Mauritania: January 2008
Mauritania: January 2008
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Mauritania
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Associate Editors
Mushira Eid
Alaa Elgibali
Manfred Woidich
Andrzej Zaborski
Volume III
Lat-Pu
B R I LL
did not play a very important role in the that time, the Islamic religion had already
diffusion of Islam in sub-Saharan Africa. Yet, the reached an important breakthrough in the
numerous conflicts, between the communities region, paving the way for a certain adaptation to
as much as between the tribes, and even within the Arabic language. The only Arabic-speaking
the tribes, resulted among other things in social communities, though, still seem to have been
fissure and tribal or ‘lineage’ specializations. made up by small groups of traders coming
Some tribes chose to relinquish their arms and from the Maghreb. In all cities with a Berber
dedicate themselves entirely to the study and majority, whose destiny was unquestionably
teaching of the religious sciences, particularly linked to the road taken by the trans-Saharan
at the end of the Surbubba war that in the trade, the Azer language – probably a variety of
17th century opposed two tribal coalitions in Soninke as spoken by Zenaga speakers – may
southwest Mauritania. The ‘learned’ tribes are have played a key role as lingua franca, despite
the zwàya among the Arabic speakers and the the weakening and finally the disappearance of
gu:ayën (literally ‘qadis’) among the Zenaga the Ghana empire.
speakers. In addition, among the neighboring The influence of Arabic-speaking groups only
Pulaar speakers, the influence of the Torobe began to be felt in the Sahara from the 15th
group, representing the majority, relies partially century onward. At the end of the 14th century,
on its religious status. Ibn Xaldùn had pointed out the presence of
In all ethnic groups (including the Soninke the Banù £assàn in the Dra wadi (wàd dar≠a)
and the Wolof), the learned men had at their in the south of Morocco. In constant rivalry
disposal a unified corpus of reference, based with their cousins, the ”banàt, they oppressed
on the triad of Màlikism, Aš≠arism, and Sufi their neighboring Berber tribes (Ould Cheikh
brotherhood, and applied largely similar 1995:43). Ibn Xaldùn traced back the genealogy
methods to transmit knowledge. These methods of their chief, £assàn, to a certain Ma≠qil, but
made a strong demand on memory and used all he did not specify the relationship between
possible memorization techniques: repetitions the latter and the Banù Hilàl. One should be
and recitations (supported by rhythmic move- careful not to take at face value a history of
ment of the body), poetry (even about abstract the Banù Ma≠qil, even if certain authors tend to
topics such as grammar), and copying of texts. present them as a group distinct from both the
Writing was at the center of learning, but Banù Hilàl and the Banù Sulaym.
transmission took place from the master’s voice The testimony of Arabic and Portuguese
to the student’s ear. The performance was travelers provides some information about the
less an oralization, corresponding to a real migration of the Banù £assàn to the south
command of Classical Arabic as a language and their slow penetration into the Sahara.
of oral communication, than an auralization, Nevertheless, there is, unfortunately, a lack of
meaning the recitation of literary Arabic (Taine- data for the reconstruction of the history of this
Cheikh 1998; Ould Cheikh 1998). Over the ‘dark age’, during which the dominance of the
years, however, teaching has diversified and Arabs over (part of) the local Berber populations
deepened thanks to a more frequent recourse was established. Although the traditions and
to the mother tongue in order to explain the the local denominations encourage simplistic
meaning of the text. Altogether, the level of equations – ‘warlike tribes = Arabs’ vs. ‘mara-
Arabo-Islamic culture was significant, especially boutic tribes = Berbers’, or more recently,
but not exclusively in the traditional schools ‘aristocratic = Arabs’ and ‘those who pay
(ma™à:ër) of the desert. tribute = Berbers’ – there is some evidence
that history has given rise to a complex society
2. T h e d i a l e c t a l A r a b i z a t i o n whose culture probably achieved some kind
of symbiosis between ‘arabity’ and ‘berberity’,
The four major Mauritanian caravan cities of even though generally speaking, only the Arabic
the 2nd millennium (Wadàn, ”ingì†i, Tišìt, and part of the heritage is claimed.
Walàta) were founded around the 12th and 13th As regards the language, the name £assàniyya
centuries, as the decline of âwdàÿust (probably (or klàm ™assàn lit. ‘the language of £assàn’),
to be identified with modern Tägdàwëst, in assigned to the spoken Arabic of Mauritania,
southeast Mauritania) was already sealed. At clearly suggests that this dialect is a legacy from
most of them purchased. Founded by Sìdi in a strictly literary sense, Mauritanian cultural
Mu™ammad wëll £abät in 1845 upon his production was of variable value. Indeed, there
return from his Mecca pilgrimage, the library is not a lot of prose literature, and it is often
is said to have contained up to three thousand badly represented. Globally, works on ±adab
books. As in most libraries, the great majority are rare. The only real prose writer seem to
of the books date from the 19th century, but a have been aš-”ayx Sìdi Mu™ammàd al-Kuntì
considerable number date from the 17th and (d. 1826), who wrote a biography of his father
18th centuries. Some are even more ancient; (the great mystic aš-”ayx Sìd al-Muxtàr) and a
indeed, five copies of manuscripts made prior number of treatises.
to the end of the 15th century are listed, with On the other hand, poetry is both abundant
ten copies realized in the 16th century. The and of high quality, as demonstrated by ±A™mad
oldest document kept in Mauritania can also be ibn al-≠Ayn aš-”ingì†i. In Cairo, he wrote from
found here, a copy (made in 480/1087–1088) memory a book on his country of origin, al-
of a commentary on the Qur±àn written by Wasì† fì taràjim ±udabà± ”inqì† “the best [book]
the Iraqi author ±Abù Hilàl al-≠Askarì (d. 395/ on the work of poets and men of ”inq솔 (Miské
1004–1005). 1970), including no fewer than 4,500 lines of
The books contained in the libraries of ”ingì†i verse. This anthology brings together 82 poets,
and Wadàn are mainly about religion and divided into 18 tribes (all maraboutic), most of
jurisprudence: about 40 percent on theology them from the 19th century, testifying to the
(fiqh, ±ußùl, qawà≠id, nawàzil ) and almost 30 vitality of the classical qaßìda of the Moorish
percent on the Qur±ànic sciences (copies of literate elite and of their high level in literary
the vulgate, the exegesis, the words of the Arabic (Ould Bah 1971:26–48; ¢ulba 2000).
Prophet, and the hagiographical stories) and Since Classical Arabic poetry belongs to the
mysticism (taßawwuf ). Among the remaining domain of written (or ‘auralized’) literature,
30 percent, mathematics (1.70%) and logic presumably the entire oral literature in Arabic
(2.78%) are relatively well represented, more is expressed in dialect. Indeed, despite the
so than history, astronomy, and medicine. But numerous isomorphisms between the written
linguistic topics (na™w, ßarf, luÿa, and ±adab) and the oral spheres, the separation between
are particularly popular (23.77%). The great the two fields coincides almost exactly, at least
lexicographical corpus al-Qàmùs al-mu™ì†, for until the 20th century, with the distinction
instance, gathered by the scholar from ”iràz, between the two varieties of Arabic in use in
Mu™ammad ibn Ya≠qùb al-Fìrùzàbàdì (d. 817/ Mauritania.
1835–1836), was written in calligraphy for the The first resemblance to note is the preemi-
library of the ±Ahl £abät over the course of nence of poetry as literary genre (Martin-
several years (the copy of the two first volumes Granel a.o. 1992; Bariou a.o.1995). Even
dating from 1251/1835–1836 and of the last though Classical Arabic poetry is called ši≠r,
two from 1260/1844). in £assàniyya it has the generic name of ÿnä.
With regard to Mauritanian scholars, no The metrical system of oral poetry (Taine-
writings are known before the 18th century (al- Cheikh 1985) presents many common points
Bartalì 1981; Ould Bah 1981; £àmidun 1990; with the classical meters in its general principles
Rebstock 2001). With the apparent exception (regularity of the number of syllables per meter,
of a Wadanian scholar of the 16th century quantitative distinction between short and long
who left a written commentary on the Qur±àn, syllables, constant presence of a rhyme). More
the most ancient Moorish author known is precisely, there may even be a fundamental
the great faqìh of ”ingì†i, Mu™ammad wëll common opposition between ascending rhythms
al-Muxtàr wëll Billa≠maš (1625–1695). This (with a metrical accent on the long second
major figure of the cultural history of the syllable of the watid majmù≠ ‘rising foot’: short
western Sahara wrote, among other things, a + long) and descending rhythms (with a metrical
commentary on a book about the foundations accent on the long first syllable of the watid
of the dogma and one on astronomy. mafrùq ‘descending foot’: long + short).
It is precisely because the Moorish books are Despite the obvious resemblance between
so recent that the middle of the 18th century the two metrical systems, there are important
appears as the beginning of a new era. However, differences as well. The first of these is the
general tendency to simplify in the ÿnä, through of poetry took place in a context of rhymed
a reduction of the number of syllables per meter exchanges between people of equivalent status,
and through an increase of the proportion of they assumed the form of sparring matches
short syllables compared to the long ones, the (the g†à≠, which imposed certain rules of meters
latter tending to remain only in rhyme. The and rhymes). As these matches often played a
second one is the adaptation of the principle role in the rivalries between the tribes, certain
of quantity to the vocalic system of the dialect. warriors, including the chiefs, distinguished
Open syllables of the CV type having almost themselves in it. However, more generally (and
disappeared in £assàniyya, closed syllables with the exception of the very particular case
CVC or long vowels CV are counted as short in of the mad™ ën-näbi ‘the praise of the Prophet’,
contrast with the ‘extra-long’ syllables CVCC which was composed and sung only by the
(twice closed) or CV:C (closed with a long former slaves and the ™rà†ìn), eulogies as well
vowel). The third difference concerns the use as satire were inseparable from the very closed
of rhyme in a verse unit that seems peculiar to social group of the musician-singers (Norris
the dialect, even if it shows some similarities 1968; Guignard 1975). It was their role not
with other forms of poetry expressed in dialect. only to sing the ÿnä (which is not necessarily
On the one hand, the gav is made up of sung, despite the meaning of its root ÿ-n-y),
four hemistichs with alternating rhymes ab- but to do and undo reputations. According to
ab, and on the other hand, the †al≠a is made certain local traditions (Ould Bah 1971:14),
up of six hemistichs (aa-ab-ab), differing from their ancestors, in the 18th century, were
the quatrain through the two first identical responsible for the most ancient verses known
rhymes. in Moorish poetry. The long poems with epic
Until the 20th century, the great themes of accents that some griots like Säddùm wëll
the ÿnä (Taine-Cheikh 1994) were very close Ndyartu or ≠Alì wëll Mànu composed in honor
to those of the ši≠r, in spite of the difference of their warrior chiefs constitute a particular
in name. Put simply, one might say that there genre (thäydìn) of Moorish poetical heritage,
were eulogies (madì™ or μanà± for the ši≠r, šëkr quite esoteric but also highly regarded.
for the ÿnä) and satire (šatm or hijà± in Classical Nonpoetic genres exist, of course, but not
Arabic, šätm or ≠ayb in £assàniyya), on the one all are represented. In the field of the narrative
hand, and elegies and love poems (respectively forms, there are mainly fairy tales and stories.
nasìb and ÿazal, although these apply mostly Of great variety, they are not limited to wisdom
to ši≠r), on the other. The last two themes, very fairy tales and marvel stories intended for
frequent, were practiced by authors (mÿannyìn) children (Tauzin 1993; Ould Mohamed Baba
who belonged more or less to all social classes. 2000–2001; Ould Ebnou n.d.). In the discursive
Many anonymous poems belong to common field, mainly short forms can be noted. Among
culture, even if they sing about a particular the dialogic, playful, and/or didactic forms,
region, the one of the poet (Sìdi Bràhìm 1992). there is the one, quite common, of the riddle
Others have well-known authors (Ould Zenagui (t™àži) – often around wordplay – and the more
1994), sometimes very famous, including, in specific one of the pastoral enigma (Taine-
certain cases, those known for their knowledge Cheikh 1995) in which the playful rivalry
or for their poetry in Classical Arabic. The between shepherds expresses itself (this is called
verses may be purely elegiac or only about love, zärg, like the riddles students of Classical Arabic
but very often they are both simultaneously. posed to one another). Finally, proverbs and
The expression of feelings of love always respect sayings (±amμàl) are also found in large numbers
the laws of decency (Tauzin 1982, 1990) and (Ould Ebnou n.d.), which demonstrates the
often are limited to mention of places formerly strong fondness of £assàniyya speakers for
frequented by the loved one (always a woman, gnomic speech.
as the men traditionally kept for themselves the
right to compose ÿnä, leaving to women only 4. O r a l l i t e r a t u r e
the minor, and historically more recent, form
of the distich called tëbrà≠). Mauritanian Arabic literature peaked in the
The writing of eulogies and criticism was 19th century, but the seeds of change were
subject to even more constraints. If the recitation already present before that time. The influence
of France began to develop in the south in and the number of students attending them
1857 and soon led to a tight control of the continued to diminish.
whole Senegal River valley. The beginning of The nascent republic was qualified as
the colonial conquest itself took place at the ‘Islamic’, based on the idea that religion
beginning of the 20th century. As of 1920, was the common denominator of the entire
Mauritania was officially regarded as a French population of Mauritania, but the language of
colony, governed from Saint-Louis in Senegal. administration and the education system were
The effects of colonization were felt for a long French, even if at the time this concerned only
time after the granting of independence. a small minority of children. Very soon, this
For several decades, colonization, which official predominance of a foreign language was
was carried out essentially from the strategic denounced by the Moorish community.
perspective of pacifying the region, remained Ever since its creation, Mauritania has
superficial. Its impact was especially weak on belonged to various organizations uniting the
the nomadic world, which only experienced black African countries formerly colonized by
indirect administration (enlistment in the France. Its recognition by the other Arabic
goums, particular groups of military nomads, countries and its entry into the Arab League
taxes imposed on the tribes, etc.). During were less immediate because of the opposition
that time, the sedentary black Africans of the voiced by Morocco. Only by the end of the
earlier colonized valley were already subject to 1960s did the Moroccan claims cease, opening
conscription and scheduled taxes. The Moors the possibility for a readjustment between Arabic
offered a particularly tenacious resistance to and the black world, more in accordance with
the French education system, and the most the wishes of the Moorish community (Ould
aristocratic people did not hesitate to send the Cheikh 1995:32–33). However, the changes
children of their slaves or their dependents to were fought by the black African communities
school instead of their own children, when of Mauritania, who regarded them as harmful
pressure became irresistible. As the back- to their vested benefits, inherited from
wardness of £assàniyya speakers increased, colonization, and perceived them as contrary
the colonial authorities agreed to open special to their elementary political rights.
schools, known as medersas, for the sons from If one considers the education system of
good Moorish families, in which Arabic was Mauritania, which is usually the first stumbling
given an important place. These schools were block in contacts between the ethnic groups, it
abolished in the 1940s, but as compensation becomes clear that the country has never ceased
a few hours of Arabic were introduced in all to Arabize since its independence. The first
schools attended by £assàniyya speakers. This measures were directed at the whole student
measure tended, however, to be withheld from body: Arabic was imposed on all secondary
the black Africans, under the pretext of making school students, at least as a second foreign
a distinction between the Arabic language as a language, and before the primary cycle a first
‘language of culture’ (reserved for speakers of year was added, entirely in Arabic, under the
Arabic) and as a ‘language of religion’ (excluded pretext of introducing Qur±ànic Arabic. Soon,
from the French state school system). the influence of Arabic nationalist movements,
One of the effects of the colonial policy was affected by events in the Middle East, was
that of modifying social relations, weakening reinforced by the massive settlement of
the power of the warriors and supporting the nomadic people. Ruined by years of severe
position of the marabouts (zwàya). It is no drought, Moorish cattle breeders were asking
accident that the first president of Mauritania, for schools for their children and possibilities
Mokhtar Ould Daddah, and most of the of employment in the administration for those
Moorish executives of the young state belonged who were educated in the ma™à:ër. Under these
to the literate tribes, in particular those of circumstances the number of hours of Arabic
the Southwest, who had been schooled before were increased considerably, facilitating the
the others. However, the securing of the integration into the state education system of
latter’s loyalty was realized to the detriment teachers coming from the traditional system.
of traditional education, and, in the course of One of the two curricula put in place – the one
the 20th century, the influence of the ma™à:ër dominated by the Arabic language – was then
invaded by students who were total beginners Guignard, Michel. 1975. Musique, honneur et plaisir
in the French language. In the 1980s, the au Sahara. Paris: Geuthner.
£àmidun (ibn), Muxtàr. 1990. al-£ayàt aμ-μaqàfiyya
contrast deepened between the ‘Arab’ course of fì Mùrìtàniyà. Tunis: ad-Dàr al-≠Arabiyya li-l-Kitàb.
study, compulsory for all £assàniyya speakers Martin-Granel, Nicolas, Idoumou Ould Mohamed
and with a minor place for French, and the Lemine, and Georges Voisset. 1992. Anthologie de
‘bilingual’ one, leading generally only to a la littérature mauritanienne contemporaine. Paris:
L’Harmattan.
master’s degree in French and attended by a Miské, Ahmed-Bâba. 1970. Al Wasît: Tableau
majority of the black African population. de la Mauritanie au début du XXè siècle. Paris:
This system, which through two different Klincksieck.
Norris, H.T. 1968. 'inqì†ì folk literature and song.
courses of study was supposed to lead to
Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Arabic/French bilingualism, was finally aban- ——. 1972. Saharan myth and saga. Oxford:
doned because of the costs involved and the Clarendon Press.
inefficiency (Taine-Cheikh 2004). The balance ——. 1986. The Arab conquest of the western Sahara.
Beirut: Librairie du Liban.
of power became extremely unfavorable to Ould Bah, Mohamd El-Moktâr. 1971. “Introduction
the black Africans after the ethnic conflict of à la poésie mauritanienne (1650–1900)”. Arabica
1989, the most violent since independence. 18.1–48.
Consequently, the government decided to ——. 1981. Littérature juridique et évolution du
malékisme en Mauritanie. Tunis: Université de
abolish the bilingual course of study. The Tunis.
effect of the measure was softened by the Ould Cheikh, Abdel Wedoud. 1989. Eléments
existence of a private educational system that d’histoire de la Mauritanie. Nouakchott: Centre
was increasingly successful. Additionally, the Culturel Français.
——. 1995. “La Mauritanie: Un pays qui descend?”.
French language was not removed entirely from Bariou a.o. (1995:22–35).
the educational system, although the precedence ——. 1998. “Cherche élite, désespérément: évolution
of the Arabic language was affirmed. This was du système éducatif et (dé)formation des ‘élites’
facilitated by the adoption of Arabic as the only dans la société mauritanienne”. Bonte and Claudot-
Hawad (1998:235–252).
official language as early as 1991, one of the Ould Ebnou, Moussa (ed.). N.d.(a). al-£ikàyàt
consequences being a significant Arabization wa-l-±asà†ìr aš-ša≠biyya al-mùrìtàniyya. 2 vols.
of toponyms, often to the detriment of French Nouakchott: Commission Nationale pour la
Collecte et la Publication de la Culture Populaire.
and Berber names, which had long been in use
——. (ed.). N.d.(b). al-±Amμàl wa-l-™ikàya aš-
(Ould Cheikh 1995:33–34). ša≠biyya al-mùrìtàniyya. Nouakchott: Commission
The 21st century seems to have opened a Nationale pour la Collecte et la Publication de la
new era in which Arabization will once again Culture Populaire.
Ould Mohamed Baba, Ahmad-Salem. 2000–2001.
experience considerable progress, probably “Cuentos de los Wlàd Däymàn: Sutil socarronería”.
being marked as much by education as by the Estudios de Dialectología Norteafricana y Andalusí
Arabic media (in particular satellite television). 5.253–264.
The future will tell what the result will be for Ould Zenagui, Cheikh El-Bou. 1994. La poésie
de Mohamed Ould Adebba. Nouakchott: Institut
the practice of literary Arabic, of the £assàniyya Mauritanien de Recherche Scientifique (Projet
dialect, and of its ‘modernized’ version, the TOTEM).
local version of standard Arabic (Taine-Cheikh Rebstock, Ulrich. 2001. Maurische Literatur-
2002, 2004). geschichte. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz.
Sìdi Bràhìm (ibn), Mu™ammadun. 1992. Tah≈ìb
al-±afkàr fì ±adab aš-ši≠r al-™assànì. Nouakchott:
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Catherine Taine-Cheikh
(LACITO – UMR 7017 of the CNRS)