Annales d'Ethiopie

History and culture of the Argobba : recent investigations

Tesfaye Hailu

Abstract
Summary : The aim of this study was to investigate the history and culture of the Argobba found in the Amhara, Afar, Oromiya,
and Harari National regions. It has been pointed out that the Argobba have their own traditional mode of house construction, and
their own form of food preparation. Nevertheless, the study also found that there is a great deal of cultural interaction and
assimilation with neighbouring ethnic groups.

Résumé
Résumé : Cette recherche ethnographique et historique sur les Argobba des régions Amhara, Afar, Oromiya et Harari, a montré
que ceux-ci possèdent en propre un mode de construction des maisons, ainsi qu'une cuisine traditionnelle. Néanmoins, l'étude
a aussi mis en évidence l'importance des interactions culturelles avec les populations voisines, voire une assimilation.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Hailu Tesfaye. History and culture of the Argobba : recent investigations. In: Annales d'Ethiopie. Volume 16, année 2000. pp.
195-206;

doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/ethio.2000.975

https://www.persee.fr/doc/ethio_0066-2127_2000_num_16_1_975

Fichier pdf généré le 14/05/2018

 195
Annales d'Ethiopie, 2000, vol. XVI: 195-206.

History and culture of the Argobba :

recent investigations

Tesfaye Hailu

Résumé : Cette recherche ethnographique et historique sur les Argobba des régions
Amhara, Afar, Oromiya et Harari, a montré que ceux-ci possèdent en propre un mode
de construction des maisons, ainsi qu'une cuisine traditionnelle. Néanmoins, l'étude a
aussi mis en évidence l'importance des interactions culturelles avec les populations
voisines, voire une assimilation.

Mots-clefs : Argobba, ethnologie, histoire, Ethiopie, régions Amhara, Afar, Oromiya &
Harari.

Summary : The aim of this study was to investigate the history and culture of the
Argobba found in the Amhara, Afar, Oromiya, and Harari National regions. It has been
pointed out that the Argobba have their own traditional mode of house construction,
and their own form of food preparation. Nevertheless, the study also found that there
is a great deal of cultural interaction and assimilation with neighbouring ethnic groups.

Keywords : Argobba, Anthropology, History, Ethiopia, Amhara, Afar, Oromiya &

Harari regions.

Introduction

The field studies of the CRCCH on the Argobba started in 1993 and continued
yearly until 1997. Each field study covered a period of one month. In the period 1993-
1996, the studies were conducted in the Oromiya zone of the Amhara Region, in
Debub (South) Wollo and Semen (North) Shoa zones, and in the Gacheni woreda
(district) of the Afar Region. In 1997, the field studies were conducted in the Eastern and
Western Hararge zones of the Oromiya Region, and in zone 3 of the Afar Region.
Finally, the study was not complete.

Background Information
The Argobba are one of the Semitic-speaking peoples, and their language is part of
the south Semitic group of languages1. On the basis of the new administrative
division, the people are found spread in the Amhara, Afar, Oromiya, and Harari Regions2.

1 Bend M.L. & al., 1976: Language in Ethiopia. London, Oxford University Press, pp. 14-15.
2 This was gathered from the reports of the field studies conducted in the period 1993-1997.
196

Amhara National Region

The Argobba live in the following villages of the sub-district of Argobba, Aallu
woreda, Debub Wollo zone: Feteqoma, Areranechro, Chomiye, Medina and Afeso. In
the Oromiya zone of the same region, they live in the villages of Shonke, Toleha, Jile
& Timuga, Artuma, Farsi, Isye Gola, Chefa Gola and Dewe. In the Semen Shoa zone,
they live in the villages of the environs of Shoa Robit, Goze Berasageze, Mafad and
Aliyu Amba.

Afar National Region

The Argobba live in zone 3 in the special district of Gachene in the villages of Suf
Ager, Abale, Belai Meteqleia, Betach Meteqleia, Bilo, Chesa, Debreko, Koka Begwe-
ze, Work Amba, Maqo Amba, and Cheno. In Fentale they live in the towns of Awash
and Metahara, while in Amibara woreda , they live in Melka Werer.

Oromiya National Region

They live in four woreda in two zones. In the Eastern Hararge Zone, they live in
Fedis woreda in the villages of Gureqere, Afeyzero, Issaqoi, Ishiye, Genda Adem,
Atero, Urde, Adasha, Qaleya, Adadi, Shanqo, Umere, Hajigoda, Berofife, Areda,
Gendagara, Gutush, Nure Kliche, Arer Hamero, Fekati, Sadiqo Berbère, Roriso,
Qelad, Qululut, Towiko, Ademrare, Umerkelle, Bereda, Adamhakola, and Qumash. In
Mieso woreda of Western Hararge zone, they live in the environs of the towns of Bor-
dede, Asebot, and Mieso, in Lega Arba kebele of Chiro woreda, and in the villages of
Cheleqleqa, Fera, Besse, Adaele, Gedamba, Boradiya, Chorora and Bedey of Anchar
& Gurba Qorcha woreda. - .

Harari National Region

The Argobba live in Hundane woreda in the villages of Koreme, Umerdin, Halilo,
Eledi, Werarawa, Alela, Afer Deba, and Qaqi.

On account of their geographical spread in the various regions, the Argobba are
thus found to be living as neighbours of the Amhara, Afar, Oromo, and Harari peoples.
The climate and vegetation is that of qolla, woina dega, and dega. According to the
1984 census, the population of Argobba was 60, 412.

Nomenclature
Argobba is a name used for both the ethnic groups and the language. The name is
related to the historical origin and settlement of the ethnic group. There is one point
on which all the elders knowledgeable about the people's history and culture, agree.
In all the areas studied and according to all the elders, the name Argobba is derived
from the Amharic phrase Arab gebba ("Arabs came"). On the other hand, the term
Argobba has a variety of significations when we examine written documents. In this
regard, if we look under the entry Argobba in Kesate Birhan's Amharic Dictionary, we
find that it gives as its meaning a woreda in Yifat which is inhabited by Muslims3.
From this definition, we understand two basic points: one, that Argobba is the name
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 197

of a place or territory, and, two, that it is an area inhabited by followers of Islam who
are called Argobba. Of scholars who have made a study of the history, culture, and
language of the Argobba people, one is Volker Stitz. In his study entitled "The
Argobba of Western Yifat, Central Ethiopia", he writes that the term Argobba refers to the
people who speak Argobbigna, follow Islam, and engage in agriculture, weaving, or
commerce and that it excludes Muslim Oromo and Afar herders, or the Christian
Amhara who are cultivators4.

History and Origin

The data provided by knowledgeable elders in all the areas inhabited by the
Argobba indicate that there are three different versions on the origin of this people. The first
version holds that when the Arab clan known as Benew Imeya lost its ruling power to
another clan 800 years ago and dispersed throughout the world, it came also to
Ethiopia. The second version holds that when a dispute arose between the Prophet
Muhammad and the followers of other religions, eighty-two followers of the Prophet came to
Ethiopia to Ahmed Nejash carrying a letter asking him to accept Islam. After having
delivered the letter, they came to Yifat and settled there. The third version on the
origin of the Argobba differs from the previous two. According to this version, the
Argobba are not immigrants, but an ancient and indigenous people who accepted
Islam very early from religious leaders who came from Arabia.
The elders give various reasons for the migration of the Argobba from the center
of the country to different regions. Among the chief reasons they cite, are the forcible
conversion to Christianity that the Emperor Yohannes tried to impose, and the
problems caused to them during the era of Lij Iyassu, the fascist Occupation, and by the
troops of ras Abebe. They maintain that migrations took place during these periods.
When we observe the movements made and the settlements chosen, we see that the
Argobba selected well-watered and hilly areas which they cleared for cultivation.
Once settled, they engaged in agriculture and weaving. The elders explained the
matter thus, and it has been possible to confirm their account of village settlements from
field observation.

Language
The language of the Argobba people is called Argobbigna and it is from the
Semitic language family which is classified as a member of the southern Ethio-Semitic
languages. The language has as yet no alphabet and no literature. There is a high degree
of linguistic exchange and assimilation going on. In this regard, the Argobba
language is being submerged by and giving way to Amharic, Afarigna, and Oromigna.
The Argobbigna language is widely spoken in the villages of Shonke and Toleha
in the Special Oromiya Zone of the Amhara National Region. It has also been possible
to observe that in some villages of the other regions, the language is spoken
especial y by women and the youth. However, even in such villages, the language has come
to gradually give way to the dominant language of some other ethnic groups. In
general, Amharic, Oromigna, and Afarigna either singly or two of the three, are spoken as
second languages along with Argobbigna.
4 Stitz Volker: The Western Argobba of Yifat, Central Ethiopia. Proceedings of the first United States
Conference on Ethiopian Studies. Michigan State University, 1973, p. 188.
198

Social Structure
When we examine Argobba society in general, discounting the non-uniformity of
the age boundaries in all the villages, we find that social division and organization
occur along lines of infancy, childhood, youth, adulthood and old age. Infancy is a
period when the baby is with both mother and father, while childhood is a period when
the child is engaged in herding or in domestic chore. Youth is the period when the
member begins to engage in cultivation, starts a household, and opens a new chapter
in life. Adulthood involves the management of the family, and the administration of
community and property. In old age, the member brings the community together on
occasions like weddings and mourning, reconciles members who have quarrelled, and
generally instructs the society about its history, culture, tradition and mores.
The role of the female is to give birth to children and nurture them, to take care of
domestic chore (preparation of food, fetching water, spinning cotton, basket weaving,
etc.). The role of the male is to participate in public meetings, to cultivate (ploughing,
weeding, harvesting and threshing of grain), and to weave cloth. The culture holds
women in respect. Earlier, women were confined to the home and kept chaste. Now,
however, they participate fully in social, economic and political affairs.
We find in Argobba culture a defensive posture and a strict injunction against
marrying from outside and a provision for marriage among close kin like cousins. In other
respects, however, and in some areas where the Argobba live intermingled with other
nationalities, they form marriage ties. The social groups formed from both types of
marriage engage in various economic and social activities.
When we examine the kinship system of the Argobba, we find general features that
describe terms for cousins and the establishment of kinship on both paternal and
maternal lines that is reflective of the characteristic of Semitic peoples5. Among the
Argobba, kinship is a major criterion for the selection and establishment of residence.
Moreover, it is the basis for solid relationships in weddings and mournings in social
life. In the economic sphere as well, co-operation and mutual aid is amply reflected.
In Argobba culture, the term jad refers to establishing backwards in order to
determine a given individual's correct biological line. In the belief of the society, anyone
whose genealogy is not established in this manner is not considered an authentic
Argobba. He/she could be subjected to insult and derision and would not be
considered as a choice for marriage.
All members of Argobba society are Muslim and every Argobba village has a
mosque. Every friday and on other religious holidays, the people gather for prayer in
the mosque. The prayers are led by a qadi who is selected from among the society on
the basis of his religious education, capability, knowledge and social regard.

The Traditional Administrative and Judicial System

Besides its own specific administrative and judicial system, Argobba society has
also adopted some features from its neighbouring Oromo nationality. The
administrative and judicial system it follows are called wolasma, qadi, and démina.
Wolasma
According to Argobba informants, the term wolasma refers to a person who has

5 William A. Shack: The Central Ethiopians. London: International African Institute, 1974, p. 145.
 199

pure [Argobba] blood, and who has land and is a member of the ruling class. A
wolasma is from the doba lineage and holds land and administers the society.
According to wolasma rules, the eldest son holds the land in his name and partitions it
among his siblings who then collect tribute for him. As the wolasma had close ties
with the former feudal ruling class, it was an executing agent for it. For this reason,
it was given land and administrative authority which made it a class superior to
other Argobba. However, the system disappeared after the proclamation that made
land public property. > l
Qadi
Apart form leading religious ceremonies, the qadi officiates at weddings and
formalizes marriages according to the rules ordained by the Holy Quran. On the death of
a father, the qadi divides his wealth between the offspring. He administers justice
according to Sharia law.
Démina
In Oromo culture, démina is a system of justice aiming to reconcile the offender
and the injured in cases of land litigation, and in criminal cases of murder, physical
injury, etc. In areas where the Argobba live as neighbours with the Oromo, they have
also adopted the démina system. The démina system is normally operative within the
confines of a single clan and whatever criminal case arises among members of a
given clan, it is the démina of the clan which adjudicates it. However, when the case
involves members of different clans, it is the démina of both clans which adjudicate
the case. When a murder occurs within a clan or among clans, the close kin of the
murderer hide themselves until the démina of the clan or the démina of both clans
come. The démina goes directly to the murderer and holds him in its own or in some
other person's custody. Then the démina and nine other persons from the party of the
murdered discuss the amount of property to be paid as compensation blood money.
According to Sharia law, 101 cattle have to be paid as blood money. Initially, 12
cattle are given to the family of the deceased as refisa [a means to calm down the
injured party]. The remaining 88 cattle are given later to the clan of the deceased. The
payment is in cash or cattle, but is never made solely in cash. The members of the
clan of the murderer contribute the cattle and the exchange is effected by the démina
of the clans of the murderer and the victim, in which nine members from each clan
are selected to participate. On the last day, the ox brought by the murderer's clan is
slaughtered by the murderer and the meat is shared with the members of the clan of
the deceased.

Some Cultural Features: Marriage, Nutrition & House Construction

. Marriage
We present information regarding the ceremonies attendant on choice of marriage
partner, on the wedding, and postnuptial parties. This information has been collected
from informants as well as from the offices of the Argobba People's Democratic
Movement.6

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1990 ne 1-9 m
200

Choice of Marriage Partner

Boys and girls live with their parents until they get married. Girls marry at the ages
of 10-15, while boys marry at the ages of 18-20. Marriage is arranged through parents.
The father of a boy goes alone to the house of one he considers a worthy peer and asks
for the hand of the daughter on behalf of his own son. The father of the girl responds
that he will consult with his family and that the suitor's father should come back after
eight or fifteen days. If he likes the suitor's father and considers him his equal, food
and coffee are served to him. On the other hand, if he does not consider him his equal,
he will either say that his daughter is not of age or that she has already been given in
promise to someone else. The father of the girl will consult with his wife, her parents
and siblings as well as with those of his own. If the family agrees to the marriage, he
expresses his consent. If the family does not agree, he will say either that the girl is
not of age or that she has already been promised to someone else. When, on the
appointed date, the suitor's father comes and asks the girl's father on whether he has
consented and gets a positive reply, they then select elders and decide on the date of
fatiha (the bethrothal).
On the day of the fatiha, the father of the suitor, elders, the qadi, the family, etc.,
go to the house of the girl's father and greet the host standing and saying "Selaam Ale-
kum!" The girl's family responds by saying "Wealekum Selaam!" Then the suitor's
party say "We have come to ask for the daughter Allah gave you for our son Allah
gave us!" Then the girl's family responds by saying "We have given the daughter Allah
gave us to the son Allah gave you." Then all of them sing Muslim hymns, kiss each
other's hands and complete the agreement. Neither the boy nor the girl are present on
this occasion. On this ceremony of the fatiha, the contract of the civil marriage is
effected. After this, the father of the boy presents to the girl a hairpin, fresh butter, a
silver necklace, a belt or girdle, and five thin rings that are hung on the neck. This
signifies that the girl is engaged.
The girl stays with her parents until she reaches the age of marriage which is
fifteen. Subsequent to this, the best man of the future bridegroom brings a dress, a pair
of shoes and other presents to the future bride every Id holiday. On Arafa holidays, the
best man takes a prize castrated sheep, slaughters it himself, offers it to the bride's
family and returns home. The expenses for those gifts that the best man takes to the
future bride's family are covered by the boy's family. If the girl's father goes back on
his word after the engagement has been completed, the matter is reviewed by elders
and he is penalized. If the boy's father goes back on his word, he sends elders to fetch
back the gifts he has sent, upon which the girl's family returns them after cleaning
them properly. The chief reasons that bring about this turn of events are situations like
not attending mourning ceremonies or not visiting on occasions of childbirth affecting
either family. It is especially important on the part of the boy to visit his best friends,
his mother-in-law or sister-in-law when either of them gives birth.

Any person who rapes or abducts a girl who is engaged is liable and punishable
according to customary law. In such a situation, the elders of the community gather in
a meeting, examine the matter, and on finding the person guilty, they slaughter one of
his farm oxen and eat it. This is a type of punishment which appeases the victim and
as a result of which reconciliation is effected.
 201

Wedding
When the wedding day fixed by the involved elders approaches, preparations are
made by both the boy's and the girl's families. One who is wealthy enough buys
butter, cattle for slaughter and other essential things and begins preparation for the feast.
Family, kin, and neighbours all participate in the preparation. Eight days before the
wedding, old women neighbours dip the bride's fingers in milk and cut her fingernails.
This is done to symbolize the girl's rite of passage to womanhood and the reason for
dipping her fingers in milk is to express the wish for her to be fertile. Further, she is
made to drink koso (an anthelminitic purgative) as a cleanser. The bridegroom's
fingernails are cut in a similar way, and he is also made to drink koso.
Three days before the wedding, her hair is braided in a different manner. This
braid, which is thin and fine and which is called setket is warmed up by the leaves of
azegaro (a kind of tree) until the day of her wedding. On her wedding day, the leaves
of the woyba tree are boiled and her body is washed with the water and massaged with
the leaves. After this, in order for the bride to have sweet odor and beauty, she goes
through as three-phase cosmetic fumigation. The first is called mansha and involves
the burning of a combination of azegaro, lubanja, andned(a\\ odoriferous woods) and
a perfumed powder. After she cools off, following the fumigation, she puts on her
wedding dress and wears her jewellery. The embroidered dress she wears on this
occasion is what is known as Gondare while the necklaces are called unda, chenchel and
ashen kitab. She also wears a ring and bracelets known as ambar, azab, and katena
while the anklets are known as anklet azab, anklet ambar, anklet albo, and anklet cha-
chete. On her ears she wears chilchele. She covers her hair with a black shawl while
she wraps a kuta and meqlemia around her body. Seated decorously, her best friends
and escorts surround her and talk to her. For a girl marrying for the first time, a gofta
is put on her head. At this point, her brothers or relations fire bullets into the air, and
others express their joy with ululation and clapping. Her mother brews coffee and says
the dua (prayers) to celebrate her "crowning with gofta". Guests are offered bread,
honey, butter and other food and drinks.
As for the bridegroom, he goes to the house of one of his best friends escorted by
the others, and after partaking in the feast prepared there, he begins to dress up
before going to the bride's house. His trousers are what is called tenfanef, while the tunic
he wears is white and made from fabric known as mebruq. He puts on a coat and on
top of that, he wears a kuta that is called shirfin. He wears leather shoes called timu-
ro and he holds a thin long staff called zeng or a whip made from hippopotamus hide
in his hands. As they go to the bride's house, the bridegroom's party take with them a
wedding gown for the bride known as Harar musa, a wrap-around calledyaw/, shoes,
jewellery, weleba, gufta, bracelets and anklets, and a toilet device made from leather
that is called irkot. These gifts are presented by an elder from the bridegroom's party
to the father of the bride in the presence of other elders and the qadi.
At this time, the elder from the bridegroom's party asks the bride's father whether
the gifts are complete. If they are, the bride's father replies affirmatively. If they are
not, he gives his word that that they will be complete within ten days and names a
guarantor. If a contract was not entered earlier during the fatiha ceremony, the bride's
father asks the qadi to seal the contract, the nika. The qadi then calls out the names of
the bride and the bridegroom and binds them in matrimony, upon which the bride-
202

groom's father kisses the hands of the qadi and the elders and chants prayers.
Once this ceremony is over, the married couple and the guests sit down on their
assigned seats and the feast begins. Accordingly, the elders sit in the mosque, the
bridegroom and his party in a neighbour's house, and the bride and her party in her
father's house. After the feast is over and the married couple is ready to leave, a
cousin of the bridegroom goes to the bride's house, takes her out carrying her on his back
and they start the journey to the bridegroom's home.When the wedding party arrives
at the bridegroom's house, the song "Azey has come!" is sung and danced to. Those
who are in the bridegroom's party sit together on one side. While the bride is led into
the nuptial bower (chagula bet), a bed is stretched for the bridegroom. Then the feast
prepared at the bridegroom's house begins.
At this point, the best men of the bridegroom take him to the nuptial bower in secret,
take the bride from her guard, give her to the bridegroom and then shut the door and
leave the bower. After the bridegroom takes the bride's virginity, one of the best friends
waiting outside enters the bower when he hears the voice of the woman guarding the
bride. Then the best man and the woman guardian respectively give the bridegroom and
the bride a cup of a mixture of honey and butter to drink. After this, the best friend and
the woman guardian go out of the bower and go to the place where family, kin, friends
and guests are gathered and break the good news, the best man chanting war-like songs
and the guardian woman ululating. At this time, the bride's father presents to the
bridegroom an ox or a cow, or some other gift commensurate with his means. The bride's
mother also offers a complete kuta to him. The bride's brothers and sisters also offer
various gifts. After this, the singing and the dancing continue.
The bridegroom is not allowed to take the bride to his home. Instead, they stay at
her parents' place and in the early morning, the couple and their best friends are
offered porridge and other food. After this, they go out of the house to the public square
and food and drinks are taken to them there from the bride's family. In the late
morning, an animal is slaughtered and the party goes back to the house and eats breakfast.
The bridegroom, his best friends, and the rest of his party stay at the bride's house
for four days feasting, drinking, singing and dancing. After lunch on the second day,
one of the best men takes the bride out of the nuptial bower carrying her to where the
party is and she sees the bridegroom's house. Flour, butter and honey, are displayed in
the presence of the bride's family and kin. This is done in order to show the quantity
sent and the number of those acting as escort. Following this, the food is prepared and
cattle slaughtered and butter and honey drunk throughout the remaining days until the
bride goes to the bridegroom's house.
On the third day, one of the best men, followed by some companions goes around
offering sugar cane stalks and spraying perfume, all the while and lightly lashing out
with a whip at those present and commanding "Cheer up! Brighten up"" At this time,
if the person who has been gently stroked with a whip is a woman, she will say "I have
brightened up for my husband! If it is an unmarried girl, she will say "I have
brightened up for my future husband!" If the person gently stroked with a whip is a married
man, he will say, "I have brightened up for my wife!" If it is a bachelor, he will say,
"I have brightened up for my future wife." Everyone present, from the wedded couple
down to those preparing the food and drinks, takes part in this frolic and they laugh
and clap.
 203

On the fourth day, the dowry the bridegroom brought is displayed to the bride's
family and kin. The dowry for the bride includes dresses known as Benin and hatch,
perfume, a towel, a scarf (shash), shoes, an umbrella, a mirror and body toilet and
laundry soaps. The dowry also includes a dress and a shawl for the bride's mother and
a shirt, a wrap-around and a turban for the bride's father. Following this, the
companions of the bridegroom are invited to a meal of bread made from millet and féf, a
chicken sauce with boiled eggs, aqalimo and alitato after which they are each given
an oval-shaped bread and bidden farewell. The bridegroom and his best men,-
however, stay in the bride's house for twelve days feasting and drinking all the while. On
the eleventh day, all the clothes of the bride, her family, and all those who were
preparing the food are taken down to the river and washed. On the following day, a
farewell ceremony, similar to the one for the companions earlier, is held for the
bridegroom and his best men, and they leave for their homes. •

Postnuptial Party (mels)

Three days after the bridegroom's return to his house, the bride's family prepares a
post-nuptial party to which the bridegroom goes with 10 to 15 of his best men and
close friends. The feast that is prepared for the post-nuptial party is traditional food
like that for the wedding. The bride, bridegroom and their party feast for four days.
On the fourth day, the bridegroom and his party leave, while the bride stays with her
family. The bridegroom secretly visits the bride from time to time. Finally, he sends
an elder to her family with the request to take her. Her family fixes the date on which
he can take her. On the fixed day, one of his best men goes to her family's house and
takes the bride, her best friends, and the rest of her party. On that day, a donkey
loaded with flour, bread, red pepper, shim, butter and honey as well as a fattened and
castrated sheep are sent to the bridegroom's house. The flour sent from the bride's house
is baked, and the sheep is slaughtered for a feast to which neighbours are invited and
people mix. This ceremony is called if metatebia.
The bride's and the bridegroom's parties feast for four days, after which they leave
for their homes. Within six months to a year, the bridegroom's father gives the newly
married couple farm plots, oxen, cows, a donkey, grain stored underground, and
household items. The bride's parents also give the couple various household goods, after
which they build their own home and live independently.
The boy and the girl wear various distinguishing marks both before and after the
marriage. Accordingly, an unmarried girl does not put anything on her hair, while a
married one puts a kerchief on her hair and two bracelets on her left hand. She may
not wear one or three or more bracelets, according to the custom. An unmarried boy
does not have his hair cut while he wears colored glass beads on his neck and on his
left hand. However, he has his hair cut when he gets married.

Food Preparation and Nutrition

The variety of food prepared includes injera, ilbet, alitato and weqalimo. The inje-
ra is made from /é/ alone, or from a mixture of mashila and other grains, after which
it is eaten with wot (a sauce). Ilbet is a mixture of fenugreek and wheat flour which is
soaked and made viscous in water. Alitato is leavened wheat flour paste that is then
prepared with chicken consommé. Weqalimo is a very special Argobba food that is
204

prepared only on holidays, weddings, and special ceremonies. Weqalimo is prepared

from any kind of meat. After men slaughter an ox, a sheep or a goat, they give the meat
and the intestines to women. The women then squeeze out the contents of the
intestine first with their hands and then with their fingers until it looks like a sheet of paper.
After this they chop the beef or the mutton into fine pieces which they then rub with
spices and pepper and stuff into the cleaned intestine. They then hang the stuffed
intestine on a rope. All the beef or all the mutton chopped is stuffed into the intestine of a
single ox or a single sheep. The stuffed intestine is hung out for three or four days in
qolla (hot) areas, while in colder areas it is hung out for much longer. The cleaned and
now dried intestine may be used some other time for stuffing chopped meat. The
chopped meat stuffed in the intestine and hung up to dry is then fried or cooked in a sauce
and eaten with injera or other bread. When weqalimo wot is made, the chopped meat
along with the intestine holding it is thrown into a pot into which are added onions,
butter, salt and other spices. It is then boiled together, after which the intestine is
opened and the sauce and the cut pieces of intestine are put on plates separately. At this
point, whoever wants to eat the intestine alone may do so, while whoever wants to eat
both the intestine and the sauce together may also do so.
On weddings, weqalimo is offered first to the bridegroom, to the father-in-law, and
to the bridegroom's friends. Then, it is offered to elders, adults, women and the young
in turns. The food is offered to everyone in equal portions. However, as the marrying
couple does not finish all the weqalimo or alitato offered to them, they eat half of it
and leave the other half. According to the culture, it is a shame for them to eat all of
what is offered.

House Construction
The Argobba live in villages on hillsides (fig.l), because such a location is healthier

Fig.l: Argobba village ofShonqé (South Wollo).

 205

and also easier to defend. However, as

space on such hillsides is limited, the
houses are built close to each other.
Once a site for a house is selected,
construction may proceed at any time
before April when the work load is
light. An expert first measures the
length and breadth of the house by
rope and then construction begins on a
Saturday which is considered a
favorable day for such construction. On Fig. 2: House entrance in the Harar vicinity.
this occasion, bread is baked, grain
roasted and coffee brewed, after which it is offered to elders who chant prayers and wish
that the house being constructed will bring comfort and happiness to its would-be
occupants. Some people slaughter an ox when work for the foundation of the house begins.
The blood is then collected in a deep wooden bowl from which the owner or a relative
sprinkles the blood around on the ground. Informants say that this is done to symbolize
the wish that the residence might bring long life and prosperity to its occupants.
In former times, most houses were built of stone and wood. It is believed that this
mode of stone construction was brought by Arabs from Yemen in ancient times.
Houses are nowadays built of wood that is not eaten by termites. This was confirmed
both by informants and by observation in the field. The walls are built from stone,
wood, and mud, while the roof is made from thick wood called qeletuma, on top of
which lighter and smaller wood and wet leaves are piled. It is further covered by mud
that does not wash away when it rains.
The house is a hall with three rooms. The first is a bedroom called nedeba, the
second a kitchen called dera and the third a cattle pen called gola. The bedroom is
where adults and guests sit or sleep and it is the front part of the house. The kitchen
holds utensils and cooked food; it further serves as the sleeping quarters for women
and children up to eight years old. The kitchen is to the left of the house. The father
builds a new house and moves out when the son grows up. Whenever a house is built,
the cattle pen is attached to its right. Its lower part is for cattle, while the upper part is
used as storage for coffee, peanuts, and other household items. The two parts are
partitioned by stacked wood. The reason for building the cattle pen within the house is
for protection against thieves and beasts.

The house is built by communal labor comprising 20-25 people. The men bring the
building materials while the women prepare food and drinks for the workers. The
proprietor requests those who will participate in the construction via community elders.
While the proprietor supplies the necessary timber, the others bring the stones from a
distance and the earth for the mud from nearby. The construction takes up to eight days.
The proprietor slaughters an ox and supplies qat and the workers eat their supper there
every day. On completion of the house, all those who participated in the construction
are invited to a party of qat, coffee, qolo (roasted grain) and bread. On this occasion,
the qadi and community elders are also invited. The eldest person blesses those
gathered wishing them long life and chanting dua to which the proprietor says "Amen!" At
206

this point, the proprietor enters the house if he built it for himself. If he built it for his
son, the latter moves into the house when he gets married. A house lasts for over 300
years if it is properly maintained, and it is inherited by the youngest male son, in
whose absence a daughter inherits it. A village is enclosed by a fence. The farms are
located in the environs of the village.

Conclusion

The aim of this study has been to investigate the history and culture of the Argobba
found in the Amhara, Afar, Oromiya, and Harari National regions. Argobba society
manifests a high degree of linguistic assimilation on account of its contiguity with the
peoples living in the Amhara, Afar, Oromo and Harari National Regions. Informants
say that the Argobba language is being swallowed up by Amharic, Oromo and Afar
languages. Field work ascertains that the Argobba language is still a medium of
communication in some of the Argobba villages. Concerning social organization, we observe
that the Argobba adopt that of the neighbouring people. For instance, the Oromo age
set and age grade system as well as the custom of levirate marriage (the younger
brother marrying his elder brother's wife on the latter's death) have been adopted by the
Argobba. As far as administration and justice are concerned, the Oromo system of
démina has also been adopted.
Traditionally, the Argobba married cousins within the same village. Nowadays,
they have started intermarrying with members of neighbouring ethnic groups and
integrating with their cultures. It has been pointed out that the Argobba have their own
traditional mode of house construction and their own form of food preparation and
nutrition. Nevertheless, the study found that there is a great deal of cultural interaction and
assimilation with neighbouring ethnic groups.
 ■
:-W %i

▲ PL I : Peintures rupestres d'Anza (cf. pp. 89-92).

j ^PLII:
| Peintures rupestres de
i Babuda (cf. pp. 89-92).

A PI. III : Peintures rupestres d'Anza (cf. pp. 89-92).

It p<

< PI. IV: Saint Fasilâdâs

à cheval ; Gâdlâ Fasilâdâs
conservé à Meslé
Fasilâdâs, fol. 1 v°
(cf. pp. 207-270).

^Pl.V: Saint Luc,

Tétraévangile conservé à
Krestos Sâmra, fol. 78 v°
(cf. pp. 207-270).

TPI. VI: Saint Marc,

peinture sur toile
marouflée sur une ancienne
porte, conservée dans
l'église de Réma
*~ J (cf. pp. 207-270).

%-at^gfmmm-mf
AUi
<&J/ l 3 ** •

v .î ' ^fH^i.Ma'1:}

3- \l.
'
AC/

A PL VII:
Giyorgis et Mac
Kelbie fabriquant un
canon. Manuscrit
BNFEth.205,
fol. 163 -164 v°
(cf. pp. 309-338).

< PL VIII:
Le balambàras
Giyorgis à cheval,
entouré de soldats.
Manuscrit BNF
Eth.205, fol.24v°
(cf. pp. 309-338).
3 L

A PL IX: Rencontre à
Gondar de Giyorgis et
de Vabuna Yoséf.
Manuscrit BNF
Eth.210, fol. 140 v°
(cf. pp. 309-338).

^Pl.X:Ménéliklors
de la fête de Màsqàl.
Manuscrit BNF
Eth.205, fol.70v°-71
(cf pp. 309-338).
▲ PL XI: Giyorgis, au centre avec une épée. Derrière lui, deux autres européens, Hasâ et
Salomon. Ils sont reçus par Abal Haylu. Manuscrit BNF Eth.210, fol. 124 (cf. pp. 309-338).

T PL XII: Le balambàras Giyorgis terrasse un Européen, mais la légende signale qu'il s'agit
d'un Derviche. Manuscrit BNF Eth. 210, fol. 165 v°-166 (cf. pp. 309-338).
 ^ PI. XIII:
Crucifixion (n°3),
par Alâqa Ayyâlâ.
Église de Segé Dengel
(cf. pp. 271-308).

A PI. XIV:
Annonciation (n°2),
par Alâqa Ayyàlà.
Église de Sage Dengel
(cf. pp. 271-308).

Vierge allaitant (n°8),

par Alâqa Ayyàlâ.
Église de Gâbrâ Endreyas
(cf. pp. 271-308).
PL XVI: Vierge à l'enfant (n°7), par Alâqa Ayyàlâ. Église de Segé dengel (cf. pp.271-308).
▲▲ PL XVII: Gâbrâ Mânfàs Qeddus (n°12), par Alâqa Ayyâlâ.
Église d'Aqasta (cf. pp. 271-308).
▲ PI. XVIII: Gâbrâ Mânfas Qeddus et Gâbrâ Endreyas (n°ll), par Alâqa Ayyâlâ.
Monastère de Yâgâzaza Abbo (cf. pp. 271-308).