Beringia Hypothesis, once championed and unchallenged, now finds itself in an

uncertain situation. It has been argued that the ice-free corridor that allegedly permitted entrance

into the Americas was actually “biologically unviable” to pass through during the dates specified

in the Clovis-First Hypothesis (Pedersen et al. 2016). These authors, however, note that this

phenomenon applies to only the oldest Paleoindian population and that later population waves

46
could have reasonably utilized this route. The possibility of a single migration event from northeast

Asia into Alaska has for many proven too narrow a perspective to be considered as the singular

truth in the matter, although some proponents likely remain.

Coastal Entry/Maritime Route

Reflections on the applicability of the Clovis-First model have inspired new ideas and

research into possible migration routes into the Americas. Stepping away from the traditional Land

Bridge model, some scholars are looking to the coast for clues. The Coastal Entry Hypothesis

(Fladmark 1979) posits that early human groups traveled to the Americas using canoes (likely

dugout) to move swiftly down the rugged coasts of Canada, Alaska, Oregon, and California, to

eventually reach Central and South America while completely avoiding the likely turbulent

conditions of the Bering Land Bridge and the ice-free corridor. This hypothesis has gained a

notable degree of support in recent years. Gruhn (1994) discusses three factors are discussed that

underlie the argument for the coastal entry hypothesis: the feasibility of traversing such an

environment and the inherent human adaptibility required; the evidence for such a hypothesis; and

why the Coastal Entry Hypothesis better explains the extant evidence than the Land Bridge

Hypothesis.

She describes the Pleistocene North Pacific Coast as a more “moderate climate… [with]

rich and diverse littoral food resources” (Gruhn 1994: 254), a region far more likely to have

sustained humanity than the unforgiving Beriniga and ice-free corridor. There are a number of

studies that attest to the rich biological diversity of the coasts, especially of the “Kelp Highway”,

which refers to the kelp forest ecosystems found along the Pacific coast of the Americas that could

very likely have provided migrating humans with substantial maritime resources during the late

Pleistocene (Erlandson et al. 2007; Dillehay et al. 2008). The high productivity of these areas is in

47
one way reflected in the abilities of wild coastal species to grow larger and faster than their inland

counterparts (Erlandson et al. 2007:164). Although the marine ecological data favor this

hypothesis, not all aspects of the Coastal Entry Hypothesis fare well against further scientific

testing.

Gruhn (1994: 250), using somewhat controversial radiocarbon dates from sites including

Monte Verde, Toca do Boqueirao, and Pedra Furada, states that scholars should “seriously

consider a minimum date of 50,000 BP for the earliest passage of human populations across the

Bering Straits”. Interestingly, she notes a severe lack of early dated coastal sites (even their

existence at all) that would support this hypothesis, explaining that this is a “major weakness” of

this model (1994:249). She recognizes the difficulty in locating these coastal sites due to the rising

sea levels over the past ~20,000 years. The estimates global sea level about 20,000 BP to have

been roughly 125m (410 feet) lower than modern levels (Fairbanks 1989). Since the end of the Ice

Age, global temperatures have fluctuated, but show an overall warming trend apart from the “Little

Ice Age” during the nineteenth century. This, to the disappointment of interested scholars,

completely inundated any possible cultural remains of this purported wave of migration under

hundreds of feet of water and subjected said remains to the volatile and often unforgiving nature

of oceanic decomposition. This decay is largely due to the high salinity of ocean waters, which

promotes growth of decomposers including bacterium and worms, namely shipworms (Teredo

navalis) that are responsible for damage to organic materials, especially submerged wood (Hoppe

2002). It is probable that Paleoindians utilized a variety of wood resources, considering the artifact

array at Monte Verde. Thus, submerged under hundreds of feet of saline water, any Paleoindians

wooden artifacts likely decayed long ago.

48
 Despite this, Gruhn (1994:253) argues that linguistic studies support this hypothesis due to

the “greatest diversification of aboriginal languages, in terms of the location of the major

subdivisions of widespread language stocks and the number of isolates”, as well as ethnographic

examples of modern human groups that survive in similar environments. For the purposes of this

article, the Yaghan people (Figure 2.10) are used as an ethnographic example.

Figure 2.10. Yaghan boy with bark canoe, bark canoe from a distance, and schematic of bark canoe.

The Yaghan are a hunter-gatherer group living near the South Pole in Tierra del Fuego

(over 50° S latitude) who have a largely maritime diet and a notably unspecialized lithic toolkit.

Gruhn argues that survival of Yaghan lifestyle over many thousands of years can be extended to

apply to Paleoindian populations entering the Americas during or before the last Ice Age,

suggesting that these early peoples also lacked a complex lithic toolkit, traveled on watercraft, and

utilized similar hunted methods. The absence of an elaborate lithic toolkit represents another

central issue in this debate. Regardless of the point of origin, it is generally understood that the

Paleoamericans must have derived in some way from Old World Upper Paleolithic populations

49
who were associated with a complex lithic toolkit. Gruhn’s (1994) article does not discuss this

discrepancy. Because the Coastal Entry model promotes early dates of entry into the Americas, it

has more support in recent years, although deeper investigation is required to further advance the

hypothesis.

A Pleistocene Journey to the West— The Solutrean Hypothesis

Superficially similar to the Coastal Migration Hypothesis is the Solutrean Hypothesis, to

which fewer scholars align themselves. Championed by archaeologists Bruce A. Bradley and

Dennis J. Stanford, this hypothesis purports that the Solutrean culture of Upper Paleolithic France

(22,000-17,000BP) influenced the tool technology of Clovis in eastern North America through a

transition type found at the Cactus Hill Site in Virginia. Stanford and Bradley (2012) argue for the

interrelatedness of these cultures based largely, if not exclusively, on these lithic trends. Solutrean

tools (Figure 2.11) were created using reduction percussion and pressure flaking, allowing the

creators greater control over the formation of their tools (Stanford and Bradley 2012). The

“transition style” of the Cactus Hill Site is shown in Figure 2.12, while a portion of a common

Clovis toolkit is illustrated in Figure 2.13.

Citing the climatic changes occuring in southwestern Europe during the LGM, the authors

posited a substantial cooling as the factor that likely drove common fauna away to areas of greater

evironmental stability. Stanford and Bradley (2012) argue that if these people were unable to use

the land or hunt the animals they had previously depended on, they were able to adapt, finding and

creating new subsistence patterns that were viable in their altered environment. Specifically, if

they could not aquire terrestrial resources, then they adapted to a maritime hunting and gathering

lifestyle. Regarding the attitude toward these early peoples, the authors boast the highest degrees

of respect and admiration for them, often reflecting on their intellect and cultural flexibility.

50
Figure 2.11. (Right) Solutrean tools,
22,000–17,000 BP, Crot du Charnier,
Solutré-Pouilly, Saône-et-Loire,
France. By World Imaging - Own
work, photographed at Musee
d'Archeologie Nationale.

Figure 2.12. (Below) Recast of the

triangular projectile point from
Cactus Hill, Virginia. This point is
argued as the “transition” style
between Solutrean and Clovis.

51
 Figure 2.13. A series of
bifacial, fluted Clovis
projectile points.

According to this hypothesis, hunter-gatherers would have theoretically followed maritime

game on boats, traveling alongside an “ice bridge” that connected Europe and North America

(Stanford and Bradley 2012:11), eventually sailing across the Atlantic and landing along the east

coast of North America (Figure 2.14). The authors argue that these people likely landed much

closer to the continental shelf due to the lowered sea level, and that these areas should be

researched further. Any evidence of sites in support of this hypothesis have succumbed to the

same fate as those of the Coastal Entry Hypothesis— completely submerged in up to 410 feet of

saltwater (Fairbanks 1989). Stanford and Bradley (2012) support the findings of the Cinmar crew

as proof of Solutrean presence or—at the least— influence in North America. While dredging for

deep sea scallops near the continental shelf, the crew of the Cinmar allegedly pulled up an artfully-

crafted biface remniscient of Solutrean typology as well as large fragments of a mastodon skeleton.

52
Studies date the remains to 22,000-24,000 RCYBP (Lowery 2009; Stanford et al. 2014). Stanford

and Bradley (2012) argue that these artifacts strongly suggest if not an early Solutrean presence,

then at least a Solutrean impact in North America. Many others (Boulanger and Eren 2015; Dulik

et al. 2012; Eren et al. 2013, 2014, 2015; Eriksson et al. 2012; Goebel et al. 2008; Kashani et al.

2012; Meltzer 2009; O'Brien et al. 2014a; O'Brien et al. 2014b; O'Rourke and Raff 2010; Philips

2014; Raghavan et al. 2014; Raff and Bolnick 2014; Rasmussen et al. 2014; Straus 2000; Straus

et al. 2005; and Westley and Dix 2008) have pointed out a number of flaws in their argument,

perhaps most notably that the radiocarbon dates for the mammoth remains precede any known

Solutrean dates in Europe by 2,000 years (O’Brien et al. 2014a; O’Brien et al. 2014b). It is evident

that a large amount of data speaks to the unlikelihood of a Solutrean Peopling of the Americas.

Figure 2.14. Map

displaying the
Solutrean
Migration
Hypothesis and the
Land Bridge
Migration
Hypothesis.

53
Explanation of Model

The apex of this model (Figure 2.15) describes one of the most basic questions of this

debate: the geographic and/or ethnic background of the First Americans. In order to dissect this

topic, it must be noted and accepted that statistically significant differences with regard to physical

appearance exist both within and between global human populations. This variation can be

understood through the study of human skeletal remains, which can take place on a macroscopic

or microscopic level. Anthropometry and its subfields (somatometry, cephalometry, osteometry,

and—important to this study—craniometry) represesnt this readily observable research method on

a macroscopic scale (Bass 2005). Conversely, various means of genetic testing represent only a

small portion of microscopic research capabilities. Together, these factors can assist in determining

geographic affinities and illustrate trends that examine human biological diversity over time. This

model attempts to portray these relationships in a simple manner, although the present study

recognizes the true complexity of the issue at hand.

Theoretically, conclusions drawn from the macroscopic cranial measurements and the

subsequent head shape categorization should complement genetic data. For example, if the

Solutrean Hypothesis were to be tested using this model, a few elements would be required. First,

human remains (a cranium, specifically) that have been relaibly and (ideally) repeatedly

radiocarbon-dated to demonstrate a pre-Clovis age. Second, the remains must be preserved well

enough for viable measurements to be taken. Third, the associated cranial index would indicate a

skull shape common to the area of Solutrean origin (in this case, meso or brachycephaly would be

the shape associated with the Solutré region of central France). Fourth, mtDNA testing of the skull

would likely indicate the presence of Haplogroup H as an ancestral lineage, again representing the

common native. Combined, these data would make a strong case for the Solutrean

54
Hypothesis,which could be supplemented by the discovery of tools, megafaunal remains, or other

cultural indicators of a Solutrean presence. Of course, this represents an ideal scenario and is not

likely to be observed in most if not all of the samples. Of the 112 Paleoindian samples gathered,

only six were viable for genetic testing, which limits the possibilities of this model. The possibility

of remains being reexamined for genetic evidence (some of which have already been repatriated

and reburied) is likely slim. Therefore, for the purposes of the present study, the geographic

frequency and distribution of skull shapes could speak to the geographic origins of the First

Americans.

55
 Geographic affinities of the First
Americans Supplemental
archaeological
remains that
suggest a specific
cultural presence

Region-based human
biological variation

Study of human
skeletal remains

Cranial/post-cranial
Genetic studies
morphology

Craniofacial features mtDNA testing

Skull shape (cranial Y-chromosome

Index) testing

Figure 2.15. Model demonstrating the theoretical approach of the present study. Multiple factors
combine to analyze the Paleoindian remains, but ultimately the skeletal remains are the basis for
inferring geographic origin.

56
 Chapter 3
Methods

The study of Paleoindian human crania is the focal point of this research. Gaining firsthand

access to these time-specific remains—or human remains at all—has proven notoriously

challenging to past researchers. Due to a number of reasons (some of which include their fragility

and scarcity), human remains have become among the most well-protected, and thus difficult to

access, archaeological materials. Committees have been established whose sole purpose is the

safety, conservation, and ease of access of these remains (see Fossheim et al. 2013 for an example).

Due to these and other extenuating circumstances, any primary research on human remains

was unable to completed by the author. Instead, all the information examined in this study was

located in various monographs and journal publications, most of which were accessed through

online databases.

A great diversity exists among human cranial shapes, but most populations can be

categorized into three previously described forms: dolichocephalic, mesocephalic, and

brachycephalic. Although cranial shape can be influenced by several external factors including

environment and cultural trends, underlying biological patterns of cranial shape do exist—which

can suggest an ancestral and/or geographic link within and between global populations. Though

regional patterns exist, the cranial shape is not a direct indicator of race, as race is not biologically

divisible. Additionally, it is important to note that this study examines overall cranial shape and

not cranial capacity (cc), a quantity that describes the total volume within the cranium in which

the brain resides.

57
 Cranial form is calculated via the cranial index of the skull in question. The cranial index

is “a numerical device for expressing the ratio of the breadth of the skull to the length (in percent)”

(Bass 2005:65,70) and can be written as follows:

𝑚𝑎𝑥𝑖𝑚𝑢𝑚 𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑎𝑙 𝑏𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑑𝑡ℎ x 100

𝐶𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑎𝑙 𝐼𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑥 = 𝑚𝑎𝑥𝑖𝑚𝑢𝑚 𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑖𝑎𝑙 𝑙𝑒𝑛𝑔𝑡ℎ

Table 3.1 delineates the cranial index ranges for each of the cranial shapes. For the purposes

of this research, two further measurements, hyperdolichocephalic and hyperbrachycephalic are

utilized to show extreme outliers within the dataset and can be considered as part of the lesser

extreme form that they represent (hyperdolichocephalic can be grouped as dolichocephalic, etc.).

Reading left to right, hyperdolichocephalic and dolichocephalic describe an oval-shaped and

“long-headed” cranial form while brachycephalic and hyperbrachycephalic describe an

increasingly shorter and rounder or “broad-headed” skull shape. Mesocephaly describes an

intermediate cranial size, in between oval and round.

This study also aims to remake the map from MacGowan (1953:157) using data from the

extensive Howells (1973) cranial dataset of historic/modern skulls in an attempt to more accurately

represent global diversity of human cranial shapes. In the present study, ten prehistoric Paleoindian

crania from the Terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene epochs are examined and compared to

the historic/modern populations of the Howells collection.

Table 3.1. List of Cranial Index Ranges and Their Associated Shape Names and Abbreviations
Cranial

index < 70.0 70.1-75.0 75.1-80.0 80.1-85.0 > 85.0

Cranial hyperdolichocephalic dolichocephalic mesocephalic brachycephalic hyperbrachycephalic

shape (L) (D) (M) (B) (H)

58
Data Acquisition

The Howells cranial dataset was accessed and downloaded from the following web address:

https://web.utk.edu/~auerbach/HOWL.htm. These individuals represent 30 populations from 6

continents. The Excel file for this dataset was extremely large (up to 82 measurements for each of

the 2,524 crania, not including the 524 “test” crania, which were excluded from the main dataset).

Because of this, the file was downsized to include only the values for the maximum cranial length

(GOL) and breadth (XCB). An algorithm was used to automatically calculate all of the cranial

indices and corresponding skull shape designations were manually added to each cranium. Totals

of each cranial form within each population were tallied automatically and manually rechecked to

ensure data integrity. Coordinate data of the 30 regions were manually entered into Google Earth

Pro (version 7.1.7.2606) and were saved as a layer into a .kmz file.

The Paleoamerican cranial dataset, conversely, was compiled manually due to the paucity

of these finds and the associated lack of comprehensive scholarly publications. In total, 112

individuals were identified, although a small handful pertain to later time periods. The majority of

Paleoindian cranial data originated from mid-late twentieth century scientific or anthropological

publications. A number of these were completed before the advent of radiocarbon dating, which

raises obvious concerns. An attempt was made to find more recent reexaminations or publications

of these remains, but many either could not be found or it was discovered that the remains suffered

the consequences of the passing of time (i.e., some were lost during war or museum moves, while

others have been repatriated and reburied under NAGPRA). Publication language only proved to

be a slight barrier, considering that many of these reports are written in English or Spanish (the

author is fluent in both), but a number of articles (especially those detailing the significant region

of Lagoa Santa, Minas Gerais, Brazil) are published in Portuguese. There are an even smaller

59
number published in French. Translating programs are utilized to assist in this matter. Data from

these myriad sources have been combined into one large Excel file with fields comparable to those

in the Howells collection to facilitate computerized comparison of the two databases. A cumulative

Paleoindian database is illustrated in Appendix A.

Creating the GIS map

To make the GIS map, the .kmz files were added to ArcGIS10.3.1 as separate layers to a

general world base map without modern political borders. The Howells Excel file was joined to

the .kmz file and pie chart distributions were created for each of the 30 world regions, which were

then overlaid on the basemap. The sample number (n) of the Howells populations ranged from 10

to 110 individuals, depending on the region. The five variations in pie chart colors illustrate the

percent of individuals with each cranial shape, within each population. Due to time constraints,

the present study was not able to construct a GIS map for the Paleoindian collection. This map

may be produced and illustrated in a later publication.

Statistical Analyses

Statistical analysis of these populations largely consisted of low-level functions including

group average, median, minimums, maximums, quartiles, and standard deviation. Results of these

analyses as well as are illustrated in box-and-whisker plots and bar graphs. A scatterplot was

utilized to demonstrate the overall distribution of all cranial shapes.

CRANID is a free software program developed in 1992 by Richard Wright (1992) that

utilizes 29 points of measurement on the crania to estimate ancestry of unknown human remains.

This program and others like it (e.g., FORDisc) is used frequently in forensic anthropology as well

as archaeology. Algorithms compare the measurements of the unknown cranium to known

historical and modern populations using multivariate linear discriminant analysis and nearest

60
neighbor discriminant analysis. These known populations derive from the previously-mentioned

Howells collection as well as crania from Great Britain, India, Bedouin tribes, Palestine, Australian

aborigines, southern Italy, and Denmark. In total, 74 geographic locations are evaluated for

comparison, containing 3,163 crania from 39 different populations. Some authors (see Perera et

al. 2007) for an example regarding certain south east Asian groups) argue that entire populations

are not well accounted for in programs such as these, creating difficulties in the classification of

crania from those areas. This presents a factor worthy of consideration when evaluating the results

of these tests. Because this program requires a total of 29 cranial landmarks, only two of the

examined crania could be evaluated using this program due to the dearth of readily available

Paleoindian data.

Although numerous past studies (most notably those of the nineteenth and twentieth

centuries) attempted to racially classify crania based on observable craniometric data, this study

recognizes the pitfalls of such an endeavor and therefore does not attempt nor intend to speak to

race, but instead to possible geographic affinities through comparison with modern populations.

The following data chapter illustrates the details of these datasets, maps, processes, and statistical

analyses.

61
 Chapter 4
Data

The initial goal of this investigation was to identify the existence of as many claimed

Paleoindian remains as possible throughout North, Central, and South America. The research has

revealed the paucity of these remains, especially of those which could be compared to a

contemporary and reasonably-sized population. In other words, human remains from the Terminal

Pleistocene and Early Holocene are spread quite sporadically throughout the Western hemisphere

and often in burials of no more than 1-2 individuals. Only three verified exceptions to this situation

exist— the populations of Lagoa Santa, Brazil, Sábana de Bogotá, Colombia, and Las Vegas,

Ecuador— that have been described in great detail elsewhere (Hubbe et al. 2015; Stothert 1985)

all of which are condensed here for convenience.

Summaries of each examined crania, its burial context, and associated artifacts or features

are presented in order of sample number (see Appendix A for a comprehensive list of all

Paleoindian samples) beginning with North America, then Central America, and concluding with

South America in alphabetical order by state or country. It must be noted that, due to the wide

range of description in scholarly publications and usual variation in the preservation of human

remains, the same types of data (dental, facial structure, etc.) are not equally represented in all

summaries. Because so few crania (Kennewick and Peñon III) were able to be examined using the

CRANID multivariate analysis program, results are listed within the main description rather than

in a separate section. It is also important to note that some of these crania have questionable

contexts and/or radiocarbon dates. Any known discrepancies are noted in the corresponding

summary.

62
 North America

Whitewater Draw, Arizona

In February 1983, the remains of a woman were discovered in Whitewater Draw at the site

Arizona, 150km southeast of Tucson (Waters 1986). The remains were found accidentally with a

backhoe during geologic testing in the area, which removed all but the upper calvarium and a

portion of the mandible in situ. The geological and archaeological deposits surrounding the burial

are dated to between 8,390 and 10,420 BP, thus bracketing the date of the burial within that

timeframe. Insufficient collagen was preserved for direct radiocarbon dating of the skeletal

remains, although it may one day be possible to achieve believable results with a smaller collagen

sample. Despite multiple fractured bones from the backhoe removal, Waters (1986) reports that,

because a number of bones were found within hardened sediments still in articulation suggesting

the burial was undisturbed prior to excavation. This female, Sulphur Springs Woman (after a

nearby valley of the same name), was approximately 25-35 years old at the time of her death, had

gracile features, and was possibly buried in a flexed position (<60 cm wide) due to the majority of

the skeleton being removed in a single backhoe scoop. Following cranial reconstruction, the skull

shape was determined to be mesocranic, with a cranial index of 76.47. The occlusal surfaces of

her teeth are very worn, but a sinodontic pattern can still be identified (Waters 1986). Citing

sinodonty as the most telling characteristic of Sulphur Springs Woman, Waters (1986) agrees with

Turner (1983) regarding the origin of the first Americans as an area of northern China. No further

information on Sulphur Springs Woman was found.

63
Gordon Creek, Colorado

In 1963, the burial of a female was discovered eroding out of an arroyo bank of a tributary

of Gordon Creek, Roosevelt National Forest, northern Colorado (Breternitz et al. 1971). This site

is located less than 25 miles from the Lindenmeier site, one of the most famous Folsom-age

occupational sites in North America presenting a multitude of lithic artifacts (Wilmsen and Roberts

Jr. 1978). Her remains were nearly complete; she was missing only parts of both radii, one patella,

portions of the facial bones, multiple small bones of the hands and feet, and various small sections

of other bones. Skeletal analysis revealed her age to be between 25-30 while her skull showed

slight alveolar prognathism, a slightly arched sagittal contour (ridge), and extreme occlusal wear

to the point where shoveling was indeterminable (Figure 4.1). Her cranial index is 79.77, indicating

mesocephaly almost to the point of brachycephaly. Her ileum was directly dated to 9700± 250

radiocarbon years BP (10,652 – 11,398 BP), offering an Early to Mid-Holocene age. All associated

artifacts, the base of the burial pit, and the skeleton itself were thickly stained with red ocher. A

number of small lithic

bifaces and one utilized

flake found in the burial

context were determined

to have been burned. The

authors found it difficult

to explain the inclusion of

a projectile point in the

burial of a woman Figure 4.1. Frontal and left lateral views of the Gordon Creek Woman from the
Frankfort plane. From Breternitz 1971: Figures 4 and 5.
(Breternitz et al.

64
1971:176). Breternitz et al. (1971) argue that the presence of both worn and non-worn lithic and

osseous tools, red-ocher staining, a flexed burial position, and evidence of refilling the burial pit

are all factors that speak to an intentional interment. The current status of her skeleton is unknown.

Melbourne, Florida

In 1925, remains were recovered in a Pleistocene-aged deposit near Melbourne, Florida.

These remains, known as the Melbourne Man, include a severely crushed cranium, a left clavicle,

as well as bones of the appendicular skeleton (Gidley and Loomis (1926:259). J. W. Gidley

suggested that the cranium had been “stepped on by a mammoth or mastodon” (Stewart 1946:1)

Hrdlička, who first reconstructed the skull with a central mass of clay to stabilize it, presented the

cranium at two separate conferences, both times classifying it as “the usual type of the Indian

crania found in the mounds of this part of Florida” (Stewart 1946:4). He described it as an Indian

male, of advanced adult age,

undeformed, hyperbrachycranic,

and high-headed (Hrdlička

1937:98). Stewart (1946)

questions whether both

brachycranic and dolichocranic

populations were present in

North America at the

Pleistocene-Holocene boundary.
Figure 4.2. Frontal view of second reconstruction of Melbourne Man After considering the possible
completed by Stewart 1946, Plate 4, Figure 1.
role of Hrdlička’s bias in the

initial reconstruction, Stewart

65
(1946) completed a second reconstruction (Figure 4.2). It varied greatly from the former,

representing dolichocrany (cranial index 73.12) rather than hyperbrachycrany (89.0). Much of the

upper and lower jaws are missing, but the few remaining teeth show extreme occlusal wear.

Regarding the sex, Hrdlička classified the Melbourne individuals as male, although Stewart

(1946:24) offers numerous skeletal loci which “seem to favor the female sex”, although the cranial

shape could indicate either sex. This study was unable to uncover any recent scholarly

reexaminations of the Melbourne Man, however, the Brevard County Historical Commission

(2010:57) suggests that “current thought dates Melbourne Man as early as 10,000 to 8,000 BCE.”

Vero Beach, Florida

Originally excavated by Isaac M. Weills and F.C. Gifford in 1913, E.L. Sellards (1916:9)

reported that at least two sets of human remains had been found eroding out of a canal near Vero

Beach, Florida. These remains pertained to the same geologic layer containing Pleistocene

megafauna including giant sloths, bison, horses, sabre-tooth tigers, Columbian elephants, and

American mammoths as well as extant species like the tapir, fox, armadillos, capybara, deer, and

raccoon. Faunal remains were disarticulated and scattered throughout the canal bed and eroding

walls. The human remains are mineralized to the same degree as the surrounding fossils, which

Sellards (1916) argues is representative of their Pleistocene antiquity.

Skeleton I is a female represented by a collection of long bone fragments, three

metacarpals, seven metatarsals, and a right patella. Without offering extensive description,

Hrdlička (1918:52) ascertains that, although exhibiting “usual individual peculiarities”, the

remains are “strictly modern”. Skeleton II, the individual analyzed in this study, is an adult male

characterized by various small bones of the hands and feet, six rib fragments, part of the right

scapula, a partial pelvis, and a partial cranium. A heavily worn left median upper incisor was found

66
in close proximity to Skeleton II, but Hrdlička (1918:59) suggests that it may come from a young

adult who is possibly female. Approximately 2/3 of the Skeleton II (Vero Man) skull is missing,

including most of the facial bones, the maxilla and half of the mandible (Figure 4.3). Noting the

intrigue of Skeleton II’s cranium, Hrdlička (1918:55) concluded that it exhibited “rather superior

modern characteristics”. Hrdlička (1918:56) described it as “large, finely shaped, thoroughly

modern, and usually thin”. He does not note the specific shape of the skull or any associated

measurements, despite his illustration (Hrdlička 1918: Plate 10) representing dolichocephaly. Vero

Man lacks both a strong sagittal ridge and a supraorbital torus. Hrdlička notes that “there is no

feature of the skeleton that would suggest even remotely an individual more ancient or

anthropologically more primitive then the Indian” (Hrdlička 1918:50). Due to the amount of

missing skeletal elements, many further critical observations that could assist in inferring ancestry

were not possible.

Only a small number

artifacts were found,

possibly in association with

these remains. Two lithic

artifacts described as “thin

and sharp-edged spawls” as

well as fragments of three

bone implements were

Figure 4.3. Frontal view and top view (with outline drawings) of the Vero recovered. Curiously,
Man. From Stewart 1947: Plate 7 and Figure 2.
pottery is noted as being

found in the third stratum

67
(which Hrdlička calls “the muck layer”) of this deposit (Sellards 1916:14), though Hrdlička (1918)

attributes the assemblage to modern Native American culture.

As of 1949, the bones of Vero Man “could not be located” (Swift 1998:6). Because of this,

Vero Man has never been subjected to radiocarbon analysis to reject or confirm his antiquity. His

remains have been considered lost ever since.

Buhl, Idaho

In 1989, workers uncovered human remains in a gravel quarry near the Snake River in

south-central Idaho. A front-end loader separated the skeleton, leaving the disarticulated cranium,

mandible, ribs, and some vertebrae in situ while the rest of the remains were nearly destroyed in a

rock crusher. Beta analysis on bone collagen indicated an age of 10,675 ± 95 B.P., a date confirmed

by geological and geomorphic testing of three nearby localities to determine depositional history.

The burial was found in a wedge-shaped sand deposit with overlying boulders from a past flood

deposit. Green et al. (1998) note that these boulders (refers to sedimentological boulders, as in a

grain >256mm in diameter or < -8 Φ) could have been placed intentionally over the grave or could

have naturally eroded from upslope surfaces.

The skeletal assemblage of the Buhl individual is rather remarkable given its age. A large

majority of upper body was recovered while only the right femur, two tarsals, and two metatarsals

were recovered from the lower body. The skeleton, sometimes referred to as “Buhla” was a female

estimated to be between ages 17-21 (Figure 4.4). The bones show little to no mineralization. The

femur shows radiographic evidence of traverse or Harris lines. There is a slight sagittal arch and

the zygomatics project forward. Her cranium is mesocephalic (cranial index 76.8). Slight alveolar

prognathism is present as well as a low and dull nasal sill. Occlusal surfaces of the teeth are

severely worn, with most teeth exhibiting stage 6-7 of wear based on Smith’s (1984) scale. No

68
 dental caries were observed, although the right

mandibular canine did show linear enamel

hypoplasia (LEH). Green et al. (1998) note this

as a peculiarity due to the fact that LEH is

commonly displayed bilaterally as a result of

disease or nutritional deficiencies and posit that

it is a result of occlusal wear, trauma,

inflammation, or other related factor. Regarding

diet, isotopic analysis suggests a heavy reliance

on meat products, especially anadromous

(seasonal) fish.
Figure 4.4. Frontal view of the Buhl Woman cranium.
From Green et al. 1998: Figure 8.
The Buhl Woman was interred with a handful

of Paleoindian artifacts. A pressure-flaked stemmed biface most similar to Windust points was

found directly under the right side of the skull while a bone needle was found nearby. Neither

indicated any evidence of use, which suggested they were created for the purpose of the burial.

The function of two incised-bone objects could not be determined, but similarities were noted with

artifacts from the Folsom Lindenmeier site (Wilmsen and Roberts 1978: Figure 128j-m). Unaltered

natural phenomena were also included as funerary objects, namely, a badger baculum. Green et al.

(1998) note that this element represents the only badger skeletal remains at the site, which

suggested an intentional inclusion of this material into the grave of the Buhl Woman. When word

of Buhla’s discovery spread, she was soon claimed as an ancestor of the nearby Shoshone-Bannock

tribe of Fort Hall, Idaho. Under the Statue of the State of Idaho, the Buhl Woman was repatriated

in 1991 and reburied (Hawkinson 1999).

69
Browns Valley, Minnesota

In the early 1900s, the burial of a middle-aged adult male was found near Browns Valley

in west-central Minnesota. Although apparently separated in time, this individual presents a

number of similarities to the Sauk Valley Man (described below). Jenks (1937) describes this

individual in detail. The Browns Valley Man exhibits a relatively wide jaw, moderate auricular

height, and pronounced brow ridges. He lacks an occipital torus (bun) but does demonstrate a slight

sagittal ridge. His face is broad and short, factors made interesting by his dolichocephalic skull

shape (cranial index 70.98). Jenks and Wilford (1938:167) note that this combination of facial

form and cranial shape is “reminiscent of the Late Paleolithic period of Europe, [and] is

distinguished from the long faced Indian population”. Assuming that the presence of certain

“primitive” traits is strongly suggestive of an individual’s antiquity, Jenks and Wilford (1938)

assign a date of 8000-12,000 BP to this individual based on craniofacial features. The authors also

note that this individual has been dated culturally through the presence of a “chipped implement”

similar to one found in the lowest layer of the Signal Butte site in Scotts Bluff, Nebraska (Jenks

and Wilford 1938:167), although the National Park Service (n.d.) currently lists the oldest level of

this site as dating to only 3000-2000BCE. An unconfirmed source indicates that the Browns Valley

Man (along with the individuals from Pelican Rapids, Sauk Valley, Buhl, Wizards Beach, and

Spirit Cave) were set to be repatriated under NAGPRA or state equivalents (Hawkinson 1999).

According to this source, the Browns Valley Man was to be repatriated to a Minnesota Sioux

coalition in 1999. This study was unable to affirm or deny this claim.

Pelican Rapids, Minnesota

Originally known as the “Minnesota Man”, a burial of an older adolescent female was

found in 1931 under Highway 30 in west-central Minnesota. Although the burial was female and

70
referred to as a female in various publications (Jenks 1936; Jenks and Wilford 1938), she still

retained the moniker “Minnesota Man” for a number of decades following her discovery.

Following Jenks (1936) publication on the find, scholars quickly became aware of this remarkable

individual—as well as her claim to significant antiquity. Jenks (1936) notes that the 15-19-year-

old woman (Figure 4.5) was found under 9.9m of deposits of silts and glacial loess in glacial Lake

Pelican, Minnesota, immediately east of the Big Stone moraine of the Wisconsin glacier. Jenks

and Wilford (1938:167), referring to geologic evidence from the lake and surrounding region as

well as her numerous “primitive” characteristics, estimate her age to be between 20,000-25,000

BP. More recent radiocarbon analyses indicate that the remains are closer to 7840 ± 70 BP (Collins

1998:1442) which puts her at the extreme younger end of Paleoindian chronologies.

A number of intriguing artifacts were found in context with the Pelican Rapids Woman.

Crushed clam shell (Lampsilis siliquoidea) was found above the frontal bone; Jenks (1936)

suggests it may have been part of a headdress ornament. An elk (Cervus canadensis) antler dagger

was also found to the right of the right humerus, which exhibited a broken tip (as a result of contact

with road working equipment) and a small perforation near the bottom. A conch shell (Busycon

perversa) pendant was discovered among the vertebrae in the abdominal area. Interestingly, other

Busycon perversa artifacts have been found in the Cahokia mounds in Illinois (Jenks 1936, citing

personal communication with Dr. Frank C. Baker). To Jenks (1936:164), the presence of this conch

suggests established trade routes “extending from Minnesota to the Gulf of Mexico, probably

down the Mississippi Valley”. Other associated artifacts include 60 fragments of turtle (Emydine)

carapace, a wolf’s tooth, and the metacarpal of a loon, among other faunal remains. Jenks

71
 (1936:169) suggests that these

items may have had mystical

significance to the culture, or

that they made have been part

of a “medical kit” carried in the

turtle container.

Pelican Rapids Woman

retained all of her teeth apart

from the upper left lateral

incisor, which was lost en route

back to camp following the first

Figure 4.5. Multiple views of the cranium of Pelican Rapids Woman. day of excavation (Jenks 1936).
Adapted from Jenks 1936: Figures 36, 37, and 38.
The teeth are overall very large

and shoveling is present on all 7 remaining incisors. Her dentition also shows only mild to

moderate degrees of wear, which contrasts features commonly seen in Paleoindian populations.

Jenks and Wilford (1938:165) note her reasonably-sized cranial capacity, a “far more primitive

occiput” or occipital bun, and no brow ridges (Jenks and Wilford 1938:164-165). Her cranial index

is 77.09, indicating mesocephaly. Her large tooth size, high degree of alveolar prognathism, nasal

guttering, and the lack of a nasal sill suggests highly primitive features and aligns closest to

Negroids and Australians (Jenks 1936).

In conclusion, Jenks (1936:172-174) offers a detailed list of primitive traits associated with

the Minnesota Man, but ultimately concludes “our specimen fits so well into a combination of

characteristics exhibited by the Mongoloids in general but is so unquestionably of a primitive type,

72
it must be concluded that Minnesota Man is of an early type of evolving Mongoloid”. He later

attributes the presence of any non-Mongoloid traits, such as “the tendency to dolichocephaly” to

admixture with “early White or Negroid strains” (Jenks 1936:174). However, not all scholars of

the time accepted Jenks claims that a more “primitive” skeleton was immediately indicative of

antiquity (Oetteking 1937). Jenks (1936) attributes major differences (the cranial index, head-

height index, total facial index, nasal index, stature, and body proportions) between the American

and Asian Mongoloid stocks to multiple migrations to the Americas. The Pelican Rapids Chamber

of Commerce (2012) eventually changed her name to Nimuué, referring to the “Lady of the Lake”

of Arthurian legend. Nimuué was repatriated to the Dakota tribe in 1999 and buried near Sisseton,

South Dakota.

Sauk Valley, Minnesota

Following the discoveries of the Pelican Rapids Woman and Browns Valley Man a few

years prior, A.E. Jenks and Lloyd Wilford were made aware of a skeleton found in a gravel pit in

the Sauk Valley by a labor crew. Jenks and Wilford (1938:136), citing the inexperience of the

labor crew, note that many of the bones were missing or broken, although the cranium was found

mostly complete. They determined that the Sauk Valley Man was middle-aged at his time of death.

His cranial vault is high and he exhibits dolichocephaly (cranial index 74.19), alveolar

prognathism, and protruding brow ridges (Figure 4.6). The direction of Sauk Valley Man's nuchal

plane (occipital region of the bottom of the skull) is most similar to those of Neanderthals and the

"Minnesota Man"(Jenks and Wilford 1938:150). The authors also observe a high degree of dental

wear and reflect on an interesting patterning and thickening of the lambdoid suture, which they

describe as also being present in “two other strongly muscled male crania from this area, though

in a lesser degree” (Jenks and Wilford 1938:143-144). A large bi-zygomatic diameter of 142mm

73
and an extremely low zygo-frontal index (noted as a “primitive feature”) “definitively indicates”

that Sauk Valley Man is representative of the Mongoloid type (Jenks and Wilford 1938:152-153).

Due to the destruction

of large sections of the

face, many facial

measurements could

not be accurately

recorded or estimated.

Jenks and Wilford

(1938) also describe 26

characteristics that

Figure 4.6. Right lateral and frontal view of Sauk Valley Man. From Jenks and Wilford describe Sauk Valley
1938:139, Plate 22.
Man as primitive,

including a low cranial capacity and auricular height, a projecting occipital bun, a backwardly-

directed nuchal plane, and a large face relative to the cranial vault, among others. They argue that,

based on these primitive characteristics, “the specimen is separated from the modern Indian by a

considerable time interval [rather] than to believe that it represents a highly aberrant member of a

modern group” (Jenks and Wilford 1938:164).

As Meltzer (2015:339) noted, Jenks and Wilford were eager to put these this and the two

previous Minnesota skeletons in a chronology based on cranial and post-cranial morphometrics.

The Sauk Valley Man was assumed to represent a period between Pelican Rapids Woman

[Minnesota Man] (who demonstrated the most primitive features of the three) and Browns Valley

Man (who exhibited the least primitive features) (Jenks and Wilford 1938:164-168). The authors

74
understood the Sauk Valley Man to be equal to or older than the Browns Valley Man, whom they

estimated to date to 8000-12,000 BP. Recent radiocarbon testing of these remains, however, has

revealed dates of 4360 ± 60 (Collins 1998:1442, citing Tom Stafford, personal communication).

A date of this range is clearly younger than the intended timespan of this study, and for this reason

should be cautiously considered when examining the results, but in an attempt to include more

data, these remains were included nevertheless.

Anzick (Wilsal), Montana

In 1968 near Wilsal, Montana, the burials of two young children were accidentally

discovered on private property by a construction worker. This site piqued the interests of the public

and scholars alike, largely due to one of the burials being discovered in direct association with

Clovis artifacts— including at least 100 stone tools and 15 osseous tool fragments consistent with

the known Clovis toolkit (Figure 4.7a, 4.7b), most of which were recovered by hand in a single

evening (Lahren 1999). Skeletal remains of that child, an infant determined to be between 1 and 2

years old, consisted of a left clavicle, 3 ribs, and 28 cranial fragments stained with red ocher (Figure

4.7c) (Owsley et al. 2001). Due to the presence of y-chromosomal DNA, this infant, called Anzick-

1, is considered to be male. Direct dating of the cranium offered a date of 10,705 ± 35 14

C BP

(approximately 12,700–12,560 calendar BP) (Rasmussen et al. 2014). The second child (Figure

4.7d) is aged 6 to 8 years, dates to ~8600 cal BP, does not exhibit red ocher staining, and belongs

to a more recent population in the area (Owsley et al. 2001).

Secondary efforts were able to disassemble the work of the initial reconstruction which

employed a “gritty adhesive that left a grayish residue” and (Owsley et al. 2001:119). The second

reconstruction of Anzick-1 yielded a partially complete braincase which was examined for basic

morphometric analysis. The overall cranial form was dolichocephalic (cranial index: 74.85) and

75
no signs of anemia or nutritional deficiencies, such as cribra orbitalia or porotic hyperostosis, were

noted. Genetic testing of Anzick-1 revealed an affinity to all indigenous populations of

Mesoamerica and South America (Rasmussen et al. 2014), which Rasmussen et al. (2015) note
Figure 4.7. a) Clovis osseous rod from the Anzick Site, b) Clovis fluted
projectile point from the site (adapted from Rasmussen et al. 2014), c)
Anzick-1 skull and ribs stained with red ocher, and d) Anzick-2 partial
skull. From Owsley et al. 2001: Figure 2.

could signify an “early population structure within the Americas”, stemming from or near Siberia.

This infant provides the only physical human connection in the Americas that is directly and

unquestionably associated with the Clovis complex (Owsley et al. 2001; Rasmussen et al. 2014).

Recent sources indicate that the remains have been separated from the funerary artifacts and are

kept in an undisclosed location while the artifacts are on display at the Montana Historical Society

in Helena, Montana (Lahren 2014).

76
Arch Lake, New Mexico

In May 1967, two avocational archaeologists found themselves on a promontory

overlooking the dry Arch Lake basin in eastern New Mexico near Texas border (Owsley 2010).

Exposed in a cut bank nearby, they discovered a portion of the mandible that exhibited a high

degree of carbonate encrustation. Within weeks, they and the El Llano Archaeological Society of

Portales had uncovered a nearly complete set of human remains laying supine within a sandstone

formation. Using bone collagen, the geologic age for this individual was calculated to be 10,020 ±

50 RC yrs BP (11,950-11,200 BCE at 2σ). This burial and its associated cultural context was

largely ignored by the academic community at first, but interest would grow as new information

became available. The removal of bone from rock is a delicate and time-consuming operation. For

this reason— combined with the possibilities of vandalism and looting— it was decided that the

entire pit burial of Arch Lake Woman should be removed in a single sediment block, preserved,

and transported to the nearest viable laboratory for analysis. As previously mentioned, many of

the skeletal elements of Arch Lake Woman were confined within this mass (Figure 4.8).

Figure 4.8. Superior view of the Arch Lake skeleton after additional exposure in the laboratory. From Owsley 2010:
Figure 5.

Recovered material included nearly all of the long bones as well as most ribs, the pelvis,

and the cranium, although the latter three were not as well-preserved. The right forearm is missing

77
and the left is very poorly-preserved. Researchers (Owsley 2010) worked to remove evidence of

past preservation attempts with materials such as plasters, shellac, glues, and Plaster-of-Paris

soaked burlap in addition to removing excess sediments and calcium carbonate buildup.

Eventually, a sufficient percentage of the skeleton was so far removed from the matrix that they

could finally be studied.

Arch Lake Woman is a female Paleoindian, aged 17-19, who presents a number of

intriguing characteristics that offer insight into her ancestral affinities. This young woman exhibits

a notable degree of bone erosion, possibly due to eolian factors present in desert conditions. Her

upper face is short while her cranium is large and hyperdolichocephalic (cranial index 85.38), a

shape extremely uncommon among Paleoindian populations. The teeth are also anomalous in the

sense that they demonstrate only a low to moderate degrees of occlusal wear. Slight shoveling is

present on the upper incisors as well. The maxilla has eroded away almost completely, but the

hardened sandy matrix holds all of the maxillary teeth in place (Figure 4.9). A slight degree of

alveolar prognathism is present while the sagittal ridge appears to be completely absent.

A red pigment stain

(likely red ocher,

but not confirmed)

is found near the

distal left humerus

within which a

unifacial stone tool

Figure 4.9. Frontal (a) and right lateral view (b) of Arch Lake Woman. Note the was discovered
replacement of bone with sand matrix, keeping the teeth in place. From Owsley 2010:
Figures 7a and 7d. (Figure 4.10). This

78
Figure 4.10. Unifacial
stone tool and fifteen
of the nineteen talc
beads recovered from
the Arch Lake Burial
site. From Owsley
2010: Figure 19.

stain had the

strongest presence

in thickness, color,

and concentration at the location of the uniface. The authors postulate that this feature could

represent a perishable bag held near the waist that once contained both the red pigment and the

unifacial tool and dropped its contents upon decomposition (Owsley 2010). They also note that

the uniface exhibited similarities to the “chisel-tip” Windust point found under the cranium of the

Buhl Woman (Green et al. 1998:449). An unidentified bone tool was discovered laying across the

chest of Arch Lake Woman. This piece was missing from the collections and thus could not be

directly studied by Owsley (2010). Through an examination of field photographs and personal

interviews with individuals who had worked with this collection in the past, Owsley (2010) came

to understand that this tool was modified or rounded at one end and heavily carbonate-encrusted

on the other and that its diameter exceeded that of Arch Lake Woman’s humerus, suggesting the

long bone of a large mammal such as a bison. Excavation also revealed nineteen biconically-drilled

talc beads located near the clavicle, suggesting they once formed a necklace (Figure 4.10). Relative

to the Arch Lake Burial Site, the closest area for talc procurement is in the Hembrillo Canyon

deposit in New Mexico at a distance 320 km, although other sources may not have yet been

identified (Owsley citing personal communication with J. Warnica, 2000, 2006). Owsley

79
(2010:53) conclude by noting that “none of these material culture items are culturally diagnostic”.

The burial at Arch Lake is one of a particularly thought-provoking nature, with the presence of

temporally-anomalous osteological features as well as artifacts that pertain to not one culture in

particular, but multiple. The status of her remains are currently unknown.

Horn Shelter No. 2, Bosque County, Texas

In 1970, two individuals, an adult male and adolescent, were discovered in a single burial

pit in Horn Shelter, located on the west bank of the Brazos River in eastern Bosque County, Texas.

Young and Steele (1987) note the extensive occupation of Horn Shelter from the Paleoindian

through the Historic periods. They argue that Horn Shelter and the contemporaneous Wilson-

Leonard site (discussed below) represent the only sites with such a long occupation history and

the confirmed discovery of Paleoindian remains. The depositional layer in which the burial pit was

located consisted of seven substrata (5A-G), with a fragmented Folsom point found at the lowest

point (5A), and the burial pit bottom in substrata 5E. Radiocarbon dating places both of these

individuals to between 9000-10,000 cal BP.

Lying on their left sides in flexed positions, Burial One (adult male) and Burial Two (child)

were found largely complete in a well-stratified and well-dated deposit covered by 19 limestone

slabs (Young and Steele 1987). The child was facing the back of the adult. Like those of the

Midland calvarium (discussed below), some of the bones had begun or already completed the

process of mineralization. The adult male is estimated to have been between 35-40 at his time of

death while the child (also likely to be male) is estimated to have been about 12 years of age. No

signs of trauma on either individual were noted apart from a healed fracture on the fifth metacarpal

of the adult. The child exhibits a warped and crushed cranium and retains only a few facial bones

(Figure 4.11) and smooth long bones, indicating his not having yet developed strong muscle

80
attachments. Upper incisors show traces of shoveling and all of the teeth apart from the second top

molar show light to moderate wear. No caries are present. No reconstruction of this individual was

found, thus the cranial index of this individual could not be determined for this study. The adult

male, however, exhibits strong brow ridges, a slight sagittal ridge, and dolichocephaly (almost

mesocephaly) with a cranial index of 74.87 (Figure 4.11). This individual also displays severe

occlusal wear, so much so that the tooth pulp is exposed, making it impossible to recognize certain

distinguishing characteristics such as shoveling and Carabelli’s cusp. Only one possible caries is

noted and transverse (Harris) lines were found on his femora and tibiae using x-ray imaging.

A variety of artifacts were found in context with these burials, including a chuck of red

ocher, marine shell beads, antler billets, bird claws, four perforated canine teeth and five turtle

carapaces with the vertebrae intentionally removed (Young and Steele 1987). It is interesting to

note the apparent significance of the turtle in the burial practices of the Horn population,

considering that the head of the

adult male was “covered by

remnants of a turtle carapace and

the skull rested on top of a stack

of three inverted turtle carapaces.

There was also a turtle shell

beneath the pelvis area” (Young

and Steele 1987:278). Because so

little is understood of Paleoindian

Figure 4.11. (top left) Frontal view and (top right) right lateral view of
Burial One (adult male). Cranium of Burial Two (12-year-old male cultural practices, reasoning
child) (bottom). From Horn Shelter. From Young et al. 1987: Figures
3a, 3c, 3d.

81
behind the inclusion of these elements may remain unsolved for the foreseeable future.

To investigate the hypothesis that Paleoindian skeletal remains are morphologically distinct

from later Native American populations, Young and Steele (1987) tested the two Horn Shelter

individuals against later prehistoric Texas populations, analyzing cranial, postcranial, and discrete

traits. Their results indicated no significant difference between the two groups and, in this instance,

disproved their original hypothesis.

Midland, Texas

In June 1953, while searching for lithic artifacts in the Texas desert, an amateur

archaeologist accidentally discovered a shattered human calvarium on the Scharbauer Ranch five

miles southwest of Midland, Texas (Wendorf et al. 1955). Multiple studies claim no evidence of a

burial pit (Wendorf et al. 1955, Wendorf and Krieger 1959). Wendorf et al. (1955) note that the

skull, revealed by aeolian (wind) processes, had begun to mineralize. Over 130 fragments were

carefully reconstructed to form the “Midland Man” calvarium (later called Midland Minnie) as it

is today (Figure 4.12). The reconstruction proved sufficient to gather maximum length and width

measurements, which were calculated to show a cranial index of 70.0 (hyperdolichocephaly),

although caution should always be taken in unquestioningly accepting a measurement of once

highly-fragmented remains. Other skeletal remains of Midland Woman include two metacarpals,

a first rib, and a few upper teeth.

Age and sex estimations are made more difficult by the paucity of recovered skeletal

elements, but the skull is dolichocephalic, but of an “Amerind type”, while the sutures and overall

gracility suggest a female approximately 30 years of age (Wendorf et al. 1955). The burial was

confidently associated with a gray sand layer through a series of rigorous chemical analyses. This

layer is stratigraphically located between an older white sand layer in which Pleistocene

82
megafauna (horse, bison, peccary, four-horned

antelope, camel, mammoth, giant sloth, and dire

wolf) were discovered and a younger red aeolian

sand layer which exhibits Folsom cultural

remains in other nearby areas. Likely associated

artifacts included bones of an extinct species of

horse as well as a four-pronged antelope

(probably Capromeryx). Although no Midland Figure 4.12. Right oblique view of the Midland
Calvarium.
projectile points (such as the example in Figure

4.13) were specifically found in context with this

individual, the Scharbauer site is the type site for

the typology, according to projectilepoints.net.

The original excavators claimed a Paleoindian Figure 4.13. Cast of a Midland point from Lee
County, Texas, dating to the Late Paleoindian Period.
age, noting the discovery was made beneath a Note the similarities to Clovis and Folsom points, but
Midland points are often distinguished by their lack
of fluting. This typology is typically found from the
Folsom cultural layer, but radiocarbon dates stem
Northern Plains to Texas.

from faunal remains and vary widely between

8000 and 20,000 BP. Holliday and Meltzer (1996) reexamined the geoarchaeological context of

the Midland site and determined that “no compelling evidence that the human remains from the

Midland site are older than Folsom age; they may be contemporary with or younger than the

Folsom occupation”.

83
Wilson-Leonard, Texas

Wilson-Leonard is a site near the headwaters of Brushy Creek (a tributary of the Brazos

River) located approximately 25km north of Austin, Texas. This site has “the most complete

temporal sequence of prehistoric archaeological assemblage known at a single site in Central

Texas”, with cultural strata extending more than 6m into the Quaternary fill (Collins 1998:1).

Multiple phases of archaeological investigation have taken place at this site since its discovery by

the Texas Department of Transportation in 1973. Excavations have revealed multiple layers of

occupation, ranging from the Early Paleoindian period (~11,000 BP) to the Late Prehistoric

(~1,000 BP) (Collins 1998:4). Hunting and gathering was the primary subsistence method in this

region prior to the Early Archaic (8700 BP), where a notable increase of intensive bulk processing

of plant foods is observed in the material record. Tens of thousands of artifacts have been recovered

including heat-altered limestone middens, a vast quantity of lithic material which consisted

predominantly of chipped stone (8,699 lithic pieces from the Early Paleoindian strata alone—8,438

are debitage), as well as some scant floral, faunal, microfloral, and microfaunal evidence. Due to

the associated radiocarbon dates, “all of the Early Paleoindian materials at Wilson-Leonard fall

within the interval between ca. 12,000 and 10,600 radiocarbon BP”, and are thus considered as

part of the Clovis culture complex (Collins 1988:130). In 1983, the site became more publicized

due to the discovery of a Paleoindian burial dating between 9800 and 10,000 BP.

This human burial, identified as a female between 18 and 25 years of age, stood 5’3” and

has been dubbed the “Leanderthal Lady” due to her close proximity (~6mi NW) to the town of

Leander, Texas. She was buried in an oval pit and was lying on her right side in a flexed position

with her knees pulled into her chest and her right hand placed under her skull. A large portion of

her skeleton was preserved, although significant bone degradation and loss were noted in the small

84
bones of the wrists, hands, and feet, of which only 9 of 106 were available to study. Her cranium

exhibited severe crushing, Collins (1998:1444) estimates its size to be one third of the normal size

(Figure 4.14). Although reconstruction was attempted on two different occasions, the crushing and

other factors prevented accurate measurements of many craniofacial distances, including the

maximum cranial breadth and length that are utilized in this study.

Figure 4.14. Sequence of photographs illustrating the reconstruction of Wilson-Leonard II. From Collins 1998:
Figure 31-4.

Despite this limitation, researchers still worked toward a facial reconstruction. To aid in

reconstruction, Collins worked closely with B.P. Gatliff to “estimate the natural dimension of the

cranium” (Collins 1998:1449; also Phelps et al. 1994; Steele and Powell 1993), which produced

the measurements utilized in this study. Although craniometric data from Wilson-Leonard II are

estimated, they are still employed for statistical analyses. It is estimated that Wilson-Leonard II

demonstrated dolichocephaly (cranial index 71.43). Both shoveling and slight alveolar

85
prognathism are present. Caries that have not reached underlying dentin, disproportionately worn

incisors and canines, and one apical abscess are also present. Isotopic analysis of δ13C

demonstrated a diet high in fats and carbohydrates, which could likely be explained through the

consumption of nuts such as acorns and pecans and meats including deer and rabbit. To date, no

genetic analyses of these remains were identified. The Leanderthal Lady represents one of the few

and most complete Paleoindian human remains to have ever been found in North America.

Kennewick, Columbia River, Washington

On July 28, 1996, two college students accidentally discovered a human cranium jutting

from the banks of the Columbia River in Washington state. The age of the remains was originally

unknown, but James Chatters, an independent archaeologist working in tandem with the local

coroner, suspected significant antiquity and posited that these remains are not of Native American

origin (Jantz and Owsley 2014). He and others were able to recover most of the skeleton from the

mud and sand over the course of several weeks (Jantz and Owsley 2014:90). Perhaps unknowingly

to the initial researchers, the Kennewick Man case would soon become a matter of national

identity, public history, and intense investigation.

14
Once the AMS C assay returned an age of 8358 ± 21 radiocarbon BP (two sigma

calibrated date of 8690 to 8400 cal BP), Kennewick Man became arguably the most known

Paleoamerican the world has seen thus far (Jantz and Owsley 2014:86). Seemingly simultaneously,

a coalition of Native American tribes (including the Confederated Tribes of Umatilla, Yakama,

and Colville, the Nez Pearce Nation, and the Wanapum Band) claimed Kennewick Man (whom

they called “The Ancient One”) as their direct ancestor and demanded his remains for reburial

under the provisions of NAGPRA (Owsley and Jantz 2014:91-92). A team of eight researchers

(including James Chatters, Doug Owsley, Richard Jantz, and Robson Bonnichsen) filed a court

86
claim that stated Kennewick Man had no physical similarities to contemporary Native Americans,

asserting instead that he more closely resembled the indigenous Ainu of Japan or Polynesian

populations (Owsley and Jantz 2014). The court temporarily ruled in their favor, granting the

research team sixteen days to complete a thorough analysis to determine ancestry. A subsequent

investigation by the Department of the Interior revealed that Kennewick Man “did not resemble

modern American Indians” (Owsley and Jantz 2014:93). Soon after, experts convened for this

unique but temporary opportunity to examine one of the oldest and most complete skeletons from

the Early Holocene. Although the present study does not examine in depth the debate that raged

for years over Kennewick Man’s ancestry, it is important to note the dialogue that it created

between researchers, government, native tribes, and the public (Owsley and Jantz 2014: 90-109).

In the most interdisciplinary and detailed report on a single set of Paleoamerican remains

thus far, Jantz and Owsley combined their expertise with over 40 other authors to offer a rigorously

thorough investigation to both the scientific community and the public. Jantz and Owsley

(2014:474, Table 25.1) provide a lengthy list of cranial measurements, according to Howells

(1973) classification, permitting an analysis with the CRANID program. Of the four available sets

of measurements of Kennewick Man’s skull, this study utilized the “Spradley and Jantz cast”

because it presented the most complete data. Only one measurement (XFB, maximum frontal

breadth) could not be located and was estimated. The results of the linear and nearest neighbor

discriminant analyses are detailed in Tables 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, and 4.4.

Based on craniometric analyses, it is difficult to place Kennewick Man within the

parameters of any modern global population. Because of his distance from all populations included

in this database, the CRANID program offers a warning to the user when such a great significance

is calculated. The program notes “You should consider whether there are mistaken measurements

87
entered or whether the cranium is deformed” and “Extreme caution necessary given difficulty

cranium also had finding a nearest neighbour.” He shows a notable distance from nearly all African

and European populations (except the Norse populations). He shares the closest affinity (weak, at

best) to Moriori populations in the south Pacific, east of the New Zealand archipelago. The second

closest craniometric neighbors are the Arikara of South Dakota, U.S.A. It is interesting that these

two populations are statistically the closest to representing his parent population. This situation

seems to illustrate the debate over Kennewick Man’s ancestry in a single NNDA test: is he closer

to Pacific Islanders or Native Americans?

Table 4.1. Summary of the Statistical Analyses of Kennewick Man Using the CRANID6 Computer Program.

Analysis Is Kennewick Man well- Distance of Kennewick Distance of Conclusion

catered for by the CRANID6 Man from its nearest Kennewick Man from
database? neighbor the centroid

Results Poorly-catered for 7.536 9.664 Extreme

caution
(3σ -4σ) (>3σ) necessary

Since his discovery, researchers have understood that Kennewick Man presents an

interesting case in the study of the first Americans. Anthropometry and skeletal morphology

generally seem to suggest an affinity with modern circum-pacific populations including the Ainu

or Polynesians (Figure 4.15), although he is noted as an “outlier relative to modern human

populations” (Chatters 2000:291; Jantz and Owsley 2014). Dental and skeletal features place him

at approximately 40 years old at the time of death. The shape of his cranium is dolichocephalic

(cranial index of 74.07). Certain characteristics—especially his prominent, square, bilateral chin

and slender, horizontal mandibular ramus—suggests apparent Caucasoid features (Jantz and

Owsley 2014:511). He does exhibit a nasal sill, but lacks alveolar prognathism. He exhibits an

edge-to-edge bite and heavy occlusal wear, but lacks any caries, which suggests a diet low in starch

88
Table 4.2. Results of the Linear Discriminant Analysis (LAD) Testing of Kennewick Man Using the CRANID6
Computer Program.
Order Sample Probability

1 Moriori Chat Is M 0.54919

2 Mokapu Hawaii M 0.20507

3 Norse Norway Mdvl M 0.12194

4 Arikara Dakota M 0.08132

5 Poundbury UK RB M 0.01314

6 Moriori Chat Is F 0.00935

7 N. Japan Hokkaido M 0.00395

8 Ainu Hokkaido M 0.0033

9 Italian post-Mdvl M 0.00237

10 Beduin W Asia MF 0.00211

11 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl M 0.0017

12 San Cruz I Calif M 0.00142

13 Egypt 26-30 Dyn M 0.00125

14 S. Japan Kyushu M 0.00116

15 Peru Youyos M 0.00088

16 Maori New Zealand M 0.00039

17 Sydney Aboriginal M 0.00024

18 Denmark Neol M 0.00022

19 London Mdvl M 0.00018

20 Berg Austria Mdvl M 0.00016

21 Lachish W Asia M 0.00015

22 Mokapu Hawaii F 0.00014

23 Zulu S. Afr M 0.00009

24 Arikara Dakota F 0.00008

25 Norse Norway Mdvl F 0.00008

26 Philippines M 0.00004

27 Easter I. M 0.00002

28 Ainu Hokkaido F 0.00001

29 Patagonian F 0.00000

89
30 S Australia M 0.00000

31 Patagonian M 0.00000

32 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl F 0.00000

33 Eskimo Greenland M 0.00000

34 Hainan China M 0.00000

35 Italian post-Mdvl F 0.00000

36 Atayal Taiwan M 0.00000

37 Tolai New Britain M 0.00000

38 Egypt 26-30 Dyn F 0.00000

39 Punjab M 0.00000

40 Zulu S. Afr F 0.00000

41 N. Japan Hokkaido F 0.00000

42 Anyang China M 0.00000

43 Denmark Neol F 0.00000

44 Peru Youyos F 0.00000

45 Buriat Siberia M 0.00000

46 Buriat Siberia F 0.00000

47 London Mdvl F 0.00000

48 Teita E. Afr M 0.00000

49 Guam Latte Period M 0.00000

50 S. Japan Kyushu F 0.00000

51 Berg Austria Mdvl F 0.00000

52 San Cruz I Calif F 0.00000

53 Tolai New Britain F 0.00000

54 Tasmania M 0.00000

55 Eskimo Greenland F 0.00000

56 Dogon W. Afr M 0.00000

57 Guam Latte Period F 0.00000

58 Hainan China F 0.00000

59 Sydney Aboriginal F 0.00000

60 Poundbury UK RB F 0.00000

90
 61 Lachish W Asia F 0.00000

62 Andaman Is. M 0.00000

63 S Australia F 0.00000

64 Atayal Taiwan F 0.00000

65 Easter I. F 0.00000

66 Punjab F 0.00000

67 Dogon W. Afr F 0.00000

68 India M 0.00000

69 Tasmania F 0.00000

70 Teita E. Afr F 0.00000

71 Bushman Afr M 0.00000

72 Andaman Is. F 0.00000

73 India F 0.00000

74 Bushman Afr F 0.00000

and sugar. Chatters (2001:182) argues that certain dental patterns suggest he shows sundadonty,

but the extreme degree of dental deterioration makes this difficult to determine. Research revealed

that he had a lithic projectile point lodged in his pelvis that had begun the process of healing at the

time of death, occurring an estimated 20 years before his death (Owsley and Jantz 2014) (Figure

4.16). His ribs also showed signs of severe blunt force trauma a number of years before his death.

Isotopic analyses suggest Kennewick Man’s diet consisted of 90% marine derived foods (Jantz

and Owsley 2014: 85). Jantz and Owsley (2014) note that genetic testing was not possible at that

time of publication, although they suggest the possibility of future dental analysis to obtain

mitochondrial DNA. Because no affiliation to a modern tribe could be proven, Kennewick Man’s

remains were put into storage at the Burke Museum in Seattle, Washington, under the jurisdiction

of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. However, Rasmussen et al. (2015) undertook the challenge

of obtaining assigning a genetic population affinity to Kennewick Man—with momentous results.

91
Table 4.3. Results of the Nearest Neighbor Discriminant Analysis (NNDA) of Kennewick Man Using the CRANID6
Computer Program

Actual nearest neighbour of Kennewick Man, is from: Moriori Chat Is F

Classified by weighted score: Moriori Chat Is M

Sample number Sample name Hits Weighted score

12 Moriori Chat Is M 9 499

41 Moriori Chat Is F 8 496

13 Arikara Dakota M 5 377

1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 6 345

68 Italian post-Mdvl M 3 151

25 Ainu Hokkaido M 2 132

17 S. Japan Kyushu M 2 127

72 Denmark Neol M 2 127

10 Mokapu Hawaii M 2 124

14 San Cruz I Calif M 2 124

63 London Mdvl M 2 122

2 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl M 2 119

6 Zulu S. Afr M 2 115

59 Poundbury UK RB M 1 113

61 Lachish W Asia M 1 105

45 N. Japan Hokkaido F 1 99

46 S. Japan Kyushu F 1 77

18 Hainan China M 1 70

7 S Australia M 1 61

16 N. Japan Hokkaido M 1 58

3 Berg Austria Mdvl M 1 56

22 Egypt 26-30 Dyn M 1 55

He was shown to exhibit the strongest allelic similarities to Native Americans rather than

any other worldwide group, although the authors conclude that “currently available number of

independent phenetic markers is too small, and within-population craniometric variation too large,

92
Table 4.4. Nearest 56 Neighbors of Kennewick Man in Increasing Order of Distance

Individual Sample number Sample name Order Distance

1915 41 Moriori Chat Is F 1 7.536

607 12 Moriori Chat Is M 2 7.757

3082 72 Denmark Neol M 3 7.943

578 578 Moriori Chat Is M 4 8.078

1916 41 Moriori Chat Is F 5 8.176

2705 63 London Mdvl M 6 8.316

636 13 Arikara Dakota M 7 8.346

690 14 San Cruz I Calif M 8 8.347

35 1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 9 8.470

824 17 S. Japan Kyushu M 10 8.490

3089 72 Denamrk Neol M 11 8.490

558 12 Moriori Chat Is M 12 8.522

649 13 Arikara Dakota M 13 8.544

825 17 S. Japan Kyushu M 14 8.609

1176 25 Ainu Hokkaido M 15 8.623

501 10 Mokapu Hawaii M 16 8.625

2092 45 N. Japan Hokkaido F 17 8.660

73 2 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl M 18 8.661

638 13 Arikara Dakota M 19 8.677

2128 46 S. Japan Kyushu F 20 8.687

1931 41 Moriori Chat Is F 21 8.689

36 1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 22 8.747

1948 41 Moriori Chat Is F 23 8.768

1909 41 Moriori Chat Is F 24 8.768

589 12 Moriori Chat Is M 25 8.786

768 16 N. Japan Hokkaido M 26 8.786

1937 41 Moriori Chat Is F 27 8.791

592 12 Moriori Chat Is M 28 8.797

2918 68 Italian post-Mdvl M 29 8.804

93
 2614 59 Poundbury UK RB M 30 8.839

2725 63 London Mdvl M 31 8.842

1904 41 Moriori Chat Is F 32 8.853

1155 25 Ainu Hokkaido M 33 8.874

2954 68 Italian post-Mdvl M 34 8.891

2659 61 Lachish W Asia M 35 8.893

555 12 Moriori Chat Is M 36 8.895

23 1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 37 8.896

905 18 Hainan China M 38 8.906

503 10 Mokapu Hawaii M 39 8.910

1072 22 Egypt 26-30 Dyn M 40 8.959

1930 41 Moriori Chat Is F 41 8.994

19 1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 42 8.999

315 7 S Australia M 43 9.012

574 12 Moriori Chat Is M 44 9.031

701 14 San Cruz I Calif M 45 9.033

248 6 Zulu S. Afr M 46 9.034

76 2 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl M 47 9.047

13 1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 48 9.063

610 13 Arikara Dakota M 49 9.084

641 13 Arikara Dakota M 50 9.097

597 12 Moriori Chat Is M 51 9.132

156 3 Berg Austria Mdvl M 52 9.144

266 6 Zulu S. Afr M 53 9.152

2939 68 Italian post-Mdvl M 54 9.180

559 12 Moriori 55 9.215

12 1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 56 9.221

to permit reliable reconstruction of the biological population affinities of Kennewick Man”

(Rasmussen et al. 2014). Although researchers were unable to identify a particular population, it

was clear that his allelic frequencies demonstrated his link to at least one of the “founding” Native

94
Americans haplogroups. Regardless, Kennewick Man has finally been shown to possess one or

more typical Native-American mtDNA haplogroups. With the publication of these findings, the

U.S. Army Corps of Engineers declared that The Ancient One would be repatriated to the coalition

of tribes who initially fought for his return (Callaway 2015). He was repatriated and reburied in

late February 2017 (Tatchell 2017).

Figure 4.15. Frontal

view of the cranium of
Kennewick Man and
facial reconstruction.
This represents one of
two reconstructions
that were completed of
Kennewick Man. From
Owsley 2014: Figure
28.30.

Figure 4.16. Pelvis of

Kennewick Man with
lodged stone projectile
point, the base of which
is identified by the
arrow. The bone
regrowth around the
wound tells that this
injury occurred many
years prior to death.
From Owsley 2014:
Figure 7.32.

95
 Central America

Hoyo Negro, Tulum, Quintana Roo, Mexico

Several Paleoindian remains in Mexico have been found in seemingly unlikely locations—

submerged passages and caves that plunge tens to hundreds of meters below ground level. These

underground cave systems often exhibit entrances to sinkholes, or cenotes, that have either exposed

groundwater below or have been filled with water since their original forming. Underwater

channels can infiltrate cenotes, connecting them to a series of passageways and cave systems.

Flooding, sedimentation, and other environmental processes combine in these loci for a frequently

complex yet intriguing geologic history (see Garcia and Crespo 2010; Perry et al. 1995 for

examples). Additionally, cenotes hold valuable information on past environments, flora, fauna,

and cultural remains. For example, countless pre-Columbian Mayan cultural elements (gold, jade,

ceramics, incense, and human remains, among other items) have been discovered in the Sacred

Cenote of Chichen Itza, affirming speculation that the cenote was used as a location of sacrificial

offering to the Maya rain god Chaac (Anda Alanís 2007; Coggins 1992). Looking to earlier

prehistory, evidence of early human occupation of the Yucatán peninsula has been demonstrated

through a number of discoveries in cenotes and surrounding cave systems.

In 2007, a team of researchers from the Proyecto Espeleológico de Tulum discovered a

large underwater cavern filled with the remains of at least 11 large mammal species, most of which

went extinct in the Terminal Pleistocene (Chatters et al. 2014). Among the bones of Smilodon

fatalis, Tapirus terrestris, and Cuvieronius hyodon were the remains of an adolescent human

female scattered over a 5m area on the cavern floor. Direct radiocarbon dating was difficult due to

poor collagen preservation in the bones, therefore a number of other dating methods were

employed. 238Uranium-230Thorium (U-Th) analyses were used to date calcite (CaCo3) overgrowth

96
formations (florets) present on the human remains to determine their chronological relationship.

Analyses revealed minimum dates of ~12,000 ± 200 BP for the florets on the remains (Chatters et

al. 2014). In combination with the extinction of much of the Pleistocene megafauna by 13,000 BP,

(Graham 2001; Haynes 2013) and the flooding of the cave 10,000-9500 BP (Collins et al. 2015),

the remains were confidently dated within this timeframe (Chatters et al. 2014).

The skeleton of HN5/48, later called “Naia” in reference to Greek water nymphs, was

relatively complete upon discovery. Chatters et al. (2014) noted a small gracile stature and

craniofacial elements similar to the remains of Peñon III, Buhl woman, and Wilson-Leonard (see

Figure 4.17). Her age is estimated to be between 15 and 16 years old. Her dentition shows traits of

both sinodonty (single shoveling) and sundadonty (no double shoveling on the incisors, no

deflecting wrinkle, and approximately equivalent sizes of the third and second molar. She also

shows evidence of a strong Carabelli's cusp, which is common to neither sinodonty nor sundadonty

(Bass 2005). Tooth decay is present as well as osteoporosis. She shows moderate alveolar

prognathism and a longer, narrow crania with a projecting occipital and a short, small face. Her

skull is mesocephalic (cranial index 76.9). Fractures to the pelvis are consistent with a fall from

great height (~30m). Interestingly enough, mtDNA shows her to be part of a haplogroup D1, a

Beringian (Asian-derived) lineage found only in the Americas. Chatters et al. (2014:754) note that

“HN5/48 shows that the distinctive craniofacial morphology and generalized dentition of

Paleoamericans can co-occur with a Beringian-derived mtDNA haplogroup”. This dichotomy is

significant to the number and origins of Paleoindian migrations into the New World and is

discussed in the Analysis chapter.

González et al. (2013) notes that up to eight other sets of remains claiming Paleoindian

dates have been discovered in the submerged passages and caves of Quintana Roo. Other human

97
 Figure 4.17. Multiple views of the skull of HN5/48. Chatters et al. (2014) notes that “Color here differs from
that seen in other figures due to a redox reaction caused by temporary protective underwater storage in a closed
vessel. It has since reverted to its original color”. Adapted from Chatters et al. 2014: 31 (Supplementary
Materials).

remains from Quintana Roo that are used in this study include Eva of Naharon (mesocephalic,

cranial index 76.96) and Muknal (mesocephalic, cranial index 78.48). The following Quintana Roo

remains are not used in this study due to inability to locate relevant craniometric measurements,

highly problematic radiocarbon dates, or an incomplete or missing cranium: La Mujer de Las

Palmas (Figure 4.18) (González et al. 2008), El Templo (González et al. 2008), Chan Hol I, Chan

Hol II, El Pit I, and El Pit II (last four remains from González et al. 2013).

Figure 4.18.
Although her
cranial
measurements
were unable to be
located for this
study,
reconstruction
efforts have
yielded this
incredibly vivid
estimation of what
La Mujer de las
Palmas may have
looked like.

98
Peñon de los Baños Hill, Mexico City, Mexico

Much human skeletal material has come from the Lake Texcoco area in Central Mexico

(Figure 4.19). Of significance to this study are the remains of Peñon III, a nearly complete skeleton

(missing only the femora and tibiae) found in 1959 (Mooser and Gonzalez Rul 1961; Romano

1974). Peñon III is a female aged ~25 years and demonstrates a dolichocranic cranial shape (cranial

index 70.59) (Figure 4.20a). She exhibits a relatively strong supraorbital torus but little alveolar

prognathism. The teeth are heavily worn, which Gonzalez et al. (2003) note is a common trait

among pre-ceramic individuals from Mexico.

Ample measurements were recorded by González-José et al. (2005:776, Table 2) from

Peñon III due to her high degree of preservation. These metrics were added into the CRANID

program (see previous chapter). Results of the linear and nearest neighbor discriminant analyses

are outlined below in Tables 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, and 4.8. The following chapter will discuss the

implications of

these results.

Figure 4.19. Localities

with Paleoamerican
remains around the Basin
of Mexico. 1.) Peñon
Woman 2.) Tlapacoya I
4.) San Vicente de
Chicloapan and 5.)
Tepexpan. Note that
location 3 (Texcal Cave)
is not found in the Basin
of Mexico and is not
included in this study.
From González et al.
2003:380, Fig.1.

99
 Figure 4.20. Radiocarbon dated Mexican Paleoamericans. a) Skull of Peñon III Woman in frontal view b)
Calvarium of Tlapacoya I Man in frontal view c) Skull of Texcal Man in frontal view d) Calvarium of San Vicente
Chicoloapan Man in frontal view e) Skull of Tepexpan Man in frontal view. Note that Texcal, San Vicente
Chicloapan, and Tepexpan are not analyzed in this study, but are shown for reference. From González et al.
2003:382, Fig. 2.

Table 4.5. Summary of the Statistical Analyses of Peñon III Using the CRANID6 Computer Program

Analysis Is Peñon III well-catered for Distance of Peñon III from Distance of Peñon III Conclusion
by the CRANID6 database? its nearest neighbor from the centroid

Results Very well-catered for 5.480 7.702 Acceptable

(<1σ)

Peñon III is well-catered for in the CRANID6 database, meaning that her cranial

measurements are within the mean parameters of one or more population within database (i.e., she

shows craniometric affinity to at least one group). Based on 29 cranial measurements, Peñon III

demonstrates the closest affiliation with the indigenous Peruvian Youyos with an LDA probability

of 0.898 to a male individual and 14 hits to the Youyos population in the NNDA test. The second

group to whom she aligns with most is the Santa Cruz Islanders in California. Despite showing

statistical similarities to native South American groups, Peñon III Woman demonstrates a

statistically significant difference to the third Native American group included in the database—

the Arikara of South Dakota—in both the LDA or NNDA tests. In the LDA, the Arikara are

100
Table 4.6. Results of the Linear Discriminant Analysis (LAD) Testing of Peñon III Using the CRANID6 Computer
Program

Order Sample Probability

1 Peru Youyos M 0.89831

2 San Cruz I Calif M 0.09254

3 Peru Youyos F 0.00503

4 San Cruz I Calif F 0.00302

5 Norse Norway Mdvl M 0.00051

6 Atayal Taiwan M 0.00013

7 S Australia M 0.00013

8 Poundbury UK RB F 0.00008

9 Patagonian F 0.00008

10 Teita E. Afr M 0.00004

11 Norse Norway Mdvl F 0.00003

12 Patagonian M 0.00001

13 S. Japan Kyushu M 0.00001

14 Beduin W Asia MF 0.00001

15 S Australia F 0.00001

16 Philippines M 0.00001

17 Arikara Dakota M 0.00000

18 Lachish W Asia M 0.00000

19 Hainan China F 0.00000

20 N. Japan Hokkaido M 0.00000

21 Teita E. Afr F 0.00000

22 Poundbury UK RB M 0.00000

23 Tolai New Britain F 0.00000

24 Arikara Dakota F 0.00000

25 Tolai New Britain M 0.00000

26 Anyang China M 0.00000

27 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl M 0.00000

28 Hainan China M 0.00000

29 Bushman Afr M 0.00000

101
30 Zulu S. Afr M 0.00000

31 Zulu S. Afr F 0.00000

32 Andaman Is. M 0.00000

33 Mokapu Hawaii M 0.00000

34 S. Japan Kyushu F 0.00000

35 Guam Latte Period M 0.00000

36 Punjab M 0.00000

37 Eskimo Greenland F 0.00000

38 Guam Latte Period F 0.00000

39 Lachish W Asia F 0.00000

40 Egypt 26-30 Dyn M 0.00000

41 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl F 0.00000

42 Dogon W. Afr M 0.00000

43 Moriori Chat Is F 0.00000

44 Denmark Neol F 0.00000

45 Maori New Zealand M 0.00000

46 Eskimo Greenland M 0.00000

47 Atayal Taiwan F 0.00000

48 Ainu Hokkaido F 0.00000

49 Moriori Chat Is M 0.00000

50 Bushman Afr F 0.00000

51 Egypt 26-30 Dyn F 0.00000

52 Sydney Aboriginal F 0.00000

53 Berg Austria Mdvl M 0.00000

54 Berg Austria Mdvl F 0.00000

55 Mokapu Hawaii F 0.00000

56 Tasmania M 0.00000

57 N. Japan Hokkaido F 0.00000

58 Ainu Hokkaido M 0.00000

59 Denmark Neol M 0.00000

60 India M 0.00000

102
 61 London Mdvl M 0.00000

62 Sydney Aboriginal M 0.00000

63 Easter I. M 0.00000

64 Italian post-Mdvl F 0.00000

65 Andaman Is. F 0.00000

66 Punjab F 0.00000

67 Tasmania F 0.00000

68 London Mdvl F 0.00000

69 India F 0.00000

70 Dogon W. Afr F 0.00000

71 Easter I. F 0.00000

72 Italian post-Mdvl M 0.00000

73 Buriat Siberia F 0.00000

74 Buriat Siberia M 0.00000

probability of similarity of 0.00000 and represent the 17th (males) and 24th (females) closest group

to Peñon III. In the NNDA, they are the 16th nearest neighbor with only a single hit in 56 nearest

neighbors. This strongly suggests that Peñon and the Arikara tribe differ significantly in terms of

cranial morphology, which could imply significant craniofacial differences between Central

American and South American natives.

Tlapacoya is a site found near former Lake Chalco, south of Lake Texcoco, in Mexico City,

Mexico (Figure 4.19) (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986). Uncovered during road construction,

Tlapacoya I was found 50m north of a previous trench, Tlapacoya I Beta, that produced a quartz

scraper in a layer dated 22,000± 2600 RCYBP. This dolichocephalic (cranial index 67.51)

calvarium represents a male, aged 30-35, who dates to 10,200 ± 65 RCYBP (González et al. 2003)

(Figure 4.20b).

103
Table 4.7. Results of the Nearest Neighbor Discriminant Analysis (NNDA) of Peñon III Using the CRANID6
Computer Program

Actual nearest neighbour of Peñon III, is from: San Cruz I Calif M

Classified by weighted score: Peru Youyos M

Sample number Sample name Hits Weighted score

15 Peru Youyos M 14 805

14 San Cruz I Calif M 11 682

43 San Cruz I Calif F 5 310

44 Peru Youyos F 5 288

7 S Australia M 3 182

5 Dogon W. Afr M 2 135

36 S Australia F 2 129

17 S. Japan Kyushu M 2 127

49 Guam Latte Period F 1 117

1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 2 115

59 Poundbury UK RB M 1 113

56 Beduin W Asia MF 1 105

4 Teita E. Afr M 1 96

66 Patagonian F 1 90

46 S. Japan Kyushu F 1 77

13 Arikara Dakota M 1 75

31 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl F 1 70

2 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl M 1 60

16 N. Japan Hokkaido M 1 58

Additional sets of human remains and their associated cranial indices were identified within

the Pre-Ceramic Human Collection in the Museo de Antropología in Mexico City, although recent

studies were unable to determine a radiocarbon age due to the lack of preserved collagen (González

et al. 2003). For the sake of additional data to consider (however lightly), the following three

individuals were included in the present analysis: Tecolote Cave Man from Huapalcalco, Hidalgo,

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Table 4.8. Nearest 56 Neighbors of Peñon III in Increasing Order of Distance

Individual Sample number Sample name Order Distance

694 14 San Cruz I Calif M 1 5.480

736 15 Peru Youyos M 2 6.097

707 15 Peru Youyos M 3 6.314

859 17 S. Japan Kyushu M 4 6.485

665 14 San Cruz I Calif M 5 6.529

2003 43 San Cruz I Calif F 6 6.529

2000 43 San Cruz I Calif F 7 6.633

684 14 San Cruz I Calif M 8 6.704

738 15 Peru Youyos M 9 6.784

1463 31 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl F 10 6.834

2239 49 Guam Latte Period F 11 6.834

2059 44 Peru Youyos F 12 6.965

13 1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 13 6.984

2529 56 Beduin W Asia MF 14 7.016

711 15 Peru Youyos M 15 7.028

751 15 Peru Youyos M 16 7.048

2067 44 Peru Youyos F 17 7.143

640 13 Arikara Dakota M 18 7.158

1984 43 San Cruz I Calif F 19 7.171

672 14 San Cruz I Calif M 20 7.182

745 15 Peru Youtos M 21 7.186

679 14 San Cruz I Calif M 22 7.193

737 15 Peru Youtos M 23 7.196

2055 44 Peru Youtos F 24 7.199

708 15 Peru Youyos M 25 7.199

194 4 Teita E. Afr M 26 7.203

727 15 Peru Youyos M 27 7.252

2141 46 S. Japan Kyushu F 28 7.257

722 15 Peru Youyos M 29 7.346

105
 2068 44 Peru Youyos F 30 7.351

732 15 Peru Youyos M 31 7.365

669 14 San Cruz I Calif M 32 7.381

734 15 Peru Youyos M 33 7.394

703 15 Peru Youyos M 34 7.396

688 14 San Cruz I Calif M 35 7.473

811 16 N. Japan Hokkaido M 36 7.476

223 5 Dogon W. Afr M 37 7.481

747 15 Peru Youyos M 38 7.485

230 5 Dogon W. Afr M 39 7.486

2612 59 Poundbury UK RB M 40 7.526

67 2 Zalavar Hung. Mdvl M 41 7.543

829 17 S. Japan Kyushu M 42 7.556

2020 43 San Cruz I Calif F 43 7.559

690 14 San Cruz I Calif M 44 7.59

2002 43 San Cruz I Calif F 45 7.614

340 7 S Australia M 46 7.631

685 14 San Cruz I Calif M 47 7.634

2051 44 Peru Youyos F 48 7.641

1678 36 S Australia F 49 7.642

325 7 S Australia M 50 7.65

654 14 San Cruz I Calif M 51 7.651

2849 66 Patagonian F 52 7.662

304 7 S Australia M 53 7.663

698 14 San Cruz I Calif M 54 7.673

12 1 Norse Norway Mdvl M 55 7.682

1670 36 S Australia F 56 7.685

Mexico (cranial index 64.71, hyperdolichocephalic), Chimalhuacán Man from Colonia

Embarcadero, Chimalhuacán, Mexico (cranial index 71.07, dolichocephalic), and Metro Balderas

Man from Mexico City, Mexico (cranial index 73.98, dolichocephalic).

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 South America

Lagoa Santa, Minas Gerais, Brazil

Archaeological investigation of the Lagoa Santa of east-central Brazil spans nearly two

centuries and has been in the interest of numerous researchers from the nineteenth and twentieth

centuries (Hansen 1888; Hrdlička 1912; Imbeloni 1938; Lacerda and Peixoto 1876; Lund 1842,

1845; Rivet 1908; ten Kate 1885). Current research strongly suggests that humans were in Lagoa

Santa at or before the emergence of Clovis in North America (Kipnis 1998). The Lagoa Santa

region was among the first Paleoindian sites to strongly correlate human occupation and extinct

Terminal Pleistocene fauna, namely through the discovery of coprolites from an extinct Giant

Sloth (Scelidotherium) in an 11m deep deposit dating to 9,580 ± 200 years B.P. (Laming-

Emperaire 1979). Two meters beneath this, in a layer dating to >11,000 BP was a set of scattered,

unarticulated human remains later named Lapa Vermelha IV Hominid 1, or "Luzia" (Figure 4.21).

This name harkens back to the famous remains of "Lucy", a 3.2-million-year-old Australopithecus

afarensis female from the Afar Depression in Ethiopia who was pivotal to furthering scholarly

understanding of hominid evolution.

Luzia was not found in a deliberate burial context, as evidence suggested she was

“discarded into the fissure in the past” (Neves et al. 2013:400). She was aged 20-25 and 1/3 of her

skeleton was recovered, although it was found at depths ranging from 12.9m to 10m in depth,

suggesting an intrusive burial (Mello e Alvim 1977). Her skull is hyperdolichocephalic, with a

cranial index of 68.11. Due to poor collagen preservation, the skeletal remains of Luzia could not

be dated directly, therefore dates were taken from the surrounding geologic context. Due to the

significant age of this find, radiocarbon dating was conducted multiple times to further confirm

antiquity. The fissure in which she was found dated to 11,400–16,4000 cal BP (Laming-Emperaire

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1979) and was later redated to 12,700–16,000 cal BP (Feathers et al. 2010). A reevaluation of

correspondence from Laming-Emperaire’s original excavation yielded further charcoal samples

near Luzia’s skull that had not been tested. Fontugne (2013) tested these additional samples and
14
received a date of 10,030 ± 60 C BP (11,243–11,710 cal BP), affirming her place among the

oldest skeletal remains found in the Americas.

Figure 4.21.
Skull of Lapa
Vermelha IV
Hominid I
(Luzia) from
Vermelha Cave,
Lagoa Santa,
Minas Gerais,
Brazil and
reconstruction by
Dr. Richard
Neave.

The 250+ human burials in Lagoa Santa (Neves and Hubbe 2005) dating from 11,500-

7,500 BP are understood to be representative of one of only two large-scale “cemeteries” of sorts

in the Western hemisphere during the Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene boundary, the other being

the individuals from central Colombia (Neves et al. 2013). Additionally, many authors (Mello e

Alvim 1992; Mello e Alvim et al. 1977; Neves and Pucciarelli 1991; Soto Heim 1994) recognize

the phenotypic similarities between the majority of these individuals and thus are able to argue for

a specific Lagoa Santa “type” in which specific traits are commonplace. Prous and Fogaça

(1999:27) describe these traits in the following way:

Of submedium size, these people had a moderate sexual dimorphism, gracile bones
and long forearms. The skull was extremely dolichocephalic, with a lengthened

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 occipital part and occipital bun, a sagittal keeling, parieto-mastoidian depression
under the parietal hump; broad and short face and nose, rectangular orbit. Nonmetric
characters (such as oleocranian perforation, 3rd molar absence), also attest a great
homogeneity suggesting genetic isolation.

During the Middle Holocene (7500-2500 BP), Lagoa Santa appears to have experiencedy

dry climatic conditions, causing extant human populations to disperse in search of more suitable

living conditions (Araujo et al. 2005). Therefore, remains from this area are almost exclusively

older than 7500 BCE. Luzia represents the only set of human remians found in Lapa Vermelha IV

and only one individual from the Lagoa Santa type, but 27 others are employed in the analysis of

this study. These individuals were found in various other caves and rockshelters of Lagoa Santa,

including Lapa de Carrancas, Lapa de Caetano, Lapa Mortuária, Cerca Grande 6, Cerca Grande 7,

Santana de Riacho I, Sumidouro, and Centro Lagoa Santa. The hundreds of skeletal remains from

this region offer critical insight into the earliest populations of South America.

Atacama Desert, northern Chile

Known as the driest place on Earth (Clarke 2006), the Chilean Atacama Desert covers most

of the northern part of the country, with outlying arid areas extending into southern Peru, the

Altiplano, the Puna de Atacama, and Norte Chico. Nearly all precipitation and atmospheric

moisture are blocked by the rain shadow from the colossal Andes Mountains to the east, permitting

ideal circumstances of organic preservation in the coastal west. Chacama and Muñoz (2001:51),

however, have suggested that water resources were more readily available on land during the pre-

agricultural period in question.

The Arica region of north Chile is known for producing some of the world’s oldest human

mummies, who often compete with their famous Egyptian counterparts for recognition. These

mummies pertain to the pre-Chinchorro culture that inhabited the Arica-Camarones region <9000

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BP, preceding the Chinchorro culture dating to ca. 9000-3500BP (Muñoz Ovalle et al. 1993).

These antecedent peoples are understood to be the foundation of later Chinchorro culture, who

were, for millennia, semi-sedentary fisherman and gatherers who exploited both coastal and

terrestrial resources. Two of the most remarkable pre-Chinchorro sites, both in age and in context,

are those of Acha-2 and Acha-3.

The site of Acha-2, a campsite dated to 10,000-9500 BP, is located on an ancient fluvial

terrace and represents the oldest evidence of littoral occupation by pre-Chinchorro cultures, despite

it being located 7km from the coast (Chacama and Muñoz 2001; Muñoz Ovalle et al. 1993). One

individual was discovered at this site in a flexed position laying on his side, covered by camelid

skins and decorated reed mats. Similar to the Chinchorro tradition, a funerary mask was placed

over the face (Muñoz and Chacama 1982). Chacama and Muñoz (2001) argue that these elements

constitute a deliberate intent to venerate and preserve the dead, and due to the age of this individual,

represent the earliest funerary traditions of the Chinchorro. This individual was determined to be

a male, aged 25-30, and subsisted on a largely marine diet (Muñoz Ovalle et al. 1993). He exhibits

a mesocephalic skull (cranial index 76.02). It was determined that his remains were not artificially

treated—a feature characteristic of other Chinchorro populations— but still presented within the

“normal” burial of this cultural type. To Muñoz Ovalle et al. (1993:42), this suggests unique, local

developments of a wider cultural trend that would later evolve into the established Chinchorro

tradition.

A similar case is observed in the site of Acha-3 (Standen and Santoro 2004). At 5.4km

from the coast, Acha-3 is representative of another Early Archaic (10,000-8000 BP) site. Three

individuals were discovered at this burial, but only the cranial measurements for one individual

were found. Individuals 2 and 3 are subadults, aged 6-8 and 15-17, both of indeterminable sex.

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Individual 1 (hereafter referred to as Acha-3) is a male between the ages of 30 and 35, who was

also covered by a camelid skin and a reed mat. He is mesocephalic (cranial index 79.71). He was

not artificially mummified, but was positioned with his legs extended out while laying supine--as

was customary in the later Chinchorro tradition (Standen and Santoro 2004). Associated funerary

items including a bone fishhook and a unifacial lithic leaf. Rivera (1975, 1984) argues that these

pre-Chinchorro populations had an Amazonian origin and only genetic information could reveal

that for sure, although later scholars note that this hypothesis is not congruent with the local

archaeological record (Standen and Santoro 2004:106). Although the current status of Acha-2 and

3 specifically are unknown, Chinchorro mummies from later time periods are threatened by

increased global warming and atmospheric moisture content. Efforts to preserve these delicate

remains are currently underway (Clark 2015).

Baño Nuevo-1 Cave, Aisén, Chile

Baño Nuevo-1 is a cave in the basin of the Aisén River in south central Chile first excavated

in 1972 (Bate 1979). The remains of three children and two adults were uncovered, all of which

dated to the early level of the site between 10,000 and 8,000 BP (Lucero n.d.). These burials shared

features suggesting intentional internment (Mena and Reyes 1998) including a supporting rock

wall to line the tombs as well as multiple intentional inclusions of fox bones (Pseudolopex

culpaeus) as well as botanical remains. As is evident from other burials examined in this study,

intentional burial is infrequently seen before 9000 BP throughout much of the Americas, making

the individuals from Baño Nuevo-1 an especially interesting case. Despite the presence of at least

five individuals, only one set of remains (Individual #2) has been directly dated (Mena et al.2003).

A carbon fragment between two vertebrae of Individual #2 was dated to 8890 ± 90, while a rib and
14
long bone fragment were directly dated to 8880 ± 50 and 8850 ± 50 using AMS C analysis,

111
offering arguably the most securely dated set of ancient remains in all of Patagonia thus far (Mena

and Reyes 1998). Individual #2, a man 20-25 years old, is largely complete apart from a missing

tooth, pelvis, and assorted long bones. Described "without ambiguity" as a member of the

Mongoloid population stock (Mena and Reyes 1998:20). Shoveling is present in the incisors and

the skeleton and face demonstrate gracile features. Slightly deviating from the accepted indigenous

Patagonian type (Mena and Reyes 1998:20). Pathological analysis indicated a lifestyle of

prolonged muscular stress, a diet based largely on hunting, and a high degree of mobility, all

characteristics suggesting a hunting and gathering lifestyle that is common to the area. Human

remains from this region could arguably have reached a metaphorical finish line for the earliest

migrants of the Americas: southern Patagonia.

Sabana de Bogotá, Colombia

Limestone and sandstone rockshelters inhabited between 10,500–7000 BP, (~12,000 rc

BP) in Bogotá Savannah, central Colombia, present the earliest evidence of human occupation in

the area (Neves et al. 2007). Along with Lagoa Santa, this Colombian region has produced one of

the only skeletal assemblages that can be adequately described as representative of a population.

Numerous multi-component sites represent extensive occupation of the area over the past 12,000

years. This study examines 47 sets of skeletal material from the Etapa Lítica or Preceramic period

of Colombia, spanning 12,000-3000 BCE, with the subsequent occupation periods of this area

being the Periodo Herrera (Early Agriculture, 3000BCE-600CE) and the Periodo Música (Late

Agriculture, 100BCE-1550CE). These remains were collected from only a handful of sites dating

to 11,500–6,500 BP (Figure 4.22). Sites within the Paleo Colombia complex include: Checua,

Tequendama, and Gachala while Archaic Colombia includes Mosquera 14 (Vistahermosa),

Aguazuque, Mosquera 15, and Chia III, all of which are included in the analysis of the present

112
study. Although not every individual from the Archaic Colombia population demonstrates a

Paleoindian age, they are included for the sake of maintaining the population size (Table 4.9). It

should be noted that the number of individuals included in the study by Neves et al. (2007) is not

identical to those examined in this

study. For example, in this study,

only 28 individuals from Aguazuque

were included, while the two remains

Sueva and Guavio I were excluded.

Neves et al. (2007) separated

the male and female crania and

conducted statistical analyses using

Principal Components Analysis

(PCA) and Mahalanobis Distance

between the groups to determine

Figure 4.22. Map depicting the various sites incorporated into the Paleo
and Archaic Colombia populations examined in this study. From Neves
et al. 2007: Figure 1. possible affinities. Their results

indicate morphological affinities of

Table 4.9. Summarized data on sites that comprise the Paleo and Archaic Colombia populations. Adapted from
Neves et al. 2007: Table 1.

male and female Paleo Colombians, Archaic Colombians, Lagoa Santa, and Easter Island

populations, while more generally demonstrating similarities to modern Australo-Melanesians

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(Australoids) and Africans. In addition, Neves et al. (2007) note a marked biological distance

between Paleo/Archaic Colombians and East Asians/Native Americans, further supporting their

original two-wave migration hypothesis.

Punín, Ecuador

In 1923 in the small central Ecuadorian village of Punín in the Chimborazo Province, a

human calvarium was discovered jutting out of a nearby ravine, Quebrada Chalan. This quebrada

is historically known for producing fossils from a variety of species, including horses, camels, and

mastodons, however occasional gaps exist which are represented by a complete or nearly complete

absence of fossils. It was in one of these gaps that the cranium was found, thus, stating that the

remains were found in direct association with Pleistocene megafauna is contestable. Found by field

assistant G.H.H. Tate, the skull was submerged in a low bank and “broke under its own weight”

when removed from the water (Sullivan and Hellman 1925:316). Sullivan and Hellman (1925)

note that the Punín individual was likely not interred intentionally, based on the in situ position of

the skull and the lack of all post-cranial elements. A reconstruction was attempted when further

pieces of the skull were recovered, combining to form a cranial vault and partial face containing a

number of teeth (Figure 4.23). Punín likely represents the dolichocephalic (cranial index 70.97)

cranium of a woman in middle-to-advanced age. The supraorbital torus of the is slightly developed

and there is a sagittal ridge is present. The teeth show moderate wear and a congenital absence of

the third molars is demonstrated. Sullivan and Hellman (1925) note the large size of the teeth,

drawing comparisons with those of indigenous Australians or Australoids.

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 The authors recognize the potential of prejudice in their attempts to “allocate this calvarium

racially” (Sullivan and Hellman 1925:320). Being aware of the geographic and temporal

provenance of the calvarium, they begin with the notion that the individual is “an American skull

from Ecuador”, but are puzzled by the presentation of non-Mongoloid traits. Comparing twelve of

the most viable indices for racial comparison (the cranial index among them), Punín’s statistical

distribution is most closely associated with the normal curves of Tasmanian, Australian, and New

Guinean populations. Within the Americas, however, there is a marked paucity of similarly-formed

crania; the authors then note the resemblance of Punín to populations of Lagoa Santa, Paltacalo,

Ecuador, and the Pericúes of Baja California3. Sullivan and Hellman (1925:333) recognize that,

although Punín demonstrates similarities to the Australoid stock, this does not necessarily signify

a migration from this region. They conclude the presence of these morphological similarities

Figure 4.23. The Punín calvarium in a) posterior view, b) frontal view, c) top view, and d) left lateral view. From
Sullivan and Hellman 1925: Figures 7 and 9.

3
These two latter populations were not included in the present analysis for two reasons,: (1) raw data could
not be located (Paltacalo) and, (2) the crania had no readily accessible dates and may likely represent
modern Native American populations (Pericúes). Should they date to the modern or historic period,
however, it is interesting to note that all of the five Pericúes crania (ten Kate 1885) exhibited
hyperdolichocephalic to dolichocephalic crania (cranial indices: 61.46, 62.77, 65.59, 65.63, 69.78, 71.35).

115
between American and Australian populations are the result of “derivations of the same basic racial

stock”. The current status of the Punín calvarium is currently unknown.

Las Vegas, Ecuador

The Santa Elena Peninsula of south coastal Ecuador (Figure 4.24) has harbored humanity

for over 10,000 years. The most visible cultural patterns in this region pertain to the Las Vegas

culture, with the Early and Late phases spanning from 10,000-8000BP and 8000-6600BP,

respectively (Stothert 1985). Members of the Las Vegas cultures are described as unspecialized

littoral (coastal) hunter-gatherers and fisherman. There is intriguing evidence that suggests these

preceramic peoples utilized the bottle gourd (Lagenaria siceraria) and primitive maize (Zea mays

L.), as well as other cultivated plants such as squash, beans, cotton, and root crops (Stothert 1985).

Wild plants are not well-represented in the archaeological record. One scholar (Stothert 1985)

specifically examines the type site of OGSE-80 of the Las Vegas culture and notes the presence of

a number of unspecialized artifacts and materials including conch shells used as whistles or

digging devices, nets, fishhooks, axes, shell, bone tools, lithic flakes, pigments, and diatomaceous

Figure 4.24. The western part of the

Santa Elena Peninsula showing
modern towns (hexagons), the Las
Vegas type site (large dot), other
preceramic sites (small dots), the
10m contour line (dotted lines), hills
above 50 m (broken lines), and
intermittent rivers (heavy solid
lines). Inset map shows the location
of the Santa Elena Peninsula in
Ecuador. Adapted from Stothert
1985: Figures 1 and 2.

116
earth. Bifaces and projectile points are absent from this assemblage.

There have reportedly been over 192 individuals found in association with the Las Vegas

culture (Stothert 1985; Ubelaker 1980) at OGSE-80, many of which are located in massive

ossuaries, or storage areas (portable or permanent) for the burials of multiple individuals. Stothert

(1985:624) describes three burial patterns observed in the Las Vegas culture: the primary burial of

one or two individuals, the secondary burial of bone material in irregular or regular bundles, and

the secondary burial of large numbers of disarticulated skeletons in ossuaries. Burial patterns of

the Las Vegas culture often presented with the individual lying in a flexed position on his or her

side, with the right side being more common among adults and the left side among subadults. It is

common for Las Vegas burials to have few to no associated features and be covered with large

stones. Primary burials were frequently paired with a secondary burial bundle and most individuals

who received a primary burial were later exhumed (82% of the 192 people identified at Las Vegas)

for placement in one of the ossuaries, which was attributed to presently indeterminable “magico-

religious ceremonies” (Stothert 1985). In a comparison with post-agricultural Ecuadorian remains,

Ubelaker (1980) determined that the Las Vegas individuals exhibit health patterns characteristic

of pre-intensive agricultural societies such as a lack of porotic hyperostosis, which is more

common in the later populations suffering nutritional deficiencies from dependency on a single

crop. The 11 individuals examined in this study were also examined by Kuzminsky et al. (2017)

and represent the Late Las Vegas phase with dates between 8250-6600 BP. Of the 11, three (27%)

are dolichocephalic, six (54%) are mesocephalic, and two (18%) are brachycephalic. Kuzminsky

et al. (2017) note that this array of shapes in a single small sample may indicate inaccurate

radiocarbon dates. White et al. (2011), however, argue that this type of variation is common in

human populations. Although somewhat younger than the cultures of Lagoa Santa and

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Paleo/Archaic Colombia, the Santa Elena Peninsula provides a sample of Paleoindians that is

comparable in size and geographic region and was thus included in this study.

GIS Map

As previously mentioned, a GIS world map was created to better visualize the extensive

Howells collection (Figure 4.25). Each of the thirty regions examined are highlighted in the map

and illustrate a pie chart of the cranial shape distribution in that area. Scholars generally indicate

three variations in human cranial shape (dolichocephaly, mesocephaly, and brachycephaly) but for

the purpose of this study, skull shapes demonstrating the more extreme cranial indices

(hyperdolichocephaly and hyperbrachycephaly) are also delineated in order to recognize

significant outliers. It must be noted that the pie charts represent a tally of the different skull shapes

within a particular sample and do not represent any kind of statistical analysis. The CRANID

program database includes many populations from the Howells collection and can thus be visually

compared as well. The results and implications of this data are discussed in the following chapter.

118
119
Figure 4.25. Map showing global distribution of historic and modern cranial shapes. Data compiled and mapped from Howells (1973)
 Chapter 5
Analysis

Ancestral affinities of Paleoindian populations have long puzzled researchers. Fervent

proponents of certain migration theories shaped initial interpretations of Paleoindian skeletal

remains, as was seen with Hrdlička’s analyses of multiple early North American crania discussed

in the previous chapter. Reexamination of these crania has occasionally yielded unexpected results,

such as Melbourne Man’s reconstruction by Stewart (1946), revealing that a dolichocephalic head

shape was far more probable than the hyperbrachycephaly that Hrdlička (1937) proposed. In recent

studies, some scholars claim to have pinpointed a geographic location of Paleoindian origin.

Turner and Bird (1981) assert that this location is the Lena River Basin of northeast Siberia, basing

their conclusions on the cremated root remains of human teeth from Pali Aike Cave in Argentinian

Patagonia. The present study revisits the data about these and other Paleoindian crania to determine

possible connections to historic and modern populations.

With the popularity of the Land Bridge Hypothesis in the early nineteenth and twentieth

centuries, scholars suggested that Native Americans were derived from northeast Asian

populations. More often than not, their research was conducted with “top-down” processing,

beginning with a theory of how the New World was populated, then subsequently supplementing

that hypothesis with data from archeological contexts. This methodology was functional until

biological dissimilarities were realized between modern Native Americans, and northeast Asians.

These two populations are usually grouped as part of the same “mongoloid stock”, but variation

still exists between the two groups (if a generalization may be made). Jenks (1936) attributes major

differences (the cranial index, head-height index, total facial index, nasal index, stature, and body

120
proportions) between the American and Asian Mongoloid stocks to multiple migrations into the

Americas, while distributional studies conducted by Stewart (1940) reveal that earliest American

populations are long- and high-headed. Because Paleoindians are morphologically dissimilar to

both modern northeast Asians and Native Americans, it could be argued that they represent yet

another migration, an even earlier wave into the Americas at the end of the Pleistocene, although

this highly controversial stance was difficult to maintain in the early to mid-twentieth century.

Scholars like Hrdlička, who was once called the “veteran antagonist of the antiquity of man in

America” (Stewart 1946:1), vehemently opposed the possibility of multiple migration theories. He

virtually dismissed every set of Paleoindian remains that were morphologically distinct from

modern Native Americans as being simply the result of individual variation. This would not be

problematic if it were applied to a few crania, but this trend is seen in nearly any claimed

Paleoindian that he examined. Hrdlička (1918:53) states of the Vero Man, “Should the Vero

skeleton be of geological antiquity, then we would have to accept the view that in size and type,

no change has taken place in the inhabitants of the region between the early Pleistocene… and the

Columbian period”. In other words, even if this individual is as ancient as is claimed, he is still not

morphologically distinct from modern Native Americans, thus only one migration into the New

World occurred. This conclusion follows the analysis of the remains, in which Hrdlička gives a

detailed account of measurements, indices, and classifications. However, in this and other

publications (see Hrdlička 1912, 1937), he conveniently and frequently omits one of the most basic

classifications of a skull that one can make—the cranial index and associated cranial shape. He

uses other phrases such as “large”, “high”, and “well-formed” as descriptors, but simply does not

state the shape of the cranium. Some could argue that he viewed the cranial shape as extraneous,

but this seems unlikely due to his detailed accounts of all other cranial This is not to speak poorly

121
of Hrdlička; his work still largely served as the foundation of physical anthropology as a discipline,

it is only the seemingly intentional omission of fact to augment one’s beliefs that perturbs the

author of the present study.

Stewart (1946) and many others utilized levels of “primitiveness” of human remains as

compared to modern Europeans to determine antiquity and ancestral affinity of a skeletal sample.

Given that these methods were employed years before the inventions of radiocarbon dating and

genomic testing, conclusions such as these appear to be reasonable and follow a logical pattern.

These early approaches assume that morphological differences evolve unilineally over time

(dolichocephaly to brachycephaly and prognathism to orthognathism, for example) and are a direct

result of population separation and diffusion from a single source.

Today it is understood that, although craniofacial variations are geographically distributed,

their presence or absence do not determine any sort of progressive, unilineal human evolutionary

patterns. Biological dissimilarities (phenotypic or otherwise) between groups often have

explanations in factors that affect the population gene pool, such as mutations, genetic drift, and

reproductive isolation. In any given environment, a certain set of characteristics are more favorable

than others, and organisms expressing those certain traits have a higher likelihood of passing on

their genetic material. When paired with the aforementioned affecting factors, this can lead to a

higher frequency of specific characteristics in a particular region, which can become endemic to a

population over time. These phenotypic and genotypic correlations are arguably one of the

foundations of population biology studies. The ways in which these populations interact with and

integrate into their surroundings are also critical components of understanding the role and scope

of the group in the context of their own environment.

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 Possibility of Evolutionary Connections to Cranial Shape

Species evolution is characterized by gradual shifts on a population-wide scale over time.

Certain traits are more favorable than others, particularly if the circumstances enhance the fitness

and reproductive capabilities of the organism. Other traits appear simply as a response to stimuli

(or a lack thereof), whether or not the adaptation is evolutionarily advantageous. Cranial shape

could be considered as the latter due to its neutral effect on the fitness of the organism except, for

example, in the case of plagiocephalic birth defects such as craniosynostosis (see Johns Hopkins

Medicine 2017).

Cardini and Polly (2013) examined trends between craniofacial shape and body size among

placental mammals (antelopes, fruit bats, African mongooses, and African tree squirrels) and

found that larger-bodied animals are more dolichocephalic while smaller animals are more

brachycephalic. They argue that this is due to “size-related constraints” such as the proportional

length of the face and overall adult size. The necessity for larger masticatory muscles in larger

animals is another noted reason for this dichotomy. Although not directly involved in the study,

the authors note that human beings are “an exception to the allometry between size and facial

proportions that generally holds for mammals” due to humans’ rapidly growing brain, canine

reduction, and their increasing dependence on pre-processed foods, among numerous other factors

(see Lieberman 2008 for discussion). While the brain enlarges, these and other changes cause the

jaw size to shrink due to the reduction of masticatory muscles. Cranial shape is one of the factors

directly associated with such a change. Kuzminsky et al. (2017), however, provide evidence

contrary to the notion that diet and cultural changes are responsible for shape variation, noting the

relative stability of the two factors in northern Chile while cranial shape changes were still

observed over several millennia.

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 Considering the low and elongated crania of various hominid species such as Homo

neanderthalensis and Homo erectus, dolichocephaly appears to have a been common trait among

human ancestors. A recent study of human skull shape in western South America has shown that,

over time, long-headedness has become less common among human populations, although it never

disappears completely (Kuzminsky et al. 2017).

The same could be said for many phenotypic and genetic characteristics as well; certain

variations are present at different frequencies among populations and across time and space, but

these traits never seem to be completely removed—there is always some individual who retains

them. In the comparison of ancient and modern remains, Jenks (1936:175) warns that “caution

must be observed, however, in comparing features of a Glacial Age specimen with those of modern

races, especially such features as alveolar prognathism and the size of the jaw, for these features

are known to be among the most affected by evolutionary tendencies.” Data from the present study

tend to support these conclusions.

Results

Of the 118 Paleoindians (including an additional six that were mentioned but not

examined), 33 had an assigned age of death. Individuals marked as “adult” were counted as being

30 years old while those of “middle age” were estimated to be 40 years old. Based on these ages,

the average age of death was approximately 27. Of course, this is not representative of the entire

sampled Paleoindian population, although this average could be near the true average. The

distribution of females to males was roughly equivalent. Out of the 118, 104 had an assigned or

estimated sex. Of those, 50.96% were female (53 total; five were questionable) and 49.04% were

male at (51 total; three were questionable). This female to male ratio is preferable with an almost

equal representation of both sexes. Other studies specified variability between female and male

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craniofacial morphology; this study did not because of the already small sample sizes. Distribution

of cranial indices of all examined groups (n = 2,636) is shown below in Figure 5.1. To simplify

the nearly 3,000 data points, each continent except Asia (which was delineated into North and

South) and the Americas (North and South America are combined) is assigned a color-coded

identifier: Europe (red), Africa (orange), Americas (yellow), Oceania (green), North Asia (blue),

and South Asia (purple). The Paleoindians represent a single population and are shown in pink. Of

the 2,524 individuals in the Howells Late Holocene group, 38.4% demonstrate dolichocephaly or

hyperdolichocephaly. This figure more than doubles to 77.7% upon examination of the 112

Paleoindians. Results also indicate that 18.8% of the Paleoindians are mesocephalic compared to

40.9% of the Late Holocene individuals. Brachy and hyperbrachycrany are seen in 3.5% of the

Paleoindians and 20.7% of the modern/historic groups. Comparing these ancient and modern

populations, the frequency of dolichocrany decreases while mesocrany and brachycrany increase.

Paleoindian cranial shape represents a positively skewed distribution while the modern groups

show a relatively normal distribution with no skewing (Figures 5.2 and 5.3). The same data is

illustrated differently in a box-and-whisker plot (Figure 5.4) to better show outliers. This plot

denotes the minimum, maximum, median, first and third quartiles values of each population.

Applying Kuzminsky’s (2017) conclusions to a grander scale, it can be inferred that, with time and

increasingly modern Homo sapiens sapiens, dolichocephaly can be expected to diminish in

frequency. In the 10,000+ years that separate many of the individuals in the present study, an even

higher frequency of mesocephaly and brachycephaly could be expected than what is shown.

Dolichocephaly in the Howells groups is the second most common shape by a relatively large

margin, which could potentially be a result of the groups that were sampled. Ten out of thirty Late

Holocene groups are from the South Pacific and Oceania region. These regions, namely Tolai,

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Australia, Tasmania, North Maori, and Easter Island, exhibit some of the highest frequencies of

dolichocephaly in the world, according to the Howells collection. The inclusion of more of these

island groups could account for the perhaps higher-than-expected global percentages of long-

headed individuals.

Figure 5.1. Scatterplot showing cranial index of each individual in each population. For this graph, groups were
combined into one geographic region per continent. The colors are as follows: Europe (red), Africa (orange), Americas
(yellow), Oceania (green), South Asia (blue), North Asia (purple), and Paleoindian (pink). Note the tendencies of
African and Oceanic populations toward dolichocephaly compared to the tendency toward brachycephaly in European
and some north Asian populations. The hyperbrachycranic population near the top right of the graph largely represents
the Buriat population of Siberia.

One question that this analysis must address is the marked distinction between cranial shape

and genomic analysis in Paleoindian populations. Of those few individuals possessing sufficiently

preserved collagen (Anzick-1, Kennewick Man, Naia (HN5/48), and six of the ten individuals from

Baño Nuevo-1 Cave), all were genetically linked to haplogroups found almost exclusively in

modern Native American populations (Dulik et al. 2012; Perego et al. 2010). As previously

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 Figure 5.2. Cranial
shape distribution
of 112 Paleoindians
examined in the
present study. Note
that the data are
positively skewed
with a higher
frequency of
individuals falling
into
dolichocephalic and
hyperdolichocephal
ic ranges.

Figure 5.3. Cranial

shape distribution
of 2,524
individuals from
the Howells
database. Note that
the Howells data
demonstrate a
normal
distribution, with
the majority of
individuals falling
into or near the
centroid.

described, Native American mitochondrial DNA is expressed in five primary haplogroups (A, B,

C, D, and X). All of the available genomic testing revealed the strong presence of one or more of

these haplogroups (Appendix A). The mtDNA and y-chromosomal DNA of Kennewick Man were

sequenced to X2a and Q-M3, respectively (Rasmussen et al. 2015), while the present study and

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Figure 5.4. Box-and-whisker plot (median, 25–75% quartiles, minimum and maximum) showing cranial index centroid
size in each population. Refer to the Methods chapter that explains the delineation between the five cranial shapes.

others (Owsley 2014) determined him to be morphologically the most similar to present-day

Polynesians and Ainu. How then can his Native American haplogroups be explained in

conjunction with a south Pacific craniofacial morphology? With Kennewick Man as a specific

example to represent all such disparities in the present study, this is the central question that this

analysis attempts to answer.

Migration Model and Founder Population Size Estimation

An intriguing study by Hey (2005) tested a model to estimate the size of the original

founding population of the New World. She included genetic data from nine loci of Asian and

American genomes and composed a model that took into account estimation of founding

population sizes, changes in population size, time of population formation, and gene flow.

Referring to these populations as founder populations, Hey (2005) also considers the possibility

of the founder population splitting into two, and accounts for that error in her model as well. Her

conclusions, although supported by archaeological and other evidence, were still surprising. Based

128
on her calculations, the New World and all its subsequent Amerind-speaking diversity, were

originally founded by no more than 80 individuals (effective size of about 70), which grew by a

factor of ten (Hey 2005). This small size theoretically allows for relatively efficient group

movement across the landscape, but also supports low genetic variability and low visibility in the

archaeological record. She agrees with the consensus that these ancestral populations stemmed

from Asia, though debate exists as to what region.

Synthesis

Despite the spatial and temporal separation of many of the Paleoindian samples, a number

of parallels can be drawn from their osteological elements and burial contexts. The following

synthesis describes trends observed in a significant portion of the examined Paleoindians. It does

not, however, speak to all the diversity present in these samples and does not attempt to analyze

or generalize all Paleoindian material culture found in the Americas.

With regard to burial context, a handful of specific funerary features were identified in

multiple locations throughout the Americas. Perhaps among the most notable circumstances is the

body being interred in a flexed position, although other methods of interment, such as cremation

(Bird 1983; Fryxell et al. 1968; Mason and Irwin 1960) and laying supine with the legs extended

(Morse 1997; Owsley 2010; Price and Krakker 1975:32) occurred. Flexed burials are observed at

Sulphur Springs, Gordon Creek, Sulfur Springs, Horn Shelter, Wilson-Leonard, Arica (Acha-2),

Quintana Roo (La Mujer de las Palmas), and Las Vegas, although it could also be found in regions

where specific data on individuals is less accessible (such as those pertaining to the larger

populations of Lagoa Santa and Paleo/Archaic Colombia). The orientation toward a cardinal

direction varied among these individuals.

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 The practice of covering or lining the burial pit with large rocks is observed in a handful of

these deposits, including the burials of Buhl, Horn Shelter, Baño Nuevo-1 Cave, and Las Vegas.

This practice is not necessarily unique to the Americas, however, as scholars have previously

identified other areas that utilize this practice. Castro de la Mata and Bonavia (1980:515) note that

subadult burials in pre-ceramic Peru have been found covered by large stone slabs. In the analysis

of these formations, Nimuendaju (1948:292) asserts that some tropical populations place stones or

other heavy objects on top of burials in order to protect the deceased from malicious spirits. With

many of the examined Paleoindian burials being partially destroyed upon discovery, it is difficult

to estimate how many may have once included these rock formations.

The inclusion of red ocher was also noted among some of these burials. Ocher is a natural

yellow-brown pigment that contains hydrated iron oxide. Some variants of ocher contain a large

amount of hematite, the component responsible for a reddish tint. The infant burial at Anzick,

Montana, as well as the Gordon Creek Woman and their associated artifacts were heavily covered

with this red pigment. A large chunk of the s pigment (unconfirmed, but likely to be red ocher)

was found near the elbow of the Arch Lake Woman, likely once held in a perishable pouch. Red

ocher is found in archaeological contexts worldwide from the La Cueva de Las Manos in Santa

Cruz, Argentina (Onetto and Podestá 2011), to the mid-late Pleistocene “Mungo Man” in southeast

Australia (Bowler and Thorne 1976), to the Neanderthal use of red ocher in Europe over 200,000

BP (Roebroeks et al. 2012). Scholars have long considered it evidence of prehistoric human rituals

(see Wreschner et al. 1980). The inclusion of the pigment in multiple Paleoindian contexts is

intriguing, suggesting the presence of early ritualized burial practices in the New World that are

otherwise little noted in the literature.

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 Despite these suggestions of intentional burial with a ritual component, equally as many (if

not more) Paleoindians were discovered with little to no burial context whatsoever (such as those

in the submerged cave systems of Quintana Roo). Several of these individuals were found as a

result of construction (Whitewater Draw, Buhl, Anzick, Tlapacoya I), or erosion (Gordon Creek,

Vero, Pelican Rapids, Melbourne, Arch Lake, Kennewick, Punín). Associated artifacts tend to be

scarce (except in the cases of Anzick, Horn Shelter, and Las Vegas) and are usually not culturally

diagnostic.

The depositional proximity to Pleistocene megafauna or their associated byproducts is a

frequently-hoped-for feature when a Paleoindian burial is discovered (Meltzer 2009). This

association tends to strengthen the argument for the antiquity of human remains if they truly do

originate in the same stratigraphic layer. Association with Pleistocene megafauna was claimed at

a number of sites examined in the present study, including Vero, Midland, Quintana Roo, and

possibly Punín.

Osteological features can also vary greatly among Paleoindians. Certain features are

commonly associated with a generalized “Paleoindian stock”, and include heavy brow ridges,

incisor shoveling, moderate to severe occlusal wear, and dolichocephaly, among other traits. All

five cranial shapes are represented in the Paleoindian populations, from the hyperdolichocephaly

of some Lagoa Santa individuals to the hyperbrachycrany of Arch Lake Woman. In agreement

with past studies (Kuzminsky et al. 2017; Stewart 1940), the majority of Paleoindians tend toward

dolichocephaly, although this feature is absent in over 22% of the total population. Shoveling (and

occasionally double shoveling) is exhibited by a number of individuals, although it can often be

difficult to identify considering the usually moderate to severe degree of dental attrition. This type

of extreme dental wear (which can be so severe that the underlying dentin is exposed) has been

131
observed as a feature common within hunter-gatherer societies (Hinton 1981). With the exception

of Horn Shelter and Wilson-Leonard, a lack of dental caries is also noted in these individuals both

by the present as well as previous studies by Powell and Steele (1994:182), who attributed it to a

diet low in sugar. Males (Browns Valley, Sauk Valley, Horn Shelter) generally tend to exhibit

heavier brow ridges due to the greater robusticity of their skeletons compared to females (although

the trait is seen in Peñon III and Punín), thus the lack of prominent brow ridges in the crania of

Midland, Gordon Creek, and Pelican Rapids can likely be attributed to sexual dimorphism

(McNulty and Baab 2006; Shearer et al. 2012), which the present study did not specifically account

for as males and females were combined to represent a particular population. A pronounced sagittal

ridge is also frequently seen among these individuals. A small but noteworthy percentage of the

Paleoindian remains examined in the present study seem to deviate from the generalized

Paleoindian morphology, perhaps most notably those of Gordon Creek, Arch Lake, and some of

the individuals from Mexico, presenting mesocrany and hyperbrachycrany, no supraorbital torus,

no sagittal ridge, and slight to moderate occlusal wear.

Based on the results of these analyses, the present study argues that the high incidence of

dolichocephaly among Paleoindians from North, Central, and South America is the result of the

founder effect stemming from an ancestral south Asian population in which dolichocephaly and

hyperdolichocephaly represent the majority (i.e., more than 50%) of the population. It is possible

that this theoretical population previously branched off from a more northern Asian population

and still retained some of their characteristics, such as sinodonty, which Paleoindians tend to

exhibit. Sundadonty that is present in some of the Paleoindian dentition can be explained as a south

Asian characteristic that later combined with other regional traits. Additionally, the marked

morphological contrasts between ancient and modern populations in the Americas is a point to

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consider when reconstructing possible past migrations. Consequently, data from cranial indices

suggests a two-wave migration as the most viable model for humanity’s entry into the New World.

A recent study by Skoglund et al. (2015) examines an intriguing case of certain Amazonian Native

Americans who share a genetic signature more similar to those of indigenous groups in Oceania

(Australia, New Guinea, Andaman Islands) rather than any modern Eurasians or Native

Americans. These Native Americans have their provenance deep in the Amazon jungle, which

likely entails little to no contact with modern populations, considering the authors intended to

study “individuals from Central and South America that have the strongest evidence of deriving

entirely from a homogeneous First American ancestral population”. This is significant considering

genetic analysis thus far has attributed all Native American groups to at least one of five major

haplogroups (suggesting a single-wave migration) (Fagundes et al. 2008). The authors (Skoglund

et al. 2015) present data that suggests a possible admixture of genetic material with the

Andamanese Onge population. Geographically (and often, reproductively) isolated areas tend to

act as an incubator of certain phenotypic qualities (consider again the Pericúes retaining high

frequencies of dolichocephaly into the modern age, according to ten Kate 1885). This could

explain the genetic distinctions between the Amazonian group and other Native Americans.

Although the presence of south Asian genetic material does not necessarily mean that two separate

migrations occurred, it does further complicate the genetic history of modern Native Americans.

The first wave, arguably embodied by ~70 individuals (Hey 2005), established a south

Asian dolichocephalic population as the original colonizers of the Americas while a second wave

that entered at a later date consisted of a more north Asian meso or brachycephalic population that

more closely resembles the morphology of modern Native Americans. This study cannot directly

speak to the date of migration for either of these events, but, both the date range and the route can

133
be conjectured based on a two-wave migration hypothesis, although a number of assumptions must

be made if this conjecture is to be based solely on cranial indices. This speculation is as follows.

The oldest Paleoindian sites in the Americas with reliable dates are Monte Verde (~18,500

and 14,500 cal BP) and Meadowcroft Rockshelter (19,600-13,230 cal BP). Due to ages that predate

both the ice-free corridor and the Clovis culture, these sites were arguably occupied by the primary

founding peoples of the Americas. Assuming their date of entry preceded the thawing of the ice-

free corridor (or at least before it became biologically viable after 12,600 BP, according to

Pedersen et al. 2016), the former dolichocephalic population could have theoretically entered

sometime after the North American glaciers began to retreat at 19,500 BP (Clark et al. 2009).

Dolichocephaly is a characteristic frequently seen in the most ancient Paleoindian remains, which

are scattered throughout the Americas. Both coastal and inland areas yield long-headed

individuals. This suggests that the original founding population of just 70 individuals was apt

enough to spread throughout North, Central, and South America, likely via the coastal route due

to the aforementioned improbability of the continental migration hypothesis under the given

circumstances. Sometime later, a more mesocephalic second wave may have crossed Beringia

from north Asia, passing through the ice-free corridor into the continental United States. They

dispersed throughout much of the continent and into central America, but may have stopped soon

after first entering South America. This can be explained in the higher presence of mesocephaly

throughout the inland United States, Mexico (Buhl, Whitewater Draw, Gordon Creek, Arch Lake,

Quintana Roo), but not at coastal areas or the majority of South America (Vero, Melbourne, Lagoa

Santa, Baño Nuevo, Punín). Locations closer to the coast and in more reproductively-isolated areas

(Vero, Melbourne, Lagoa Santa, Paleo/Archaic Colombia, Baño Nuevo, Punín) tend to retain

134
dolichocephaly, even in more modern populations like the Pericúes of Baja California (ten Kate

1885) as well as Eskimos and Easter Island populations (Howells 1973).

As with any model, certain cases present outliers. For instance, Paleo/Archaic Colombia is

located in inland Colombia, over 350km from the shores of the Pacific. These individuals,

however, largely exhibit (hyper) dolichocephaly with only 7 of 47 individuals exhibiting

mesocephaly or brachycephaly. The opposite is true for the people of Las Vegas on the coast of

the Santa Elena Peninsula. All three cranial shapes are observed within this small (n = 11)

population: 3 are dolichocephalic, 6 are mesocephalic, and 2 are brachycephalic. Because Las

Vegas represents a somewhat younger population than most of the Paleoindian remains in

question, this variation could be explained as the transition from dolichocephaly to brachycephaly

over time, although the sample size is too small to offer any secure inferences.

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 Chapter 6
Conclusions

The present study has attempted to evaluate Paleoindian remains from North, Central, and

South America based on cranial index variation, although other factors such as genetics and

linguistics were detailed as well. Results affirm past studies that demonstrate Paleoindians as most

frequently exhibiting dolichocephaly. Many individuals examined in the present study could be

considered members of unknown populations with undefined parameters, a factor which ultimately

precluded any definitive statements about population affinities of these ancient individuals. Only

two Paleoindians could be compared using the CRANID multivariate analysis program.

Kennewick Man appeared to share the most morphological similarities to the Moriori and Arikara

populations, while Peñon III most closely resembled two Native Americans from Peru and the

Santa Cruz Islands, but was dissimilar to the Arikara, indicating a observable variation in

craniofacial morphology between natives of North and Central/South America.

Among themselves, Paleoindians exhibited the full range of cranial shapes described in the

present study. Upon comparison with 30 Late Holocene populations examined in the Howells

collection, Paleoindians appear to share affinities with native Eskimos, natives of Oceania

(Australia, Tasmania, Tolai, North Maori, Easter Island), as well as Sub-Saharan Africans (Zulu,

Bushman, Teita). The high frequency of dolichocephaly is unlikely to be explained by direct

migration from one of these areas, however, due to the probable influences of microevolution over

many milenia. Therefore, the present study argues that the founder effect is the most plausible

explanation for this observation. I posit a two-wave migration model that could explain the

variation in cranial shape, should a few assumptions be made. A small (n = 70) dolichocephalic

136
group from south Asia utilized watercraft to bypass the colossal Laurentide and Cordilleran ice

sheets sometime between 19,500 BP and 12,600 BP, eventually settling coast to coast within

North, Central, and South America. At a later point in time, a larger mesocephalic group from

north Asia entered the Americas, likely through the then-viable ice-free corridor and spread inland

into the continental United States. This second wave may represent the Clovis people. Because

this theoretical group was significantly larger than the former, the frequency of dolichocephaly

among Paleoamericans steadily decreased over time, but never disappeared completely. This could

explain the variation between crania of ancient and modern American populations. Although this

model has its shortcomings, the present study argues it is a viable hypothesis for the geographic

origins of the First Americans, their possible migratory routes and dates of entry, as well as an

explanation for the craniomorphological discrepancies with modern Native Americans. Possible

future avenues of research have been considered by the author as well. There may be value in

comparing Paleoamericans to other Terminal Pleistocene populations to form a better

understanding of extant conditions and any effects they may have had on the skeletons of

Paleoindians. Additionally, a greater number of craniofacial as well as post-cranial indices could

be examined to further assess possible population affinities.

The multitude of studies on the original peopling of the Americas have revealed insight

into the hemisphere’s earliest inhabitants for over a century. Seemingly every topic has been

analyzed thus far, but it is true that a great deal of work remains to be undertaken. With the

consistent advent of technology with capabilities to revolutionize the field, the window of

opportunity for scholarly inquiry only widens. One avenue of future possible research could lie in

more in-depth comparison of Paleoindians with other Terminal Pleistocene populations from

around the world. However, despite the best efforts of archaeologists, geologists, physical

137
anthropologists, and linguists, the current realm of knowledge and analysis can only extend so far,

as much of the material culture of these diverse groups has already been lost to time. Although

past studies have attributed the cause of these migrations to various environmental or subsistence-

related factors, they may not truly be able to speak to the intentions of these ancient peoples and

the driving forces behind this historic exodus from Asia. It is the hope of the author that the present

study provides a viable contribution and analysis of the metrics in question and enhances future

scholarly discussion. This conclusion represents not an end, but a genesis. The beginning of new

ideas and approaches, the introduction of more diverse perspectives, and the continued synthesis

of multiple data sources as well as the acquisition of new information. Only through inclusivity,

attention to detail, scholarly cooperation, and an insatiable desire for the truth can the most holistic

understanding of America’s First Peoples be revealed.

138
 Appendix A. Comprehensive list of all examined Paleoindian samples. An (*) denotes an individual who was mentioned, but cranial measurements could
not be found.

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140
141
142
143
144
145
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 Index

Arica region, Chile, 109

A climate change, 27, 50
Africa, 1, 4, 31, 125 Cordilleran Ice Sheet, vii, 21, 26, 44, 137
Ainu. See Howells. glaciation, vii, 20-21, 26-27, 29-30, 38,
Aisén River, Chile, 111 71, 134
Arctic, 20, 26 global cooling, 20, 27, 30, 50
Asia, 5, 14, 31-33, 47, 89, 91-92, 94, 101- global warming, 21, 27, 29, 44, 48
102, 104-105, 125, 129, 134, 137-138 Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), 27-29, 39,
Atacama Desert, Chile 109 46, 50
Australopithecus afarensis, 107 Laurentide Ice Sheet, vii, 21, 26, 29, 44,
137
B sea level, 27, 48, 52
thermohaline circulation, 27-28
Barbarism. See Morgan, Lewis H. vegetation, 20, 27, 46
Bering Sea, 26 weather, 27-29
Beringia, 20-21, 25-27, 40, 42, 44, 46-47, Clovis, vii, 21-23, 44, 46-47, 50, 54, 75-76,
134 84, 107, 134
big-game. See Megafauna Clovis-First Hypothesis, 44, 46-47
Blumenbach, vii, 12, 14-15 Columbia River, Washington, 2, 86
bottle gourd, in pre-ceramic societies, 116 cranial index
burials definition of, 12
bundles, 117 calculation of, 58
covered or lined with large rocks, 68, 80, cranial shapes
111, 130 and body size in placental mammals, 123
cremation, 129 as evolutionary results, 123
exhumation, 117 as evolutionarily disadvantageous, 123
intentional interment, 65, 69, 111, 131 brachycephaly, 19- 20, 54, 57-58, 64,
positions 117-118, 122-123, 125, 133, 135
flexed, 63, 65, 80, 84, 110, 117, 129 dolichocephaly, 19-20, 57, 58, 65, 66,
supine, 77, 111, 129 67, 70, 73, 75, 81, 82, 85, 88, 99, 103,
108, 114, 115, 117,118, 120, 122-126,
C 131, 132, 133-137
Cactus Hill, Virginia, 50 hyperbrachycephalic, 58, 65-66, 118,
Canada, 21, 26, 40, 47 120, 125, 131-132
cave system, 23, 96 hyperdolichocephalic, 58, 78, 82, 106-
cenotes, 96 107, 115, 118, 125, 131-132
Cenozoic, 28 mesocephalic, 19-20, 57-58, 64, 68, 72,
Central America, 1-2, 5, 39-40, 47, 62, 84, 81, 97-98, 110-111, 117-118, 125, 134-
96, 99, 132, 134, 136-137 135, 137
Chile, 23, 27, 109, 111, 123

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CRANID computer program, 60, 62, 87, 99, G
118, 136
craniosynostosis, 123 genetics, iii, 2, 31, 34, 36-37, 136
autosomal (atDNA), 36, 38
D evolutionary advantages, 35
inheritance, 34, 36
degeneration hypothesis, 14 mitochondrial (mtDNA), 3, 24, 36-37, 38,
dentition, vii, 31-32, 72, 97, 132 40, 54, 95, 97, 127
incisor shoveling, 112 haplogroups, 38, 40, 95, 97
incisors, 6, 17, 32-34, 66, 72, 78, 81, 86, most recent common ancestor (MRCA),
97, 131 Mitochondrial Eve, 37
lack of caries, 69, 81, 86, 88, 132 Y-chromosomal Adam, 37
linear enamel hypoplasia, 69 single-nucelotide polymorphisms (SNPs),
sinodonty, 32, 63, 97, 132 35-37, 39
sundadonty, 32, 91, 97, 132 Y-chromosome DNA, 75, 127
worn occlusal surfaces, 17, 63-66, 68-69, haplogroups, 39
72-73, 78, 81, 86, 88-99, 114, 131, 132 GIS map, 60, 118
domestication of plants, 8 Global temperature. See Climate change

E H
El Fin del Mundo, Clovis site, 22 hierarchy
Europe, 1, 5, 7, 13, 26, 31, 50, 52, 70, 125, racial, 13, 15
130 social, 8, 9
European explorers Hobbes, Thomas, 9
Cabral, 4 Holocene, 2, 24, 31-32, 58, 62, 64-65, 87,
Christopher Columbus, 4 108-109, 125, 136
Drake, 4 Homo erectus, 1, 124
Giovanni da Verrazzano, 4 Homo sapiens, 1, 27, 38, 125
Jacques Cartier, 4 Howells, 2, 19, 30, 58-59, 60-61, 87, 118,
John Cabot, 4 125, 135-136
Magellan, 4 acquisition of data, 59
Evolutionist school of thought, 8 Howells groups
Andaman Islands, 91, 102-103
F Anyang, 90, 101
five races. See Blumenbach Arikara, 17, 88-89, 92-94, 100-101, 103-
Folsom, 22, 64, 69, 80, 83 105
France Atayal, 90-91, 101-102
Solutré, vii, 50, 54 Australia, 90-92, 94, 101, 104, 106
freshwater flux. See Climate change Berg, 89-90, 92, 94, 102
Buriat, 90, 103
Bushman, 33, 91, 101-102, 136
Dogon, 90-91, 102-104, 106

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 Easter Islands, 89, 91, 103, 114, 126, 135- L
136
Egypt, 89-90, 92, 94, 102 Land-Bridge Hypothesis. See migration
Eskimo, 42, 90, 102 hypotheses
Guam, 90, 102, 104-105 linguistics, iii, 2, 31, 136
Hainan, 90, 92, 94, 101 Amerind language family, 42, 129
Maori, 89, 102, 126, 136 Athabaskan language family, 41
Mokapu, 89, 92-94, 102 Eskimo-Aleut langauge family, 42
Moriori, 88-89, 92-94, 102 glottochronology, 41
N. Japan, 89-90, 92-93, 101-102, 104, 106 Na-Dené language family, 42
Norse, 88-89, 92-94, 101, 104, 105, 106 loess, 71
Peru, 89-90, 100-101, 104-106, 136
Philippines, 89, 101 M
S. Japan, 89-90, 92-93, 101-102, 104-106 Martu tribe, Australia, 46
Santa Cruz Islands, 89-90, 92-94, 100- Meadowcroft Rockshelter, 23, 27, 134
101, 104-106 megafauna, 20, 44, 46, 66, 83, 97, 114, 131
Tasmania, 90-91, 102-103, 126, 136 camels, 114
Teita, 90-91, 101, 104-105, 136 dire wolf, 83
Tolai, 90, 101, 125, 136 extinction of, 22, 46, 83, 96, 107
Zalavár, 89-90, 92-94, 101-102, 104-106 giant sloth, 66, 107
Zulu, 89-90, 92, 94, 102, 136 gomphotheres, 96
Hrdlička, 5, 41, 65-66, 68, 107, 120-121 horses, 114
human racial categories mammoth, 20, 45, 53, 65, 66, 83
Australoid, 15, 114-115 mastodon, 20, 22, 53, 65, 114
Caucasoid, 15-17, 33, 88 sabre-tooth tigers, 66, 96
Mongoloid, 15-17, 32-33, 72-74, 112, tapir, 96
115, 120-121 Meiners, Christoph, 14-15
Negroid, 13, 15-17, 33, 72-73 migration hypotheses
coastal route, 25, 47-48, 50, 52
I Kelp Highway, 47
Ice Age ice-free corridor, 25 27, 39, 44, 46-47,
most recent, 20, 48, 49 134, 137
land bridge vii, 44, 47, 120
J one-wave migration, 1, 42, 44, 47
Solutrean, vii, 25, 38, 50, 52-55
Java, 1 Atlantic ice bridge, 52
three-wave migration, 39, 42
K two-wave migration, 114
Kennewick Man, vii, viii, 2, 36, 86-89, 91- mineralization of bones, 66, 68, 80, 82
93, 95, 126, 136 mitochondrial. See Genetics
mondern terminology, 6-7, 10, 15-16
monogenism, 14
Monte Verde, 23, 27, 48, 134

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Morgan, Lewis H., 7-9 Paleolithic, 49, 50, 70
mtDNA. See genetics.
Museo de Antropología in Mexico City P
Pre-Ceramic Human Collection, 104
Paleoindians
Acha-2, 110, 129
N Acha-3, 110-111
NAGPRA, 2, 59, 70, 86 Anzick, 75-76, 126, 130-131
Native Americans, 2-3, 5-6, 16-17, 32, 38- Arch Lake Woman, 77-80, 130-132, 134
41, 43, 68, 82, 86-88, 92, 100, 114-115, Baño Nuevo-1 Cave, 111, 126, 130, 134
120-121, 126, 133, 136-137 Browns Valley Man, 70, 73-75, 132
Aleuts, 40 Buhl Woman, 68-70, 79, 97, 130-131,
Colville, 86 134
Eskimos, 40, 135, 136 Gordon Creek Woman, 64, 129-132, 134
Inupik, 40 Horn Shelter, 80-82, 129, 130-132
Na-Dené, 40 Kennewick Man, 2, 36, 62, 86-89, 91-95,
Nez Pearce, 86 126-128, 131, 136
Umatilla, 86 Lagoa Santa, Brazil, 59, 62, 107-109, 112,
Yakama, 86 114-115, 117, 129, 131, 134
Yupik, 40 Lapa Vermelha IV, 107, 109
Nazi Party of Germany, 15 Las Vegas, 62, 116-117, 129-131, 135
Neanderthals, 6, 73, 130 Melbourne Man, 65-66, 120, 131, 134
non-metric skeletal features Mexico,
alveolar prognathism, 16, 64, 68, 72, 78, Chimalhuacán, 106
86, 88, 97, 99, 124 Peñon III, 62, 97, 99-105, 132, 136
anemia, 76 Tecolote, 104
cribra orbitalia, 76 Tlapacoya, 103, 131
nasal guttering, 16, 72 Midland Woman, 80, 82-83, 131-132
nasal sill, 16, 68, 72, 88 Paleo/Archaic Colombia, 62, 108, 112-
nuchal plane, 73-74 113, 118, 129, 134-135
occipital bun, 72, 74, 109 Pelican Rapids Woman, 70-74, 131-132
orthognathism, 122 Punín, 114-116, 131-132, 134
porotic hyperostosis, 76, 117 Quintana Roo, 96-98, 129, 131, 134
prominent occipital torus, 70 Chan Hol , 98
sagittal ridge, 67, 70, 78, 81, 114, 132 Chan Hol II, 98
supraorbital torus, 67, 70, 72-73, 81, 99, El Pit I, 98
114, 131-132 El Templo, 98
North America, 21, 26, 31, 38, 41, 50, 52, Eva of Naharon, 23-24, 98
62, 64, 65, 107 HN5/48 (Naia), 96-98, 126
La Mujer de las Palmas, 98, 129
O Muknal, 98
Sauk Valley, 70, 73-75, 132
Old World
Sulphur Springs, 63, 129, 131, 134

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 Vero Man, 66- 68, 121, 131, 134 in Upper Paleolithic Europe, 50
Wilson-Leonard, 80, 84-85, 97, 129 isotopic analyses, 69, 86, 91
Pali Aike Cave, Argentina, 120 non-domesticated crop types, 116
Paltacalo, Ecuador, 115 sundadonty. See dentition
Pennsylvania, 23, 27
Pericúes, Baja California, 115, 135 T
Pleistocene, iii, 1, 2, 24, 25, 26, 27, 31, 32,
technology
42, 45, 46, 47, 50, 58, 62, 65, 66, 82, 96,
Clovis toolkit, 22, 50, 75
107, 108, 114, 121, 130, 131, 137
unspecialized toolkits, 22, 49, 50, 116
polygenism, 14
Teredo navalis, 48
Polynesians, 32, 88, 128
transportation
modern, 87
on foot, 42
primitive maize, 116
watercraft, 43, 49, 52, 137
turtle carapace, 71-72, 81
R
race, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14, 15, 20, 57, 61, 115 U
radiocarbon dating (14C), 3, 27, 75, 86, 108
ultra-Darwinism, 10
radiometric dating, 27
238
Uranium-230Thorium (U-Th), 96
rain shadow, 109 V
red ocher, 64, 75, 78, 81, 130 von Sömmerring, Samuel Thomas, 15
repatriation, 55, 59, 69-70, 73, 95
Retzius, Anders, 12 W
Rocky Mountains, 26
Washington, 2, 86, 91
water bodies
S
Lake Agassiz, 30
Sacred Cenote of Chichen Itza, 96 Lake Superior, 30
savagery. See Morgan, Lewis H. Pacific Ocean, 21, 26, 28-29, 32, 43, 47,
scientific racism, 15 88, 125, 128, 135
sexual dimorphism, 108, 132 Atlantic Ocean, 4, 26, 28-29, 38, 52
Siberia, 20, 44, 76, 103 wind processes, 14, 28, 82
Lena River Basin, 120
sinodonty. See dentition Y
Sketch on the History of Mankind, 15
Solutrean. See Migration Hypotheses Yaghan, vii, 49
Sonoran Desert, 22 Y-chromosome. See Genetics
South America, 1, 2, 39, 40, 47, 62, 76, 107, Younger Dryas, 29-30
109, 124, 125, 132, 134, 136, 137 Yucatán, 23, 96
subsistence, 110
fisherman and gatherers, 110
hunting and gathering, 52, 84, 112, 116

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