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HISTORY
Subject : History
(For under graduate student)
Paper No. : Paper - II
History of India
Topic No. & Title : Topic - 10
Caste Structure In Early Medieval
India
Lecture No. & Title : Lecture - 1
Caste Structure In Early Medieval
India
The Early Medieval (600-1300 AD) has attracted a
multiciplicity of approaches to its study. There is however,
also a convergence of opinion in that this period represents a
distinctive phase, as marked out from the early historical and
the medieval. According to recent scholarship the hallmark of
this phase lies in the pronounced regional features in almost
all aspects of life. Here it would be important to see in what
ways the distinctive features of the early medieval society
were different from the situation prior to 600 AD. What one
notices at the outset is the overwhelming influence of the
epico-Puranic tradition that was replacing the vedic tradition,
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so long prevalent in many cases. The regulations appearing in
smriti or the Dharmasastra literature, reflective of the vedic
tradition, are no longer seen to command supreme authority
as found in many texts of this period. These texts-chiefly
commentaries on major smrti texts and the digests
(mimasas)-offer fresh interpretations, modifications and
sometimes substitutions of the Sastric regulations in
accordance with the changing milieu. This is brought out in
Maskarin’s commentary on the Gautama Dharmasutra,
Bhavasvamin’s commentary on Naradiyamanusamhita,
Bharuci’s Vivarana on Manu, Medatithi’s commentary on
Manu, the Dayabhaga of Jimutvahana and the Mitaksara of
Vijnanesvara on the Yajnavalkyasmrti. Our understanding of
the social structure as represented by the various social
groups needs to be situated in this backdrop.
The first noticeable change is seen in the perception of the
four varnas. No longer does one come across an ideal picture
of society being divided into four inflexible varnas. Instead we
see a proliferation of jatis that outnumber the four varnas. An
attempt is also seen, in some cases, of perceiving the society
as divided into only two stratas: the dvija (here meaning only
the brahmana) and advija (actually meaning the sudra). The
kshatriya and the vaisya do not exist in this classification.
Such a situation was actually noticeable in early medieval
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Bengal and the Tamil speaking areas. As is clearly evident
from the texts jatis and not varnas became the pivot of the
social system during this period and this explains the frequent
interchangeability of these two terms. The
Brahmavaivarttapurana of about fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries contain a list of about one hundred jatis in medieval
Bengal, a sure pointer to their rapid increase. The lawgivers
were aware of this social phenomenon which they explained
in terms of numerous matrimonial combinations between
groups giving rise to off springs that developed their own jati
identities.
One needs to situate this in the process of expansion of
sedentary settlements and the Brahmanical varna model into
the marginal areas where simpler lineage societies existed; in
the process of the crystallization of occupational groups into
endogamous jatis; and in the gradual absorption of the non-
indigenous groups within the social structure.
What is even more interesting is the presence of regional and
local variations in these social groups relevant to different
regional/local level formations. This and the fact that the
texts themselves did not present a uniform code and there
were considerable differences between them speak of a
society far from stagnant.
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In this section each varna category will be taken up and the
changes viz a viz their position and status will be highlighted,
underlining at the same time the deviations from the
traditional Dharmasatric ideal.
Brahmana.
Traditionally the brahmana enjoyed the highest ritual status
in society. Being the most literate person interpreting the
vedas, epico-puranic and several sectarian bhakti cult
traditions he enjoyed an exalted position viz a viz the other
groups in the hierarchy. However, during this period much
deviation is noticed in the composition of this priestly class as
well as in the scope of its rights and prerogatives.
Of course the immense importance of the priestly function
cannot be missed at a time when elaborate and extravagant
worship, very different from the vedic sacrifices, performance
of vratas and prayascittas related to the growing use of
astrology were the order of the day. The rapid rise of many
ruling lineages in the peripheral areas necessitated the
process of legitimating for rulers who did not enjoy a
pedigree. The priest was called upon to preside over pujas, to
uphold the cause of a sectarian bhakti cult as state cult and to
invent a prestigious genealogy for the ruler that would
sanctify his position. The Rajaguru thus emerged as the most
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powerful in this class, followed by the mathadhipati or chiefs
of the mathas, the sthanapatis or those who were in charge of
the temples. Both these institutions had emerged as foci of
economic and commercial importance beyond their
educational and religious roles. Besides the practice of
donating revenue-free land or agraharas to the brahmanas
and the prevalent practice of giving dana and dakshina by the
common people enhanced the wealth as well as the status of
certain members of this community.
The gradation seen among these elite sections shows that it
was far from being a homogeneous community. This is
attested by textual and inscriptional sources which refer to
the community at large. Having possessed landed property
some were turning into rural aristocracy and also shifting
from their priestly domain to politics and war. We get
evidence of brahmanas following lowly professions as well
like that of a horse-dealer, betel-seller, as well as ‘degrading’
occupations of artisans, dancers, sellers of wine, clarified
butter, milk salt etc. Many of the learned members were
reduced to poverty owing to overcrowding of priesthood
together with the restricted scope for the Vedic priests. The
ten-fold classification found in the Mitaksara is an eye-opener
as to the diverse groups who were perceived as being part of
the priestly community—(1) Deva; (2) Muni; (3) Dvija; (4)
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Raja; (5) Vaisya; (6) Sudra; (7) Marjara; (8) Beast; (9)
Mlecchha; (10) Candala.
Another pointer to the heterogeneous nature of this
community is the presence of sub-sections on the basis of
territoriality/regionalism. A Rashtrakuta Charter (926 AD) of
the time of Indra III refers to five classes of brahmanas—i)
the Sarasvata (of the region of river Sarasvati); (ii)
Kanyakubja (of the region of Kanauj); Utkala (of Orissa),
Maithila (of the region of North Bihar) and Gauda. The
epigraphic and literary evidence further point to more
divisions on a regional basis in Gujarat and Rajasthan. The
Brahmanas of Bengal were divided into the Radhiya and the
Varendra reflecting their region-specific nature. One also
notices an increase in the number of gotras, pravaras,
vamsas, paksas, anvayas, ganas and gamis among the
brahmanas during this period—these were frames of identity
that tried to highlight the distinctiveness of these groups in
terms of lineage, regions and Vedic affiliations. This may be
explained by the transformation of many non-brahmanical
priestly communities into brahmana priests in the peripheral
areas. With the extension of state society in these areas, the
regions, hitherto outside the pale of the state society, came
to be incorporated within it and were now becoming seats of
local lineages. The transformation of the non-brahmanical
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priestly community may be situated in this background as
well as in its urge to seek sanctions for its pedigree.
If one looks at another sphere, i.e., the rights and
prerogatives of the brahmana, then one is confronted with
many differences between the ideal and the actual. There
were also several contradictions in the texts. This is best
brought out in the attitudes of the lawgivers on capital
punishment. Medatithi’s commentary on Manu exempts the
atatayi (desperado) brahmana from capital punishment and
also rules out the possibility of imposing monetary fines on
him. On the other hand Vijnanesvara’s famous commentary
on Yajnavalkya does not uphold any special exemption, but in
fact justifies the murder of the atatayi brahmana if the
attacked person had no scope to save himself.
Overall, one forms the impression that the ritual position of
the brahmana did not always correspond to his actual and
material position.
The Ksatriya
As in the case of the brahmana it is difficult to think of an
ideal ksatriya varna as given in the Dharmasastras. A ksatriya
origin was no longer a precondition for establishing a ruling
power. There are instances where the ruling power did not
suppress their sudra status. On the other hand a distinct
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tendency is seen among many new ruling lineages without
any apparent pedigree to claim the ksatriya status. Recent
studies on understanding the Rajput phenomenon in western
India have seen this more as a political and social process
whereby various clans and sub-clans in early medieval
Rajputana, in their desperate bid to capture political power,
claimed a Rajput status by means of legitimization. In-depth
studies reveal that many of them belonged to either non-
indigenous communities or to some tribes. They sought to
legitimize their political and social presence by fabricating
genealogies, inventing their descents from the solar or the
lunar races or some epic heroes and by worshipping family
deities which became the dynastic cults, often associated with
some sectarian bhakti cults. In this respect this process was
similar to the pan-Indian phenomenon where disparate
groups sought the ksatriya status, trying to establish their
preeminence. This also suggests the inter-dependence of the
ruling authority and the priestly community. While the former
depended on the latter for spiritual sanction, the latter’s
survival also rested on continuous royal patronage in terms of
grants of land and villages. There was yet another means by
which the ruling lineages, in search for a pedigree sought to
establish their status, and that was through marital alliances
with established dynasties.
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Taken together this entire process has been defined as
Ksatriyazation or Rajputization.
The Vaisya
The Sastric ideal of a vaisya varna performing agriculture,
cattle rearing and trade no longer agrees with the early
medieval situation. One comes across numerous occupational
jatis involved in diverse crafts and professions without being a
part of the vaisya varna. R.S. Sharma believes that
agriculture, which used to be the sole prerogative of this
varna, was now thrown open to the sudra. Moreover, holding
the opinion that there was a total decline in trade and
commerce during this period, he felt that in this sphere too
the community lost its importance. On the other hand
scholars like Ranabir Chakravarti who question Sharma’s view
on a declining economy and furnish evidence to the contrary
would like to believe that the vaisyas became identical with
the vanik or the merchant during this period. Early medieval
epigraphic material refers to the creation of settlements for
traders—generally called vaniggramas-- by the political
power. Texts like Medatithi’s commentary on Manu lay down
certain qualifications that a vaisya must meet, and these—for
example having an intimate knowledge of the region, the
different products found there as well as customs of different
countries-- are more oriented to those of a trader. Accounts
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of wealthy merchants and trading families abound in many
Jain texts and inscriptions from western India. We see how an
attempt is made in establishing a prestigious merchant
lineage by narrating their wealth, their patronage to religious
activities and works of public welfare and their matrimonial
alliances. No tendency is seen among any of these merchant
groups to seek affiliation to the vaisya varna. It is the jati
status rather than the theoretical varna status that is always
sought for, and there are several examples of this.
The Sudra
Texts harping on the need to uphold Brahmanical social order
have an expected bias against the Sudra. But the same texts
contain contradictory statements, suggesting the complexity
in their assessment. An interesting departure from all texts of
the previous periods is that in many of the texts of this time
the Sudra stands for all non-brahmana groups. This has
important implications for understanding the changed status
of this group—which when considered after incorporating all
relevant information—shows some improvement. In the very
beginning we need to remember that the sudras were a vast
heterogeneous community comprising the majority of
agricultural laborers, petty peasants, artisans, craftsmen,
vendors, manual workers, servants and attendants and some
following low occupations. A huge increase in the number of
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groups falling within the sudra community has been attested
to by the Brahmavaivarta Purana, Vaijayanti of
Yadavaprakasa and the Abhidhanacintamani of Hemacandra.
This was aided by essentially three processes, at times
overlapping—the expansion of settlements in marginal tracts
of land spearheaded by the elite brahmanical groups brought
many of the Sabaras, Bhillas, Pulindas and other indigenous
elements within the brahmanical social order either as pure or
impure sudras, according to R.S. Sharma; Sharma highlights
two other processes, the transformation of craft guilds like
those of the napita, modaka, tambulika, svarnakara,
sutrakara etc.into castes and the multiplication of religious
sects that had its impact on the proliferation of castes. The
formation of sub-castes among the Sudras, many with
regional and territorial underpinning and a few related to
specific processes of industrial working, may be situated in
this context. It needs to be mentioned here that the texts of
this period differed amongst themselves regarding the status
of some caste groups. Being of such heterogeneous nature it
would be difficult to make sweeping observations on their
condition as a whole. The sudra may be seen more as
agglomeration of numerous occupational jatis and it is in this
context that one needs to assess their condition. On the basis
of purity or impurity of their professions and conduct the
Sudras were divided into sat sudras and asat sudras; another
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division was into bhojyanna (food prepared by whom could be
taken by the Brahmana) and abhojyanna (meaning the
contrary). We do notice in some of the texts like that of
Parasara a systematic attempt to pronounce disabilities on
the sudra. The touch of the sudra and his sight are held as
causing pollution to the Brahmana who needed to ward off
the impurity by ceremonial sipping of water. But this is only
one side of the picture. The virtual identity between the
vaisya and the sudra, the approval given in many of the texts
to the performance of the purttadharma (patronage to works
of public welfare and charity), the relaxation in many rules
that allowed the sudra to perform various sacraments
(without however the utterance of the Vedic) from which he
was previously barred do speak of a changed situation.
The Kayasthas
The kayastha, often synonymous with the term karana is
known since the early historical period as the scribe or the
clerk. However, it was only with the constant transfer of land
and land revenue in the early medieval period that a need for
a class of writers and record keepers was felt who would be
employed to draft documents of land assignments, maintain
records of lands and villages and of the gradual increasing
items of revenue. While a class of scribes already existed
there is nothing to show that it assumed any jati like features
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prior to 900 CE; it only denoted a profession that could be
taken up different varnas and social groups. From the ninth
century onwards we find the mention of many families like
the Valabha, gauda, Mathura, Vastavya or Srivastavya of the
Kayasthas who emerged in different regions. When they
became coherent and compact groups they began to be
known as jatis and acquired the characteristics of caste
groups. Since this period one notices a marked tendency
among them to claim a distinct lineage. They soon came to
enjoy immense power and prestige and by the end of this
period they were considered the most important non-
brahmana group in Bengal. It is likely that they would get
embroiled in controversies relating to fraud and misuse of
power so much so that Kalhana classed them as
kayasthasarpaspadam or snakes. It is also not unlikely that in
the contest for power they would invite the ire of the
Brahmana.
The Vaidyas or ambasthas
As physicians they invited hostility from the brahmanical
texts. However with the flourishing of the Brahmanical matha
complexes in the early medieval period and the study and
practice of medicine within these establishments the stigma
associated with the physician’s profession was somewhat
removed. There are well known examples of centres of
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medical treatments (arogyasalas) within both brahmanical
mathas and Buddhist viharas.
Untouchability
A sizeable section of the population engaged in manual
artisanal production and ‘unclean services’ were grouped
under the antyajas, occupying the lowest rung of the society
after the sudra. They include the rajaka, the carmakara, the
nata, the kaivartta, the Meda and the Bhilla to name a few.
Even lower than these groups were the candala, the hadi, the
dom. The notion and practice of untouchability reached its
nadir during this period, when some of these antyaja groups
particularly the candala and the dom. bore the brunt of social
ostracization. The segragational attitude towards these
groups intensified as seen in the case of a pond in the
outskirts of Ekagrahara (modern Egra, Midnapur district, West
Bengal) which was earmarked only for the candalas who lived
outside the confines of the settled zones. That not all antyaja
groups were equally treated is seen from the fact that the
touch or the sight of other antyaja groups and some sudras
required ceremonial sipping of purificatory water whereas the
touch of the candala, the mlecchhas and the parasikas during
a meal led to defilement and urgently needed purification by
bath, according to Atri. Other authorities further added that
purificatory bath had to be resorted to if the candela came
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nearer than the length of a cow’s tail. Some texts
interestingly also brand the Buddhists, Jains, Lokyatikas,
nastikas and followers of Kapila, Saivas and Saktas as
asprsya.
The practice of untouchability was immediately connected
with the exercise of abnormal notions of purity and pollution
in a society which was in a flux. It was perhaps the only
weapon left to the higher classes particularly the brahmana to
cope with the swelling number of aboriginal converts and the
various groups that emerged out of miscegenation.
A discussion on social groups during this period would be
incomplete without the mention of a separate space, the
aranya, meant for the renouncer, the exiled, the wild beasts
and their tamers. The forest is often depicted as the habitat
for nomadic hunting-gathering groups belonging neither to
the state society nor to the jati-varna system. In the
Kathasaritasagara there are interesting descriptions of the
Bhillas, Pulindas and Sabaras in the Vindhyan forest tracts
who were outside the state society but could form a loyal
support plank to the state power.
