MINDANAO STATE UNIVERSITY AT NAAWAN

College of Education and Social Sciences

GEC 109 (Life and Works of Rizal)
Module 1

Week: _________
Name: Kaye Yañez Score: __________________
Year/Course: BS – Accountancy 2nd year Date:

Unit 3 Title: Selected Types of Nationalism

Learning Targets: At the end of the lesson, students should be able to:
1. Clarify the different types of nationalism;
2. Criticize whether nationalism could be destructive or helpful as influenced by
various factors;
3. Argue whether economic nationalism is beneficial to the Philippines or not       
especially during these times of COVID-19 pandemic;
4. Review the Philippine governments’ efforts towards industrialization.

Activity 1: Letter to Filipinos

1. Write a letter to all the Filipinos expressing your empathy and encouragement to
everyone, emphasizing that we can survive this COVID-19 pandemic as we heal and
recover as one nation.
2. Share your own personal experiences on how you cope up during the quarantine
period.  
3. Write either in Filipino or English. No Taglish.

Concepts:
Nationalism has undergone a process of modulation and adaptation, according to
different eras. It is the doctrine that one's national culture and interests are superior to any
other, and that nations should act independently (rather than collectively) to attain their goals.
It holds that a nation, usually defined in terms of language, ethnicity or culture, has the right to
constitute an independent or autonomous political community based on a shared history and
common destiny. It can also refer to the aspiration for national independence felt by people
under foreign domination. Nationalism has become one of the most significant political and
social forces in history.
Nationalism is the desire of a nation to self-determination. It is usually associated with
patriotism (a positive and supportive attitude to a “fatherland”), but it can also lead to
chauvinism (aggressive patriotism, or blind or biased devotion to any group, attitude, or
cause), imperialism, racism and xenophobia, militarism, or ultimately to fascism.

SELECTED TYPES OF NATIONALISM

Civic Nationalism
Also called civil nationalism, it defines the nation as an association of people with equal
and shared political rights, and allegiance to similar political procedures. According to the
principles of civic nationalism the nation is not on common ethnic ancestry, but is a political
entity, whose core is not ethnicity. It is a form of nationalism in which the state derives political
legitimacy from the active participation of its citizenry, from the degree to which it represents
the “will of the people.”
It is often seen as originating with Jean-Jacque Rousseau and especially the social
contract theories which take their name from his 1762 book, “The Social Contract.” Civic
nationalism lies within the tradition of rationalism and liberalism, but as a form of nationalism
it is contrasted with ethnic nationalism. Membership of the civic nation is considered voluntary.
Civic-national ideals influenced the development of representative democracy in countries such
as the United States and France.
Left-wing Nationalism
Occasionally known as socialist nationalism, it refers to any political movement that
combines left-wing politics with nationalism. Many nationalist movements are dedicated to
national liberation, in the view that their nations are being persecuted by other nations and thus
need to exercise self-determination by liberating themselves. 
Fascism is a form of authoritarian ultra-nationalism which promotes national
revolution, national collectivism, a totalitarian state, and irredentism or expansionism to unify
and allow the growth of a nation. Fascists often promote ethnic nationalism but have at times
promoted cultural nationalism, including cultural assimilation of people outside a specific
ethnic group. Fascism stresses the subservience of the individual to the state, and the need to
absolute and unquestioned loyalty to a stronger ruler. 
Ethno-nationalism
It refers to a particular strain of nationalism that is marked by the desire of an ethnic
community to have absolute authority over its own political, economic, and social affairs.
Therefore, it denotes the pursuit of statehood on the part of an ethnic nation. Ethno-nationalist
movements signify the perception among members of a particular ethnic group that the group’s
interests are not being served under the present political arrangements. Whereas nationalism
does not necessarily imply a belief in the superiority of one ethnicity over others, some
nationalists support ethnocentric protectionism or ethnocentric supremacy.
Expansionist Nationalism
It is a radical form of imperialism (and not really true Nationalism at all) that
incorporates autonomous, patriotic sentiments with a belief in expansionism, usually by
military aggression, e.g. Nazism (or Nationalist-Socialism) in Germany. It promotes expansion
into new territories, usually with the claim that the existing territory is too small or is not able to
physically or economically sustain the nation’s population.
Imperialism refers to the policy of extending a nation’s authority by territorial
acquisition or by the establishment of economic and political hegemony over other nations.
Imperialism was basically taking over another country and taking natural resources and goods
from the land. It led to destructive nationalism because many countries wanted the same land
and soon war erupted.
Globalism is the attitude or policy of placing the interests of the entire world above
those of individual nations, and seeks some form of world state, with a world government. It
aims to establish borderless world where differences of people are minimized while similarities
of people are maximized. In another meaning, globalism views the entire world as a proper
sphere for one nation to project political influence. Hence, very few people openly and explicitly
support the establishment of a global state.
Economic Nationalism
It is an ideology that accentuates the innate responsibility of the state to intervene in the
market machineries by making policies such as domestic control of the economy, labor, and
capital formation, national industries subsidies, tariffs imposition, imports quotas, and other
restrictions on the movement of labor, goods and capital to handicap influence of foreign
competitors. The state should adopt practices to create, bolster and protect national economies.
Favoring protectionism, economic nationalists oppose globalization.
Protectionism refers to government policies that restrict international trade to help
domestic industries. Protectionist policies are usually implemented with the goal to improve
economic activity within a domestic economy and protect its industries for safety or quality
concerns against foreign competition.  

Activity 1: Fill in Nationalism in History

1. Review the selected types of nationalism, their effects, and contribution to history.
2. Identify the particular type of nationalism that specifically drove the movement of
people and influenced the making of the given historical event below.
3. Write your answer completely, with the term “nationalism,” on the blank space.

PROTECTIONISM 1. The Philippine congress favors non-renewal of the ABS-CBN franchise

pointing out the foreign ownership of its Philippine Depositary Receipts (PDRs) and the
American citizenship of Eugenio Lopez III, its owner, as some of the violations committed.
LEFT-WING NATIONALISM 2. The Christian minority in Indonesia’s Islamic state fought for
their independence and was granted the UN-sponsored act of self-determination. Timor Leste
became the first new sovereign state of the 21st century on May 20, 2002.
Fascism 3. China asserts its nine-dash line territorial claim in South China Sea and started
dredging to artificial artificial island in the Paracels and Spratlys since 2014 .
CIVIC NATIONALISM 4. The Myanmar government denied the Rohingya citizenship and
forced them to identify themselves as “Bengali” but many Rohingya protested and emphasized
that the denial of their name is similar to denying of their basic rights. 
PROTECTIONISM 5. Saudization policy aimed to nationalize Saudi Arabia’s oil industry and
reduce the number of expatriate workers.
LEFT-WING NATIONALISM 6. Fidel Castro and Ernesto “Che” Guevara led the armed revolt
called, 26 of July Movement, which started on July 26, 1953, and continued sporadically until
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the rebels ousted the Cuban President Fulgencio Batista and ended his military dictatorship on
December 31, 1958.
ECONOMIC NATIONALISM 7. The Philippine government imposes trading quotas with tariffs
and implements stricter controls over rice importation as President Rodrigo Duterte signed the
R.A. 11203 or the Rice Tariffication Law on February 17, 2019.
ETHNO NATIONALISM 8. In Rwanda, most of the Hutu tribe perpetrated violence and
committed genocide killing an estimated 800,000 people mostly from the Tutsi tribe between
April and June 1994, in the span of 100 days, when the latter was accused of assassinating the
Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, who died in a plane crash on April 6, 1994.
LEFT-WING NATIONALISM 9. The New People’s Army (NPA) stresses out that the Philippine
government is a puppet of U.S.
EXPANSIONIST NATIONALISM 10. Hawai’i became the 50 state of the United States of
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America on August 21, 1951 after the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy.
CIVIC NATIONALISM 11. Since July 9, 2015, the United States of America granted married
same-sex couples equal access to all the federal benefits. 
LEFT-WING NATIONALISM 12. The minority Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang faced human rights
abuses and discrimination as they are forced to learn Mandarin and sing songs about China.
GLOBALISM 13. Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula was annexed by the Russian Federation in
March 2014 after a series of victory in the Crimean War.
LEFT-WING NATIONALISM 14. The human rights groups in the Philippines accused the
government of the extra-judicial killings in the context of “war on drugs,” depriving the victims
of the right to life and the right to due process.
IMPERIALISM 15. During the Spanish occupation, the Igorot conducted head hunting and
killed the Spaniards who infiltrated the Cordillera region in search for gold and to spread
Christianity. The Igorot managed to stay out of Spanish dominion.
ETHNO NATIONALISM 16. The Chinese people fought for their liberation against the Japanese
occupation of China during the second world war.
ETHNO NATIONALISM 17. Nelson Mandela fought for the abolition of apartheid in South
Africa, materialized it, and became the president on May 10, 1994 .
EXPANSIONIST NATIONALISM 18. Japan militarily occupied Korea and China towards
Vietnam and the rest of Indochina, and down south Malaysia, Indonesia and Philippines, in
different stages from 1931-45, to establish the Greater East Asia Co-prosperity sphere.
ETHNO NATIONALISM 19. The “Kataastaasang Kagalanggalangang Katipunan ng mga Anak ng
Bayan” (KKK) or Katipunan, a revolutionary group, was founded by Andres Bonifacio on July 7,
1892 aiming to end the abuses and corruption committed by the Spaniards against the Filipinos
by complete separation of the Philippines from Spain. 
PROTECTIONISM 20. The Iligan City government now owns the 400-hectare property of the
old National Steel Corporation and it’s optimistic to rebuild the steel plants to generate
thousands of jobs for the people of Mindanao.

Alexander Lichauco points out that in order to boost the economy, the Philippine
government should adopt and implement policies towards heavy industrialization and capital-
intensive production. Filipinos lack economic nationalism, hence, we remain poor.
 
Nationalism
(Excerpt from the book, Nationalist Economics)
by Alexander Lichauco

This is a term that has caused confusion because it is commonly equated with love of
country, which it is not. It is an aspect of that love, but that is not its essence. 
Nationalism is both power and philosophy of power. It is a power that has moved
peoples to forge nations where there were none, and prodded them to exceptional
achievements. 
The Philippines was originally a collection of islands peopled by tribal communities.
Nationalism made her a state and, in the process, gave the world the first modern example of an
Asian people's revolution against Western colonialism. 
The vigorous nationalism of a people, living on arid soil virtually devoid of natural
resources, has made of Japan the economic colossus that she is today. 
Nationalism has powered India, only 40 years ago the begging bowl of Asia, to feed 800
million people, achieve self-sufficiency in agriculture, and become a major industrial state
equipped with nuclear capability. 
Nationalism spurred a great Arab leader to nationalize the Suez Canal and prove that
his people, regarded as backward by the world, could operate modern and intricate enterprise. 
It was nationalism which steeled a people, subsisting on the paddies of pre- industrial
Vietnam; to humble and expel a superpower commanding the world's most powerful military
machine. 
As Filipino historian, Horacio de la Costa, S.J., said of it: 
“Nationalism is not only a fact; it is power. Few things in the modern
world have been able as Nationalism has, to release such will energies from
multitudes previously passive and inert, and to drive them to attempt and achieve
projects previously thought to be beyond the hounds of possibility. It is this ability
of nationalism to inspire such unquestioning loyalty, such complete commitment,
that has led scholars like Carlton Hayes to call it a religion.”

And speaking of nationalism as a religion, the renowned Indian philosopher, Sri

Aurobindo, who suffered political imprisonment under the British for his activities as a
revolutionary nationalist, defined it as a "religion in which man tries to realize God in the nation
and in his compatriots." 
 From another perspective, George Soule, the noted historian of economic ideas,
observed that "it would be historically naive to assert that the birth of modern civilization could
have taken place unattended by the nationalism in economic and political affairs which
accompanied it. 
We shall not attempt to explain why nationalism exists. It is enough that we recognize it
as a fact and as a power. And because it is both fact and power, it would be foolhardly to defy,
or even ignore it. 
Nationalism, however, is more than a power. It is also a philosophy of power concerned
with strategies, methods and processes of building, developing and nourishing the power of a
state as an organic entity. It is an outlook borne by the perception that a state must consciously
cultivate and amass power for itself if it is to survive and prosper as a social organism, and if it
is to respond effectively to the needs and requirements of the individuals who constitute it, and
for whom it exists. 
It is nationalism as a philosophy of power, as a method by which a state acquires and
develops power that concerns us in this study. 
To nationalists, it is not enough that one loves his country because even a fool can do
that. More important than being loved, a state must be strong because without strength it is
nothing. It would neither be able to take care of itself nor provide for the well-being and
security of its citizens.
Nationalists view the world as a community of nation-states who must live as well as
compete constantly with each other. The raging trade wars are an example. We see states
forcing each other to dismantle trade walls that protect their domestic industries and local
sources of employment. We see the U.S. and Japan locked in mortal economic combat. 
We see the Third World struggling against the greedy and suffocating impositions of
industrial countries. Struggle and competition are a fact and a law of international life. To
succeed, a state must be strong and powerful in its own right. If it cannot compete, then it is not
likely to survive indefinitely. 
A weak and powerless state is in an even more precarious situation than a weak and
powerless individual. The latter can at least avail of the sympathy and support of family
relatives and friends. But a state is not in a similar position. It has no family or relatives which it
can turn. And there are no friends in international relations; only transient allies who can turn
into adversaries overnight. 
More important therefore than being loved by its people, a state must be strong and
powerful enough to protect them and secure their welfare. A state that cannot do so is not likely
to be respected by anyone, not even by its citizens. 
Such a state forfeits the right to survive. Let us reflect to what is happening to the
Philippines. Because she is weak and powerless, she is constantly humiliated by others, by her
creditors, and even by those who call themselves her friends and protectors. She is unable to
provide the vast majority of her people with the employment, livelihood and security that they
need from her. As a result, millions of Filipinos seek their fortunes abroad, and eventually
surrender their citizenship for another. 
 We are perhaps the only state in the world embarrassed by a local movement which
seeks the abolition of our nationhood and works for our incorporation into the federal structure
of the very state which had colonized us. This is the depth to which the Philippines has sunk in
the esteem of some of her own people. But that is to be expected, for a state that fails its people,
particularly in their basic needs and necessities, inevitably loses their love and respect. Where a
people can no longer be proud of their country, and lose all hope for it, it becomes only a matter
of time before they desert it or even turn against it. 
This is the harsh reality which nationalists understand; the reason why, to them, it is
important that their state be as strong as powerful as possible. This also explains the obsession
of nationalists with independence. If a state must have strength and power, it must first acquire
real independence. Without independence, a people will be unable to pursue a course that
would bring strength and power to themselves as a state. The two are in fact intertwined.
Independence is necessary to power, and power is necessary to independence. 
Non-nationalists, who profess patriotism and love of country, are indifferent to the
problems of power and independence. They are indifferent, for example, to the fact that their
country is without the industries that induce sinew and muscle into its economy and thereby
make it self-reliant and independent. They are even indifferent to the fact that their country
lives in permanent dependence on another. It is enough that they love their country. 
But a state where nationalism as a force is either absent or fragile can only be weak and
purposeless. It will merely drift along, a constant temptation for others to abuse and take
advantage of. A state, however, whose people are infused with a vibrant nationalism cannot
help but become a strong and respected state. The most prominent of this is Japan. Japan was
pulverized by the United States during World War Il. But because of the vigorous nationalism
of the Japanese, Japan not only rebuilt and reconstructed herself but rose to become a world
economic power, second only to the U.S. now, and in many ways surpassing the latter in
material accomplishments. 
Asia-pacific, where the Philippines is situated, throbs with “New Japans,” such as South
Korea and Taiwan, and emerging "New Japans," such as Malaysia and Indonesia, all driven by
an overpowering nationalism and steered by an economic philosophy to heights of
accomplishments. South Korea and Taiwan now can produce warships and missiles. Malaysia
has her own car and steel industries. Indonesia has an integrated steel industry, in addition to
which she now manufactures aircrafts. Thailand has a petrochemical industry. 
The Philippines cannot even produce a sophisticated toy gun or a decent hammer.
We are losing the race for survival. Poverty and necessity are compelling millions of
Filipinos to acts and behavior that shame us as a nation. Hence, it is important for Filipinos to
unite around an economic philosophy that can transform their country from the weak and
powerless state, that it is, to one that is strong and powerful, or suffer the tragedy of its
weakness. 
As state, as with an individual, pays a heavy penalty for weakness. A weak state must
be prepared to see not only its natural resources exploited and despoiled, but its human
resources degraded as well. We are mute witnesses to the degradation of our men, women and
children in the hands of others who exploit them, and deprive them of their humanity with
flagrant impunity because our state is powerless to aid them. 
 When a state is weak and powerless, government itself can only be weak and powerless
because the latter is simply an instrument of the former. And because it is weak, government
eventually degenerates into a tool of powerful forces with interests opposed to the people.
Hence, weak states are generally characterized by governments that run counter to their
people's interests, incapable of governing and of asserting their authority against external
forces. 

The question is, how does a state become strong and powerful? If it is weak, how does it
transform that weakness into strength? 

[We need] an economic philosophy which has enabled weak and powerless states to
become strong and powerful. It is an economic philosophy that transcends ideologies and
accounts for the strength and power of the strong and powerful states today, whether capitalist,
socialist or communist. 

That philosophy is the only factor that can possibly inspire and galvanize a powerless,
disheartened and divided nation towards the strength, cohesiveness and unity that could lead it
to rediscover the pride and promise it had once known. 

What is industrialization? 

It is the process of applying mechanical, chemical, and electrical sciences to reorganize

production with inanimate sources of energy; thus, production does not rely much on manual
labor and operations. It is also the process through which an agrarian (farm-based) economy
transforms into one based on mass manufacturing.

Activity 1: Interpreting Point of View

1. Read Alexander Lichauco’s article about nationalism thrice.

2. Gather background information about the author – his advocacy and principles.
3. Determine any aspects of the subject-matter emphasized or excluded by the author.
4. Identify words or phrases that suggest opinion like possibly, exceptional, weak,
embarrassed, losing, and not enough.
5. Focused on the analogies used by the author particularly in explaining nationalism as a
power, as a religion, and as a philosophy of power.
6. Interpret the author’s point of view on the selected statements below. 

a. “…it is not enough that one loves his country because even a fool can do that.”
It is not enough to say “I love my country” without anything to prove that. Actions
speaks louder than word.

b. “[Nationalism] is a power that has moved peoples to forge nations where there were none, and
prodded them to exceptional achievements.”
Nationalism is the reason why people forge nations  
 c. “[Nationalism is] a ‘religion in which man tries to realize God in the nation and in his
compatriots.’”
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________ 
d. “[Nationalism is] a philosophy of power concerned with strategies, methods and processes of
building, developing and nourishing the power of a state as an organic entity.”
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________

e. “Where a people can no longer be proud of their country, and lose all hope for it, it becomes only
a matter of time before they desert it or even turn against it.” 
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________
f. “…it is important for Filipinos to unite around an economic philosophy that can transform their
country from the weak and powerless state, that it is, to one that is strong and powerful, or suffer
the tragedy of its weakness.”
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________

 
Activity 1: Opinionated Me
 
1. Analyze the words and ideas in the statements provided. 
2. Review the points emphasized by Alexander Lichauco in his article about nationalism.
3. Determine what the author thinks or feels about the topic.
4. Choose an opinion in which you have strong feelings.
5. Support your opinion with reasons. 
 
Statements:
 
a. Economic nationalism is the answer to the deep-rooted Philippine economic problems.

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
b. Filipinos lacked nationalism during the battle against the COVID19 pandemic.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
c. The Philippine government has the capacity to industrialize the economy.

 
 
 
 
  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Activity 1: Sloganeering on Facebook
 
1. Write a slogan out of your personal handwriting in a cartolina.
2. Use art decorations around the cartolina but not to the point of overpowering the texts
of the slogan.
3. The slogan should focus on the topic about the importance of economic nationalism and
industrialization as a powerful tool to boost and recover the Philippine economy, especially
during these times of COVID19 pandemic.
4. Take a photo of your self while holding the slogan 
 
A slogan is a striking or memorable phrase used in a political party or movement or other
groups. Slogans are always defined as “short and brief.” And for slogan to have a staying
power, it must be (1) short and simple, (2) consistent (3) different, (4) timeless, and (5) can stand
alone. Sloganeering, on the other hand, is the act of coining or employing slogans to sway
opinion and persuade people by repeating phrases instead of explaining one’s ideas.
 
References:
Chappelow, J. (2019). “Protectionism.” Investopedia. https://www.investopedia.com/terms/
p/protectionism.asp. Retrieved on July 5, 2020.

Biernacki, R. (2001). “Industrialization.” International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral

Sciences. http as:// www.sciencedirect.com /topics/social-sciences/ industrialization.
Retrieved on July 5, 2020.

Lichauco, A. (1988). Nationalist Economics. Quezon City: Institute for Rural Industrialization.
“Nationalism.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. First published Nov 29, 2001; substantive
revision Dec 15, 2014. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/nationalism/#:~:text =According
%20to%20their%20purely%20voluntaristic,%E2%80%9Cethnic%E2%80%9D)%20in%20nature.
Retrieved on July 3, 2020. 
 “Protectionism.” Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/protectionism.
Retrieved on July 5, 2020

Pryke, S. (n.d.). “Economic Nationalism: Theory, History and Prospects.” Global Policy.
https://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/articles/world-economy-trade-and-finance/ economic-
nationalism-theory-history-and-prospects. Retrieved on July 5, 2020.

“Types of Nationalism.” The Basics of Philosophy. https://www.philosophybasics.com/

branch_nationalism.html. Retrieved on July 5, 2020.

“What is industrialization.” Updated June 19, 2020. https://learn.robinhood.com/articles/

5UrnBV39B9cL7kwr1EwRYq/what-is-industrialization/. Retrieved on July 5, 2020.

MINDANAO STATE UNIVERSITY AT NAAWAN

College of Education and Social Sciences
GEC 109 (Life and Works of Rizal)
Module 1

Week: _________
Name: Kaye Yañez Score: __________________
Year/Course: BS-Accountancy 2nd year Date: __________________

Unit 4 Title: Philippines in the 19 Century

th

Learning Targets:  At the end of the lesson, students should be able to:
1. Picture out the socio-economic, political and cultural situations in
the Philippines during Rizal’s time;
 2. Determine the political structure in the Philippines under the
Spanish colonial government;
3. Explain the emerging economic systems in the Philippines as a
colony of Spain;
4. Elucidate the existing social strata in the colonial Philippines;
5. Compare the societal conditions during Rizal’s time to the present
situations of Philippine societies influenced by Filipinos themselves outside
of the cloak of colonization. 

Activity 1: Old House Vacation

4. The old structure above is the restored 19 century house of the family Rizal.
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4. Would you dare to live in this house for one month without the use of modern electric
lights but mere kerosene lamps? Explain why or why not.
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________________ 
Concepts:
The 19 century Philippines was characterized by underdevelopment and backwardness
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due to various factors. The political instability in Spain caused by battling forces between the
conservative and liberal groups frequently changed the Spanish government policies and
officials. No government projects pursued, particularly in colonies, as one administration was
replaced by another. This political chaos in the motherland hindered the implementation of
Spanish laws crafted for the welfare of the inhabitants in the colonies. The colonial officials, who
were corrupt, unprincipled and incompetent were unchecked.
In 1837, the representation of the Philippines in the Spanish Parliament was abolished.
Hence, the colony could not directly expose the corruption and abuses committed by the
colonial officials. Since Philippines is far from Spain, colonial officials, thinking that they
remained unchecked, curtailed freedom and denied human rights to the Filipinos for their
personal gain. This violation of the Spanish constitution led to discrimination against the
Filipinos, treating them as lower individuals compared to the Spaniards. There was injustice.
Poor Filipinos could not sue Spaniards to court if ever the latter committed unlawful acts
because litigation process was expensive and partial. The Spaniards were the court officials
themselves.
Further worsening the corruption and exploitations in the colony were the friars (regular
priests). The friars controlled the civil government. Liberal ideas and reforms sought for by
liberal officials were easily hampered by the friars. They owned vast lands and haciendas. Out
of their agricultural harvests in the haciendas, they also engaged into trading and monopolized
the Galleon trade. Forced labor was common in the haciendas and government plantations and
industries. Adding to the hardships of the people were the abusive Guardia Civil (constabulary)
executing orders of the friars to secure their influence and power in the society. Nicholas
Cushner, S.J. further explained in his book the various historical events that formed and
influenced the 19 century Philippines. 
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The End of an Empire

taken from the book, Spain in the Philippines: From Conquest to Revolution
by Nicholas Cushner, S. J.

Simultaneous with the agricultural development of the Philippines in the nineteenth

century, three major forces were at work which would eventually separate the colony from
Spain: the political chaos in Spain itself which had a direct effect on the government of the
archipelago; the autocratic church in the Philippines which was sharply split by a Spanish-
Filipino division among the clergy; and a breakdown of civil administration on the town level
which resulted in widespread dissatisfaction. These three currents converged and produced a
Propaganda Movement which clamored for reform. When its voice went unheeded, revolution
was espoused. 

The eighteenth century was for Spain a great colonial century. It was marked by capital
growth, the large-scale import of raw materials, and a rising population. Statesmen such as
Aranda and Jovellanos, and administrators like Patiflo and Ensefiada favored legislation to
increase production by eliminating internal customs barriers, production levies, and the import
of machinery. They encouraged enclosure in agriculture and the disentailment of Church
property. But the land problem remained, with the aristocracy divided from the peasants.
During the Franco-Spanish War (1808-1813) the Cortes of Cadiz met (1810-1812). This liberal-
dominated session decided to curb the king's power through a constitution and to press for the
disentailment of Church property. Its work was shortlived. In May 1813, Ferdinand VII who
had returned to the throne declared void the work of the Cortes. As Pierre Vilar says, it was the
collapse “not of a few years work, but of the achievement of a whole century.” 

The split between liberals and conservatives which emerged in the Cortes of Cadiz was
carried through the whole nineteenth century. In Spain liberalism had both political and
religious overtones. It sought to limit the absolute character of the monarchy through a
constitution. The Cortes was to legislate for the people. Liberalism also defended freedom of
speech, the press, and assembly and defended the rights of individuals against state
intervention. With regard to religion, Spanish liberalism advocated the absolute independence
of the state in its organization and action from all positive religions. But it went even further.
Liberals encouraged the anticlerical movements which led to the slaughter of monks and the
burning of churches. As a result liberals were equated with anticlericals, and their programs of
legitimate reform were suspected by both moderate and conservative elements. 

The period 1833-1875 was an era of the pronunciamiento (the proclamation of a new
government) with new governments coming and going with amazing rapidity. Maria Cristina
was regent for her daughter Isabela II from 1833-1840. The Constitution of Cadiz was imposed
upon her in 1836. The ensuing struggle saw democratic parties emerging and the progressives
making seven pronunciamientos. In 1868 Isabela was driven out of Spain and a constitutional
monarchy was approved. But it was difficult to find a monarch. Amadeo of Savoy finally
became king, but he soon abdicated and a republic was proclaimed in 1873. This lasted only
until 1874 when the strong arm of General Pavia fatefully intervened and established a
provisional dictatorship, which paved the way for the restoration of the son of Isabela II,
Alfonso XII. He began his eventful rule in 1875, and it lasted for ten years.
 
The political, economic, and social disorder of nineteenth-century Spain could not help
but have an effect on its overseas possessions. The American colonies took advantage of the
chaos to declare independence. The Philippines, as well as Puerto Rico and Cuba, remained
loyal. But the example and threat of a unilateral declaration of independence remained to haunt
the home government. A change of government in Spain meant a change in colonial governors.
Thus, any continuity in colonial affairs was impossible, since a new governor brought to the
Philippines his own retinue of hangers-on and lesser officials who displaced appointees of the
former governor. This also caused widespread dissatisfaction among the Philippine-born
Spanish population. The chaos in Spain was also responsible for the almost total neglect of the
economic development of the archipelago. In the period when countries in Europe were rapidly
developing into industrial societies, Spain remained as it had been. Modernization passed it by,
so what economic development did take place in the Philippines was due to foreign capital and
interest. Lastly, the struggle in Spain between the anticlerical liberals and the conservatives was
mirrored in the latter nineteenth-century Philippines. The focal point was the church. But lines
were curiously crossed as liberals aligned themselves with conservatives in attempting to
preserve the Philippines for Spain. 

The Catholic Church, not so much the institution as its ministers, was one of the
principal targets of the reform movement in the nineteenth-century Philippines. The Spanish
friars were described as sly, avaricious, arrogant, and impure; men who controlled both Church
and state and who preserved their power position by deliberately hindering the development of
a native clergy. A number of foreign travelers agreed. Le Gentil noted that Cebu was
characterized by the existence of miserable huts situated near magnificently built conventos
occupied by only two or three persons. The friars, said Le Gentil, were the masters of the
country, especially in the provinces. In 1848 an English traveler reported that the Philippine
clergy compared favorably with English clerics. But a few years later Sir John Bowring
described the religious orders as more than affluent. Their convents were almost palatial and
their revenues enormous. A Frenchman, Jean Baptiste Mallat, saw the friars in a different light.
He saw the religious parish priest as a father, a friend, and an admonitor, a person in whom the
Filipinos had great confidence and trust. And Feodor Jagor flatly denied ever having seen or
heard any evidence of immorality among the Spanish clergy. A liberal Spaniard wrote: “Let us
travel over the provinces, and we shall see there towns of 5, 10, and 20,000 Indians, peacefully
governed by a weak old man, who, with his doors open at all hours, sleeps quiet and secure in
his dwelling, without any other magic or any other guards, than the love and respect with
which he has known how to inspire his flock.” 

One tangible source of criticism leveled against the religious orders in the nineteenth
century was their extensive landholdings. Dominicans, Augustinians, and Recollects held a
number of haciendas, principally in Luzon, and from these haciendas a substantial income was
derived. It mattered little that the Dominician holdings in Biñan, Santa Rosa de Malabon, and
Navotas supported a rector, five lecturers, and fifty students in the University of Santo Tomas,
or that the haciendas of Pandi and Lolomboy supported missionaries in China, the Colegio de
San Juan de Letran, the Hospital of San Gabriel, and the orphanages of Santa Catalina and De la
Madre Paula. The large size of the haciendas - in 1896 Calamba alone was 16,414 hectares, and
the next largest, Pandi, was 9,803 hectares - was taken as a visible symbol of opulence, wealth,
and the influence which was a natural consequence. 

The demand for export crops in the nineteenth century found the religious orders in an
excellent position to develop the land which had come to them by way royal grant, legacy or
outright purchase. Some of the Dominician haciendas dated back to the seventeenth century.
However, Calamba, which had been a Jesuit estate up to the expulsion of the society from the
islands in 1768, was purchased by the Dominicians in 1831 for 52,000 pesos. Apparently the
landholdings gradually increased in size. In 1870 the hacienda of Santa Cruz de Malabon
measured 295 quiñones (one quiñon was about 2.7 hectares). Fifteen years later it was 427
quiñones. Although the land was owned by the individual religious orders, undeveloped
portions were leased to Chinese mestizos or natives (called inquilinos) who in turn had other
people (kasamahanes) work the land. The inquilino paid nothing for an initial period of three
years, as he cleared the land, prepared it for cultivation and also reaped a small harvest. At the
end of two or three years he paid a flat rent, canon or terrazgo, to the owner. The rate in specie or
kind varied according to the productivity of the soil. Ordinarily inquilinos working irrigated
ricelands paid five cavans of rice for every portion of land that could be planted with a cavan of
palay turned into seedlings, (cavalita de tierra de regadio). This would amount to about five
cavans from the sixty cavans which could be harvested. Productivity, of course, varied. At
Imus, Cavite, the hacienda of the Recollects yielded from ninety to a hundred cavans of palay
from each sown cavan. In return for the rent the inquilino was entitled to one- half of the total
produce of the land after the terrazgo was paid- The other half went to the kasama, or farm
worker. Since the land rent could not be raised, inquilinos were solicitous that the total produce
increased. Thus, inquilinos were deriving a considerable profit, frequently without laying hand
to a plow. Some, like Paciano Rizal in Calamba, worked with the kasama, but most were
absentee landlords. Thus, an upper class developed, some of whose members were sufficiently
affluent to send their sons to Europe for study. 
 As the profits of the inquilinos rose, the hacienda owners periodically increased the
canon, arguing that the land value had increased. The inquilinos protested that the increased
value was due to their own energy and enterprise. The owners countered that the inquilinos
derived an unearned income from the exploitation of the kasamahanes. When sides were drawn
the kasamahanes sided with the inquilinos against the hacienda owners. Antagonism
developed into an outright anticlericalism, since most of the haciendas were owned by religious
corporations. What is perhaps just as significant, a pattern of tenant farming emerged which
still plagues the agricultural sector of the Philippines.  

More serious, perhaps, than complaints about wealth or immorality, was the charge that
the native Filipino clergy was deliberately kept in a subordinate position. To this charge there
was more truth. But here, too, the history of the secular-religious dispute is complicated both by
the antireligious attitudes of late eighteenth-century Spain, and by political issues which
directly involved the patronato real. In the second half of the eighteenth century increased
pressure was put upon the religious orders to subject them to royal authority. For Bourbon
ministers of government, the church was an instrument of policy, subordinate to the state. The
court prelate who was appointed archbishop of Manila, Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufino,
undertook to enforce the episcopal visitation of parishes held by religious almost as soon as he
took possession of his see on July 22, 1767. Religious orders were told to send to the archbishop
three names for appointment to a curacy from which one would be selected. Changes in
personnel could not be made without permission of the governor. When only the Dominicans
obeyed, the archbishop began handing over the parishes held by religious in Bataan, Pampanga,
and the curacies of Binondo and the Parian to secular priests. The Augustinians and Jesuits
simply withdrew from the parishes so the archbishop was left with a large number of vacancies
to fill. 

The archbishop was joined by the governor in his antireligious policy. In 1768, the year
the Jesuits were exiled from the Philippines, Governor Anda wrote a report which was bitterly
critical of the religious orders. He thought that the religious collected excessive fees and were
too independent of the government. Likewise, he reported, they criticized government officials
too freely and even protected the Chinese. Anda thought that the solution was to give their
parishes to secular priests, as was done in America. 

The solution was easier said than done for at the time the secular clergy were too few to
take over all the parishes. In order to make up the deficit the archbishop of Manila provided the
vacated buildings of the Jesuits for a seminary and began what could only be described as a
crash program to prepare secular priests for the ministry. As the secularization of parishes was
taking place, fewer religious were arriving from Spain. The wars involving Spain from 1790 to
1815 almost completely cut off the flow. In the meantime the secularization program was not
succeeding. Filipino priests were hastily and poorly prepared. In fact, the saying became current
that "there were no more rowers on the Pasig because the bishop had ordained them all." The
results in the parishes were near disastrous. Complaints came flowing in about the inadequacy
of the Filipino clergy. Even the archbishop realized his mistake, but it was too late. His
disastrous crash policy had set back the development of the native clergy for almost a century. 

The secularization of parishes was officially reversed by a royal order of June 8, 1826.
But even before this date governors and officials had expressed opposition to the policy. On
December 22, 1787, Governor Pedro Sarrio had explained why it was absolutely necessary that
parishes remain in the hands of religious and not with Filipinos or Chinese mestizos. Sarrio
argued as almost all future governors and Spanish clerics would argue. First of all, he said,
Filipino clerics were morally unfit to run parishes. They easily abandoned the study of
theology, preferred to live in nipa houses and gave their earnings to their families. Governor
Rafael Maria de Aguilar added that "among Indian clerics there are some who are virtuous and
upright. But in general it is known that by their nature, poor education and abject poverty they
do not awaken in their parishioners that respect and Indian clerics lack the proper decorum
veneration with which the religious are treated and debase themselves by associating with their
parishioners in games and dinners and in other affairs completely unbecoming a priest; and
frequently they even dress like lay people, putting aside the dress proper to their sacerdotal
state."

Added this argument of moral unfitness was the argument from political expediency
which had even more weight with Madrid after the Spanish American colonies declared
independence. Apropos of the appointment of religious to the parish of Quinqua (Plaridel),
Bulacan, Governor Sarrio commented that the experience of over two centuries has taught that
in all wars and uprisings the religious parish priests were the most influential in quieting the
people. "Be assured," he continued, "that in each European priest Your Majesty has a sentinel
who observes all the actions and movements of the Indians to inform the government of all that
happens... The fact of being a priest does not remove the fact of being one of the conquered nor
the affinity he has towards his fellow - countrymen." Governor Aguilar went even further. He
thought that it was a great mistake to hand the parishes over to Filipino priests solely to deprive
the religious of them. To maintain the loyalty of the Filipinos to Spain and the preservation of
the Philippines as a part of the Spanish empire, it was necessary that Spanish religious remain
as parish priest. In 1810 Comyn wrote that parishes were still being transferred to Filipino and
mestizo clerics, "who through their great ignorance, corrupt morals, and total want of decorum
universally incur the contempt of the flocks committed to their care, and in consequence of their
tyrannical conduct, cause the people to sigh for the mild yoke of their ancient pastors." But
behind the moralistic arguments remained the very real fear of native Filipino priests
supporting a popular uprising against Spain. This influenced both Manila and Madrid to
support the retransfer of parishes to the religious orders. But in so doing the Spanish
government was unwittingly sowing the seeds of future discontent. By allowing Filipino priests
to hold only the post of assistants to the Spanish clergy a sharp division based on race was
created. This was a potentially explosive situation which went apparently unnoticed by the
government. But it was not unnoticed by the French consul, Barrot. In 1841 he wrote with
prophetic accuracy: "When the moment of conflict comes and it will come sooner than is
supposed, the insurgents will gain great strength from the misunderstanding that prevails
between the regular clergy, composed of members of religious orders whom the anticlerical
movement in Spain have driven here, and the secular priests, all of them Indians and Mestizos,
whom the former are gradually dislodging from the best parishes." Barrot’s prognostication
proved to be correct as the events surrounding the Cavite Mutiny in 1872 would
show. 

Activity 1: Mapping the Galleon Trade

 1. Research about the parts of the Galleon ship and draw it. Use oslo or long bond paper. 
2.  Research also the trade routes of the Galleon ship from the Philippines to Mexico, and
vice versa, in specific years in history since the routes change in search for a shorter
travel period. Use the cartolina for mapping the trade routes of the Galleon.
3.  Use whatever art materials available at your home to beautify the two outputs.
4.  Take a photo of your self while holding the art works. 
5.  Beat the deadline date.
6.  Follow this link to know more about the Galleon 
                                          trade: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oH9Dozp2Upg

Municipal and National Unrest

While the Church in the Philippines was undergoing a number of quiet but significant
changes, the central, provincial, and municipal governments were likewise feeling the tensions
of change. At the pinnacle of colonial administration in the Philippines in the nineteenth
century was the governor and captain general. As commander-in-chief of the army, president of
finance, admiral of the navy, and postmaster general, he enjoyed almost at least theoretically.
The audiencia, composed of four justices, was absolute control, supposed to provide a check on
the governor but after 1861 it possessed no governmental authority, having been reduced to a
court of appeals. Most governors in the nineteenth century were military men who were
partisans of whatever clique happened to be ruling in Spain. Their term of office was set at three
years, but many served less. In fact one newly appointed governor arrived in Manila only to
find that he already had been replaced. There can be little doubt that frequent replacement had
an unstabilizing effect upon government. Second in command was the captain of the navy who
directed the sea forces. Third in rank was the deputy commander general of the armed forces,
called the Segundo Cabo. After 1830 the deputy commander succeeded the captain general if
need arose until another governor was appointed. Beneath these positions came a multitude of
lesser offices. 

The expenses of the colonial bureaucracy were considerable. The major expenses in 1809
were the support of the army, 379,596 pesos (the militia cost 207,504 pesos), and stipends given
to parish priests, 146,694 pesos. Salaries to government officials were the next largest single
expense. Total expenses for the year amounted to 1,367,873 pesos. The net income, from sale of
tobacco (506,754 pesos), collection of tributes (364,474 pesos), customs house collections (257,179
pesos) and proceeds from other government monopolies, was pesos. A subsidy of 250,000 pesos
was sent from Mexico that year, but even without this the Manila government was supporting
itself. 

Government on the provincial level was handled by the alcalde mayor. His was a much
criticized position. He held political and military authority in the province, but his principal
task was to collect revenue and administer justice. His salary, until 1840, was a pitifully low 600
pesos a year. However, he was given an indulto de comerciar, a permit to trade, and it was
usually used wisely. The alcalde traded with capital borrowed from the obras pias, bought goods
cheaply in the provinces, rented ships, and sold dearly in Manila, thus amassing considerable
sums of money. Complaints about the alcaldes ran through the sixteenth, seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. Only in the nineteenth century was a reform attempted. In 1844, a law was
passed which decreed that only lawyers could be alcaldes. They were to be ranked according to
seniority, having to serve three years in a particular grade before passing to the next highest, if
performance merited a promotion. Salaries were raised to 1,500 - 1,750 pesos annually (2,750 in
1886) and the permit to trade was revoked. In 1886 the alcalde was relieved of political power,
becoming a judge of first instance. A gobernador civil was to represent civil authority. Mails, the
telegraph, health, welfare, agriculture, mines, industry, and commerce-in short, administrative
and economic matters were his responsibility. 

On the municipal level the gobenadorcillo ranked as the town head. He formed part of
the principalia class which was composed of former gobenadorcillos (called capitanes pasados),
cabezas de barangay, and in general people of means. The gobenadorcillo was elected annually.
He was assisted by a directorcillo and escribientes, or secretaries. In the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries the work of the gobenadorcillo was fairly simple. He arranged the tribute
lists given him by the cabezas de barangay and forwarded the tribute to the alcalde mayor.
However, the increased prosperity which came with the nineteenth century multiplied the work
of the gobenadorcillo. Tribute lists were still formed, along with lists for army service. Labor
gangs formed of polistas were organized and work was distributed. The gobernadorcillo also
assumed local post office duties. He also passed judgment in civil suits which involved forty-
four pesos or less and he arranged the data for suits which had to be heard by the alcalde
mayor. In addition, the gobernadorcillo was in charge of erecting and repairing bridges, no
small responsibility in a country of tropical rains. He also was to keep village schools in repair,
and last, but not least, he had to make an account of government taxes. 

The numerous duties of the gobernadorcillo were not impossible to fulfill, provided he
had funds. However, he did not. The central government made certain demands but did not
provide the means to accomplish the tasks. As a result the gobernadorcillos employed a variety
of illegal methods for collecting funds. They charged villagers two or four cuartos to pass over a
bridge. The sums collected (caidas) were used for purchasing pens and paper. Salaries for the
gobernadorcillo's assistants were ordinarily obtained from polistas who secretly paid their way
out of the required labor service. Additional funds were collected from travelers who were
usually charged twice the normal amount to reside in the casa tribunal, which was used as a
hotel. Part of the fiesta tax was retained by the municipio. Food was daily sold by the municipio
at modest prices to the parish priest, resident government officials, and Spaniards. But instead
of killing twelve chickens, fourteen were killed, or instead of buying two dozen eggs, twenty-
eight were purchased. The excess went to the gobernadorcillo and his aides. In other words, the
gobernadorcillo, who represented the central government on the village level, was reduced to
practice fraud in order to support the ordinary running of village affairs. But it is more than
likely, but it is more than likely, human nature being what it is, that the gobernadorcillo
collected more than what was needed to nm municipal affairs. In any case the office of the
gobernadorcillo and the minor positions of town government fell into disrepute. People of
integrity avoided the positions not only because holding them involved abuses against
conscience, but perhaps more important, it meant spending one's own money. The new landed
gentry who achieved a measure of prosperity with the development of the large haciendas in
the nineteenth century avoided municipal offices and even looked down upon the old
principalia and cabezas de barangay. 

This added another divisive element to Philippine society. Philippine-born Spaniards

(called Filipinos) were thought to be more loyal to the Philippines than to Spain. Thus,
peninsula-born Spaniards (peninsulares) were preferred for government posts. Sinibaldo de
Mas thought that “this natural and necessary preference towards European Spaniards
engenders in the spirit of Filipinos a hatred for anybody who comes to this country from Spain."
Full-blooded Malays (Indios, or Filipinos in twentieth-century terminology) found themselves
separated from Spaniards and hostile to the Chinese who had managed to insinuate themselves,
even more so in the nineteenth century, into the fabric of Philippine economic life. The Chinese
and Spanish mestizo classes were ambivalent. At the bottom of the broad based pyramid was
the Indio peasant, usually landless. A representation of social and economic classes would look
something like this: 
 The key class was the principalia. In spite of the apparent breakdown on the village
level, or perhaps more accurately, because of it, the principalia were acquiring some familiarity
with the problems and processes of local government. They were learning what distinguishes
good government from bad government. The shortcomings of the central government forced
them to exercise initiative. Leadership was thrust upon them and in the process an elite was
being formed who would lead a revolution.

Activity 2: The Labels and The Triangle

1. Review the triangular representation of the social strata in the 19 century Philippines
th

under Spanish colonialism.

2. Now the Spaniards are gone, the triangular representation of social classes in the
Philippine society still exists, but under different labels, as there is a clear gap between
the rich and the poor until today.
3. Make your own social stratification of Philippine society by labeling every level of the
provided black triangular representation based on the income and names of the popular
jobs/educational attainment/political affiliation of Filipinos today. For example, you
can label a “medical doctor”; “television actor/actress”; “mayor”; “public teacher”;
“public bus driver”; “street vendor”; etc.
4. Label in the lowest level (no. 8) of the triangular representation those lowest-paid jobs;
while at the top (no. 1) of the triangle are those Filipinos gaining highest profit and
income like the “ABS-CBN Lopezes”; “Cojuangcos of San Miguel Corporation”; or you
can research the complete names of those prominent figures and their families
considered as the richest among the Filipinos at present.
5. Be sure to include the range of income every level. For example, in the no. 8, it’s
1000Php-2000Php/month. Label as much as you can. You may write on the space
outside of the triangle but the labels must still be aligned on the corresponding level
number.
6. Answer the essay question either in Filipino or English. No Taglish.
 
Based on your own triangular representation, in what level number would you place your
family status? Why? 
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Why do you think those richest Filipino families continued to amass great wealth; while the
poor Filipinos are becoming much poorer?
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The Principalia and the Filipino Clergy

 
Members of both the principalia class and the Filipino clergy were involved in what can
be termed the first stirrings of a nationalist movement in the Philippines. After the glorious
September revolution of 1868, Madrid sent Carlos de la Torre to succeed Manuel Maldonado as
governor of the Philippines. De la Torre was a liberal and began to encourage a group of liberals
which he found already active in Manila, among them Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, a professor at
the University of Santo Tomas, Joaquin Icaza, a judge of the audiencia, Jacobo Zobel, a city
councilor, Ignacio Rocha, an artist, Maximo Patemo, a businessman, and a priest Jose Burgos.
They were all either Philippine-born Spaniards or Spanish mestizos. The new governor
abolished censorship of the press, set up a commission for the discussion of reforms, and
shocked Spanish Manila by joining a group of Filipinos in a toast to liberty. But at the same time
he kept an eye out for any tendency towards independence and even intercepted the
correspondence of several leading Filipino liberals. In Spain a bill was introduced for Philippine
representation in the Cortes, and the overseas minister, Segismundo Moret, published decrees
placing the University of Santo Tomas under the government, secularizing all friars. But they
never were put into effect. Another liberal governor, Rafael de Izquierdo, succeeded de la Torre
in 1871, but he immediately revoked all reform decrees. Both de la Torre and Izquierdo had
supported the liberal 1868 revolution in Spain, but once they arrived in the Philippines their
liberalism faded somewhat before the prospect of increased liberty for the native Filipino.
Although anticlerical, they believed that the friars were necessary for continued Spanish control
of the archipelago. 

Soon after Izquierdo arrived, on January 20, 1872, a revolt broke out in the military
barracks of Cavite, near Manila. It was apparently over local grievances, unpaid wages, and
tribute collection. It involved over 200 Filipino soldiers and marines. The revolt was put down
within twenty-five hours, but it was a severe shock to the government. Anyone in Manila
suspected of liberal tendencies was arrested, among them the Filipino priests and businessmen.
After a hasty trial, three Filipino priests, Jose Burgos, Mariano Gomez, and Jacinto Zamora,
were sentenced to death by the garrote. Burgos, who was a canon of the cathedral, had been a
leader in the struggle of Filipino secular priests against the transfer of parishes to the religious
orders, a struggle which heightened after 1859 when the Jesuits returned to the parishes of
northern Mindanao and the displaced Recollects were given Manila parishes, displacing secular
priests. 

Burgos wrote bitterly against the move. He fell under such suspicion that the liberal
governor, Carlos de la Torre, ordered that any correspondence coming to him through Hong
Kong should be intercepted. Father Jacinto Zamora’s mail from Europe was likewise
intercepted, as both he and Burgos were suspected of being linked to European liberals.
Mariano Gomez was a young curate of Bacoor, Cavite. Sentenced to prison as co-conspirators
were Maximo Inocencio, Crisanto de los Reyes, and Francisco Saldua. All were accused of
attempting to separate the Philippines from Spain, "segregar esta archipielago de la madre pairia,"
and proclaiming a republic. The three priests were found guilty in a military trial and were
executed on February 17, 1872, even though the Archbishop of Manila, Gregorio Meliton
Martinez, interceded to save their lives. In addition, nine other Filipino priests and thirteen
laymen were sentenced to exile in the Marianas. They were released a year later. What cast a
shadow over the whole a friar was the refusal of the Spanish government to reveal the proof of
the involvement of the three priests. Rafael de Izquierdo said he had indisputable proof of their
guilt, but thus far it has not come to light. The failure to reveal the proof of complicity, if such
proof existed, led some to believe that the friars were actually responsible for the execution of
the three priests. We only know for certain that Burgos was active in the antifriar campaign and
that Mariano Gomez was not even suspected by the archbishop of Manila of having been anti-
Spanish. Apparently Zamora was involved in some form of anti-Spanish, or liberal, activity
since the postmaster general of Manila was ordered to intercept his letters in 1869. Whether or
not the Friars knew for certain that Gomez and Zamora were involved in antifriar activity is not
known. But even aside from the approval or instigation of the friars, Izquierdo had motive
enough for getting rid of the troublesome secular priests. He was convinced that the Spanish
religious were necessary in parishes if a bond of union between the Philippines and Spain was
to be preserved. He thought that the native secular clergy were undermining the religious.
Therefore, he was opposed not only to the transfer of parishes from the religious to the seculars,
but also to the normal development of native clergy. The vice patron of the Church even
thought that the archbishop and the bishop should demand the conditions of outstanding
knowledge and virtue before giving sacred orders to Filipinos. 

The effect of the execution of the three priests on subsequent Filipino nationalism was
considerable. It provided a rallying cry for reformists. Friars and colonial government became
the common enemy. A new impetus provided direction. As Jose Rizal would write: "Were it not
for 1872, Rizal would now be a Jesuit and instead of writing the Noli Me Tangere he would have written
the contrary.” 

Activity 1: Reading Between the Lines

1. The Catholic Church was an influential institution during the time of Rizal and even
much more prior to that period. You research about the origin of the Catholic Church, its
historical feats, and its role today.
2. Out of the information you gathered about the Catholic Church, you infer the point of
view of the speakers given the lines below.
3. Answer the essay question, at the last part, in English. 

a. “The Catholic Church is a perpetually defeated thing that always outlives her conquerors.”
-Hilaire Belloc
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b. “I want to hit the friars, but only friars who utilized religion not only as a shield, but also as
a weapon, castle, fortress, armor, etc.; I was forced to attack their false and superstitious
religion in order to fight the enemy who hid himself behind it.” – Jose Rizal’s letter to
Ferdinand Blumentritt dated January 20, 1890
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c. "You don't have to go to church to pay for these idiots." – President Rodrigo Duterte’s
speech during the groundbreaking of the Davao City Bulk Water Supply Project on
November 26, 2018
"You know, the truth is, I tell you, the offerings, the pineapple, avocado, bananas, where do
they go? You want to know? I will show you. To his [priest’s] family." –  President Rodrigo
Duterte’s speech during the inauguration of the Cavite Gateway Terminal in Tanza, Cavite
on November 22, 2018
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Essay Question: Do you think the Catholic Church in the Philippines is losing its influence in the
socio-economic and political affairs of the country nowadays compared to the time of Rizal?
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Activity 1: Search and Identify
 
_____________________1. This Spanish term is equivalent to municipal mayor in the present
Philippine political structure.
_____________________2. He was the conservative governor general who replaced Carlos Ma.
de la Torre.
_____________________3. They were the Spaniards born in Spain.
_____________________4. He was the governor-general who argued that Filipino seculars were
morally unfit to run parishes; hence parishes should remain in the hands of the religious
orders. 
_____________________5. This is the highest court in the colonial Philippines.
_____________________6. When did the execution of Gomez, Burgos, Zamora, the three priests
accused of conspiracy and sedition during the Cavite Mutiny, happen? 
_____________________7. It is the religious order that runs the University of Santos Tomas.
_____________________8. This controversy began in the 19 century when the bishops insisted
th

on visiting the parishes that were being run by regular priests. They argued that it was their
duty to check on the administration of these parishes.
_____________________9. In 1768, this the religious order was banished from the Philippines, by
order of King Charles III of Spain. Between 1769 and 1771, its members were transported to
Spain and from there deported to Italy.
_____________________10. This economic privilege gave the colonial officials the right to
participate in the Galleon trade which contributed to them much wealth besides their salary. 

References:
Cushner, N., (1971). Spain in the Philippines: From Conquest to Revolution. Quezon City: Institute of
Philippine Culture, Ateneo de Manila University

Hecht, J.  “The Manila Galleon.” Posted on October 2003. Department of European Sculpture and
Decorative Arts, The Metropolitan Museum of Art. https://www.metmuseum.org /toah/
hd/mgtr/hd_mgtr.htm.
“Manila Galleon.” https://www.britannica.com/technology/Manila-galleon. Retrieved on July 10,
2020.

McCarthy, W. “Manila Galleon.” Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture.

https://www.encyclopedia.com/humanities/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-
maps/manila-galleon. Retrieved on July 10, 2020.

Palafox, Q.A.  “Girl Power: The Women of Malolos.” Posted on September 4, 2012 at National
Historical Commission of the Philippines website. http://nhcp.gov.ph/girl-power-the-women-
of-malolos/ Retrieved on July 11, 2020.

“The Secularization of Priests During the Spanish Period.” https://www.philippine-

history.org/secularization-of-priests.htm#:~:text=The%20Secularization%20Controversy
&text=Conflict%20began%20when%20the%20bishops,the%20administration%20of%20these
%20parishes. Retrieved on July 11, 2020.

Zaide, G. and Zaide, S. (1994). Jose Rizal: Life, Works, and Writings of a Genius, Writer, Scientist and
National Hero. Manila, Philippines: All-Nations Publishing Co., Inc. 

MINDANAO STATE UNIVERSITY AT NAAWAN

College of Education and Social Sciences
GEC 109 (Life and Works of Rizal)

Day _________
Name: ________________________________________ Score: __________________
Year/Course: __________________________________ Date: __________________
Unit 5 Title: Contributory Factors to the Development of Filipino Nationalism

Learning Targets: At the end of the lesson, students should be able to:
1. Trace the evolution of Filipinos’ concept of national identity;
2. Distinguish the historical events that contributed to the development of
Filipino national consciousness;
3. Link those historical events, triggered by major actors, and their causes and
effects leading to the development of Filipino nationalism; 
4. Evaluate the Filipinos’ experiences under the Spanish colonial rule
contemplated as the struggle of the people for freedom and self-
determination.

Activity 1: The Struggle is Real

1.    Answer the personal questions stated below.
2. Write either in English or in Filipino. No Taglish.

a. What are your struggles in your studies?

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b. Do you really need to struggle in order to know the true essence of education?
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Concepts: 
The Filipinos' struggle for freedom and independence against the Spanish colonization
was never easy. Treated as inferior to the Spaniards, they experienced discrimination, abuses,
and persecution in their land. Maladministration of justice; human rights abuses; friars
controlling politics, the land, and the people; forced labor in the haciendas; unequal economic
benefits; unfair educational opportunities; and discrimination feared and trembled the 19th
century Filipinos to stand for what is just and right. 

However, there is always an end to a line. The series of historical events in the 19th
century influenced the Filipinos to understand their common struggles and to unite as a people
aiming for self-determination. The Filipinos' struggles, in the long run, led them to develop a
national consciousness realizing that they and the Spaniards were never the same people – not
in consciousness, experience, and aspirations. They began to embrace the concept of a Filipino
nation, having its common language, culture, tradition, historic institutions, beliefs, and
ancestry unique and different from that of the Spanish civilization. They started to think that
the Spaniards were invaders; thus, their common enemy they should evict out of their
homeland. Out of these struggles, there arose Filipinos' concept of national identity.

In their book, Romero, Sta. Romana and Santos determined and analyzed the various
historical events in the 19th century considered as significant factors that led to the
development of Filipino nationalism.

Birth of a Filipino National Consciousness

(from the book, Rizal and the Development of National Consciousness)
by Ma. Corona S. Romero, Julita R. Sta. Romana, and Lourdes Y. Santos

Nationalism finds its expression in various ways depending on the needs of the people.
It usually springs from the consciousness of a national identity of being one people. It is that all
pervading spirit that binds together men of diverse castes and creeds, clans and colors, and
unites them into one people, one family, one nation with common aspirations and ideals. 

The Philippine experience in the formation of this consciousness of a national identity

has had its roots in the pre-Hispanic period and has developed through two difficult but
significant periods of western colonization culminating in the eventual inauguration of the
Philippine Republic in 1946. 

Foundations of our Indigenous Culture. Archeologists and historians who have been
reconstructing our past to ascertain our racial origin and the types of cultures the early migrants
brought to the Philippines, have hypothesized that: (l) our indigenous culture began to develop
in the pre-historic and pre-Christian eras; (2) these early cultures ranged from the crude Old
Stone Age to the Metal Age with organized community life; (3) the early settlers came from
Borneo, Indo-China, South China and other parts of Southeast Asia. 

Of these early settlers of our country, the Malays who started migrating at about 300 to
200 B.C. brought here their technology the development of our indigenous culture. These skills
were mining and smelting of iron tools, weapons, utensils and ornaments; irrigated agriculture;
cultivation of fruit trees, spices, fiber, ornamental plants and other agricultural products; the use
of the carabao and the horse as work animals; the manufacture of ornamented pottery and glass
beads and the art of weaving.

To this developing pre-historic culture, the second group of Malays started to come at
the beginning of the Christian era and continued migrating through the 13th century. They
introduced their syllabary system of writing. The last of the groups, the Muslim Malays, came
in the latter half of the 4th century, and their migration continued to the 15th century. The
establishment of their settlements marked the foundation of Islam in Mindanao and Sulu. 
Between these periods of migration, towards the end of the 19th century, our country
began to experience contacts with Arab, Chinese and Malay traders. All these pre-colonial
contacts that started since the pre-Christian era accounts for the existence of a system of writing
in the islands, the use of metal, the prevalence of beasts of burden and absence of human
sacrifices and cannibalism. 

The fusion of these successive cultural migrations and the mingling of their Asian blood
have assimilated so well to produce the Filipino people and our indigenous culture. From then
on until the Spaniards came, the settlers in their respective traditions had established an
agricultural economy; maintained trade relations with other Asian neighbors; and developed
religious and social norms, a language, a system of writing, literature, and a political and
judicial system in accordance with the standards of the period. 

Although the people exercised a semblance of freedom and shared a common territory
and a common cultural and racial character, they lacked the sense of unity and identity that
might offset a possible attempt to conquer them. The country was divided into small
independent political groups called barangays which were constantly fighting for survival.
However, it is firmly established that these groups of people had molded our identity as a
people and given to us a heritage that western colonization could not uproot in four centuries. 

Phelan attributes the survival of our indigenous culture thus:

This indigenous culture was deeply embedded in the islands. Hence significant
elements of the old culture blended into the new society emerging under Spanish
auspices... The Filipinos were and still are tough and flexible, able to absorb new cultural
influences without losing their own identity. They survived the "shock" of their conquest
with far less psychological and material damage to themselves. 

Phelan analyzed the factors that sustained the native culture in its survival and he
considers the "inward cohesiveness of native Philippine society" as the most important. 

Unification of the Country by Spain. The more than three centuries of Spanish
domination in the Philippines was one of the longest in Southeast Asia by a western colonizer.
Her most worthy legacy was the functional unification of the widely-scattered people under a
highly centralized and bureaucratic government. The political system Spain introduced was
supported by a new concept of taxation and a system of currency. 

Roman Catholicism, which is the better-known Spanish legacy among present day
Filipinos, was the state religion. Through Catholicism and a system of education, the Spanish
language, western system of writing and alphabet were formally introduced. The Spanish
political system encouraged law and order in the different self-governing communities in the
islands. Catholicism and Spanish culture provided the people with the new approach to
spiritual and cultural unity. These new cultural processes created new patterns and norms of
social adjustment. Through native ingenuity our people accepted and modified these Hispanic
and indigenous elements to suit local conditions and tastes. 

Despite the unification of the widely scattered islands the spontaneous sentiments of
unity developed slowly because it was imposed on an intensely regionalistic people who were
not aware of the machinations of a foreign conqueror. The Spanish policy of divide et impera
(divide and rule) successfully worked. 

The process of acculturation and the government's notorious monopolistic restrictions

and control dominated the people's lives. Most Of the government officials became agents of
abuse and oppression. The natives nurtured constant sufferings and unheeded grievances.
Common hardships and sorrows caused a growing but latent sentiment for freedom and
change.

Initial manifestations of the Filipino desire to be freed from Spanish rule came in the
form of numerous regional revolts. The most common causes of the revolts were discontent and
humiliation brought about by racial discrimination and the wanton abuses of the officials in the
implementation of policies. The main abuses were the exploitation of manpower through forced
labor, the collection of taxes or tributes, and indulto para comerciar. Some of these sporadic
revolts were the Pampanga-Pangasinan-Ilocos uprisings (1660-1661) and the Sumuroy (1649-
1650), Diego Silang (1762-1763), Polaris (1762- 1764), Apolinario de la Cruz (1840-1841) revolts
and several others. The desire for religious freedom was another cause of the revolts. Some
Filipinos wanted either to retain their pre-Spanish religious practices or the right to establish
their own religion. These revolts occurred in Panay, Tayabas and Mountain Province. 

Other important causes of the peoples' unrest were the friars' usurpation of the lands of
the natives through questionable measurements, the fraudulent proceedings of government
officials, the arbitrary increases in land rents, the unreasonable impositions, mounting
indebtedness of the small cultivators, and the unjust eviction of farmers from their lands. Any
or a combination of these irrational actuations eventually dispossessed the farmers of their land
and reduced their status to that of either share croppers (kasama) or lessor-tenants. 

Agrarian unrest broke out in Batangas, Laguna, Rizal and Cavite. In Bulacan, for
example, the farmers revolted because the friars not only usurped their lands but also deprived
the farmers of their freedom of the use of rivers for fishing, the right to pasture on the hills near
their villages, and the privilege to gather wild fruits and cut wood for their livelihood. 

All these revolts had failed because of sectional jealousies, the lack of communication in
the provinces and the absence of a national leadership. The insular nature of the country and
the inadequate communication facilities hindered contacts among the people. Moreover,
hostility and disunity among the Filipinos were augmented by the Spanish policy of “divide
and rule.” Thus, some Filipinos aided the Spaniards in suppressing the revolts staged by their
countrymen. Whenever a leader emerged, he was recognized only by the region he came from.
The lack of national leadership contributed to the failure of the Filipinos to break from Spanish
imperialism. 
Activity 1: Revolts to Revolution

1. Research what is the difference between the terms “revolt” and “revolution.”
2. After researching the revolts and revolution in Philippine history, you discuss the
reasons and goals of the following revolts and revolution stated below:
a. Ilocanos Revolt (1660-1661)
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b. Sumuroy Revolt (1649-1650)
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c. Diego Silang Revolt (1762-1763)
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d. Apolinario de la Cruz Revolt (1840-1841)
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e. The Philippine Revolution of 1896
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CHALLENGE OF THE 19th CENTURY 

Meantime, economic and political developments that were to affect the Philippines
either directly or indirectly were shaping up in Europe. These developments were the advances
of industrialization, the wide acceptance of the concept of democracy, the spirit of liberalism
and the growing salutary effects of nationalism. 

The Challenge of Industrialization. Industrialization rapidly gained momentum in the

second half of the 19th century. The wonders of science and man's new knowledge of chemistry
and physics greatly enhanced the industrial revolution. The use of steel as the base metal of
industry, the discovery of oil, gasoline, and electricity as basic sources of power and industrial
energy, and the invention of the internal combustion engine, heralded the advent of the
motorized age. Man was able to apply the science of electricity to practical problems of lighting,
transportation, communication and other forms of transmission and traction. Thus was man
able to conquer time and distance.
 
Safer, faster and more comfortable means of transportation such as railways and
steamships were constructed. Engineering feats like the construction of steel bridges and the
Suez Canal opened shorter routes for commerce. Faster means of communication such as the
telephone, telegraph and cable facilities enabled people to have better contracts for business and
trade. Closer communication between the Philippines and Spain and between Europe and Asia
was now feasible. 

Industrialism mechanized production that in turn increased the demand for raw
materials and markets for finished products. It encouraged free trade policies that hastened the
development of international commerce. Trading centers and cities flourished and people
enjoyed material and economic prosperity, better standards of living, better education, and
social opportunities. 

The Philippines as a source of raw materials and as a market for finished products was
eventually drawn into the orbit of international trade especially after 1834 when it was opened
to foreign traders. This marked a change in the economic and social life of those Filipinos who
eventually came into contact with the political and socio-economic developments in Europe.
The struggle for the recognition of the farmer and the worker was now imminent. 

The industrial system created a fast tempo of economic progress and made the
bourgeoisie a rich, powerful and influential class in western society. It brought about the
emergence of a new social class, the proletariat or the modern working class, that was largely
illiterate and propertyless. The continuous improvement of machinery and the keen
competition among capitalists made the workers victims of the vicissitudes of competition and
fluctuations of the market. But as the industrial system generated more capital and expanded
lucrative business, so did the new working class increase in number and strengthen in unity.
Eventually the workers organized trade unions to solidify their pleas for better wages. 
 They gained the support of socialist philosophers who clamored against the distress and
the need of the exploited workers. Before 1848, socialism was expanded in various ways but
they expounded a common cause: "The equitable distribution of the fruits of production." One
of the socialist philosophers was Karl Marx who brilliantly expounded the philosophy of
socialism now known as Marxism which has become the most influential concept among labor
circles. With the publication of the Communist Manifesto in 1848, socialism "passed permanently
into the tradition of Western Civilization.”
 
Karl Marx's now famous "Working men of all countries unite!" served as a rallying point
for labor. The proletariat became more aware of their identity in the economic system. The
workers began to make demands from their employers. Their insistent agitation for recognition
resulted in the enactment of labor laws which stipulated fixed working hours, universal
education, better pay, old age pension, and better working conditions. They had gained official
recognition of the workingman's contribution to world progress. This set significant values on
the increased power of the proletariat. 

The Filipinos were aware of these matters. Juan Luna asked for Rizal's advice on what to
read to be inspired to paint. In his letter, Luna informed Rizal that he was reading Le Socialismo
Contemporain by E de Levalye, which is a "compilation of the theories of Karl Marx, Lasalle, etc;
Catholic socialism, the conservative, the evangelical, etc." (Cf Rizal's correspondence With
Fellow reformists, pp. 561-562.) 

Although socialism was gaining popularity even in traditional Spain causing further
social and political unrest, the Filipino middle class members who went to Europe in the last
two decades of the 19th century were apparently more attracted to the manifestations of
democratic and nationalistic ideals such as the adoption of a constitution that guaranteed
natural and civil rights, movements toward popular suffrage, and setting up of parliaments as
exemplified in England, France, the Low countries, and the Scandinavian states.
 
Even more impressive of the 19th century European innovations was the militant
nationalism, which began to emerge among young nations like Germany and Italy, and among
the oppressed colonies like the Balkan states. When Rizal was in Europe he was mainly
concerned with the nationalistic spirit of the people. He closely observed internal reforms as
well as national projects, especially in Germany which became strongly unified under
Bismarck. 

The Altered Position of the Catholic Church in the 19th Century. The Catholic Church
in Europe was a most powerful influential institution. The Church has been identified with the
monarchy and aristocracy since the medieval era. In the struggle for power between the
monarchial and the republican elements; the Church upheld the status quo or retention of the
monarchy to infuse adherence to tradition.

The Church therefore was considered an adversary of the young Republican states and
the recently unified countries. The French viewed the Church as a threat to their newly
established republican state, and Bismarck of Germany considered the Church as a threat to the
new unified German Empire. The Pope opposed the unification of Italy under the liberals
because it would mean the annexation of the Papal States to the recently liberated and unified
Italian petty states. In Spain, the liberals considered the Church an enemy of reforms. In
separate moves, other countries sought to curtail the Church's influence, to break down its
political power, and to destroy its traditional control over education. This movement was called
"anti-clericalism.” 

Anti-clericalism gained strength in the 19th century not only for political reasons but
also because of the materialistic preferences of the people generated by the economic prosperity.
The facts of scientific knowledge emphasized the use of reason and experimentation to solve
problems. The Church had to contend with Darwin's theory of evolution that posed to
challenge the Biblical story of creation. Thus the foregoing developments: economic prosperity,
materialism, development of science resulting in the improvement of man' s health,
republicanism and nationalism—secularized man's thought and way of life.
 
To maintain what was left of its power and influence, the Church through the leadership
of Pope Leo XIII acceded to the demands of modern society without surrendering its dogmas.
Pope Leo XIII accepted the changes in France and Germany. He aimed at making the church the
spiritual leader in the quest for truth through Thomism and faith and through Catholic faculties
and universities. He recognized the democratic state of France which was a virtual repudiation
of the union of the Church and the State. He came to terms with Bismarck and accepted
Protestant hegemony in Germany. Five years before he ascended the Papal throne, the Italian
Parliament had curtailed Papal sovereign authority in the Vatican through a series of laws in
1871. Pope Leo XIII did not question the acts of the Italian government and neither did he do
much to resolve the controversy with the latter. This was a tacit acceptance of the government
politics in Italy.
 
In the face of all these ecclesiastical "retreats" or readjustments, Pope Leo XIII issued the
Rerum Novarum which defined the modern position of the Church on social questions. The
Rerum called upon all states to help labor and reiterated church support in the promotion of the
welfare of labor but attacked Marxism, appealed for economic and social reform, and exhorted
its followers to live within the principles of social justice. 

The church in Europe had become flexible in facing the realities and' challenges of the
19th century. Would this be possible in the Philippines? Would the friars promote the welfare of
labor, encourage the government to initiate economic and social reforms? Would they follow
the principles of social justice? 

Rizal and other Filipino leaders were exposed to the necessary intellectual background
and the conceptual framework to abstract their ideas of reforms for the Philippines. The
economic prosperity, the strengthening of the bourgeoisie, the emerging power of the
proletariat, the democratic and nationalistic thoughts of the great thinkers, and the flexibility of
the Church sent stimulating undercurrents to the Philippines which the Filipinos welcomed and
the Spaniards could no longer ignore. The Philippines was opened to world trade and a new
breed of middle class emerged. The once obedient and passive Filipino now became aggressive
in his struggle for his rights and the once lethargic and isolated Philippines activated its citizens
into revolution of change and economic adjustments.

The Philippines is Drawn Within the Orbit of World Trade. The beneficial effects of
economic liberalism in Europe and the United States had finally convinced Spain to abandon
mercantilism and reluctantly open the Philippines to world trade. Spain opened Philippine
ports to foreign trade starting with Manila in 1834, followed by Sual, Iloilo and Zamboanga in
1855, Cebu in 1860, and Legaspi and Tacloban in 1873. These ports became more accessible to
European vessels. 

The presence of foreign traders and their investments in the Philippines stimulated
commercial life and agricultural production, ushering in economic progress and material
prosperity. The introduction of agricultural machinery and increased banking facilities that
extended crop loans encouraged the opening of new farm areas. Improved methods of
cultivation and preparation of crops for the market increased the volume of our exports. The
construction of better roads, railroads and bridges, enhanced transportation and
communication; steam navigation and such facilities for speedy communication as the
telegraph, the telephone and the cable gave added impetus to economic progress. These
developments encouraged social mobility and interaction among the people thus facilitating
closer understanding and unity. These conveniences abetted the people's awareness of the
changes that would give them a better life. 

The New Breed of Native Middle Class. These 19th century economic and social
stimuli effected a marked improvement in the standard of living of a small group of Indios and
mestizos who were engaged in commercial agriculture and trade. This group became the
nucleus of a growing middle class. With their newly-acquired wealth they were able to send
their children to schools in Manila or Europe.
 
By this time, Philippine education began to share the liberal currents in Europe with the
implementation of the Educational Reform Decree of 1863 and Jesuit innovations at the Ateneo,
established soon after they returned in 1859. The decree ordered the establishment of public
primary schools and a normal school to train teachers for the primary grades. The Jesuits
opened a secondary school and a meteorological observatory subsidized by the government.
From then on, the Jesuits had been influential in disseminating general primary education,
improving methods of instruction and enriching the curricula for higher education.
 
Although these epochal developments did not bring the desired innovations to benefit
the mass of indios, there is no doubt that more natives had gone to school and the small group of
college students was influenced by the 19th century modern ideas. Soon their ranks were
strengthened by the new intellectual breed—the professionals: lawyers, physicians, engineers
and priests. 

Contacts with the social and political developments in Europe and the regular flow of
liberal thoughts to the country was inevitable after the opening of the Suez Canal. Literature on
democratic and nationalistic ideals found their way to the Philippines through traders,
travelers, scholars, and government officials from Spanish American colonies, and political
refugees from Spain. These liberal ideas included equality before the law; freedom of speech,
the press, assembly and religion; protection of inalienable rights; representation in the
lawmaking body; and sovereignty of the people.
 
Initial Response to Nineteenth Century Challenges. Even before the emergence of an
active educated middle class, which directly worked for reforms, Francisco "Balagtas" Baltazar
(1788-1862) had already voiced his disgust in the prevailing social order through his literary
pieces, particularly Florante at Laura.
 
In his numerous literary works, Balagtas subtly portrayed the "social cancer' of his time
and earned the distinction of being the first Filipino artist with a social conscience. His now
famous awit, Florante at Laura, voiced his censure of the government, his impatience with
Spanish abuses, and his love for liberty. His literary verses unmasked a corrupt government, a
society ridden with vice where justice had been defiled, virtue betrayed and truth stifled. He
envisioned the liberation of the country from the despots and its ultimate unification.
 
Inspired by the prosperous developments in Europe, Filipino members of the educated
and affluent middle class, lay as well as religious, began to work for reforms, like their
counterparts in Europe. Their spirit and drive for immediate change came in varying degrees
but altogether they agitated against racial discrimination.
 
The first united move against racial discrimination was made by the native clergy with
their demand for the right to administer parishes (the question of secularization). The problem
started as a religious question involving the right of either the regular or the secular priests to
administer parishes. The question became a racial controversy between the friars and the
Filipino secular clergy with the former claiming that they were the better qualified to administer
the parishes.
 
The first to champion the cause of the native clergy was a Spanish mestizo, Father Pedro
Pelaez, the ecclesiastical governor of the Philippines in 1862, who was influential in Madrid and
in Manila, He was respected by both Spaniards and Filipinos. His abroad idealism had
convinced him that the fight for justice was not a matter of blood and position but of sound
values and principles. A brilliant educator journalist and orator, Father Pelaez used the pulpit
and the press to expose and criticize the rampant racial discrimination against the native clergy.
He denounced the Spanish ecclesiastical authorities for denying the Filipino clergy the right to
administer Philippine parishes and for depriving them of the opportunity to hold positions in
the hierarchy. He appealed to Queen Isabela Il of Spain for clerical equality while he dispatched
articles expounding his crusade to newspapers here and in Madrid. 

As a member of the commission to study and draft reforms on education in the

Philippines, Father Pelaez submitted recommendations that were later to be embodied in the
Educational Reform Decree of 1863. Unfortunately, his fight for justice and racial equality ended
abruptly with his death at a disastrous earthquake that-rocked the Philippines in 1863. 

However, one of his brilliant students at the University of Santo Tomas, Father Jose A.
Burgos, continued Father Pelaez's unfinished mission. Father Burgos, a Spanish mestizo, openly
and eagerly worked for clerical equality and for the secularization of parishes. Being the curate
of the Manila Cathedral and synodal examiner of the clergy, he examined and certified to the
qualifications of all the applicants for vacant parochial assignments, rendering judgment on
Spaniards and Filipinos alike. 
During the heated controversy over the secularization of the parishes, consistent attacks
were levied against the late Father Pelaez, against the policies of the Archbishop Gregorio
Meliton Martinez, and against the qualifications of the Filipino clergy. These charges were
published in La Verdad, a newspaper in Madrid. The accusations ranged from the ignorance and
unreliability of the native clergy that made them unfit to administer the parishes, the injustices
committed against the Spanish friars by the Archbishop Martinez, to questions on the loyalty of
the late Father Pelaez.

When Father Burgos could no longer contain his peace he published anonymously a
manifesto addressed to the noble Spanish nation on 27 June 1864. His brilliant but pointed
arguments denied that the friars alone had been responsible for the conquest and development
of the archipelago. He believed that the friars were responsible for the backwardness of the
country and the fanaticism of the indio. He accused the friars for having opposed the teaching of
Spanish and for having kept the indio ignorant so that they could be kept in perpetual
subjugation. 

Burgos' intense nationalism was expressed in his defense of the much-maligned Filipino
clergy. He argued that despite the discriminatory attitude and policies of the friars, several
Filipinos had done well and he cited how each had succeeded. They were never given the
proper incentives. When they showed their ability, they were ignored and their achievements
belittled. 

Father Burgos defended the liberal policies of Archbishop Martinez that attempted to
give the Filipino secular priests every opportunity for better training. Since Father Burgos
believed that the superiority of man depends on the quality of his education, he appealed to the
noble people of Spain to give the Filipino clergy a chance to show their ability to equal the white
men. He accused the friars of trying to block the policies of Archbishop Martinez which
advocated the education of the native clergy. 

The unification of the Filipino clergy by the secularization question was strengthened
with the development of their sense of identity - that of being a native Filipino clergy fighting
for the right to administer the parishes in their own country.

Futile Spanish Attempts to Initiate Reforms. Sensing the prevalent social discontent,
political insecurity and the growing anti-Spanish feelings in the Islands, Governors General
Manuel Pavia (1854) and Carlos Ma. de la Torre (1869-1871) warned the Spanish government
and suggested certain reforms. Governor Rafael de Izquierdo (1871-1873), on the other hand,
blamed the higher education as the motivating factor of all these agitations. He suggested the
substitution of vocational instruction for university studies. He was convinced that the
university merely served to train priests and lawyers whom he considered the greatest threats
to the Spanish rule in the Islands. In vain, he sought to prohibit any further ordination of
Filipino priests. He suggested that all native troops be replaced by Spanish soldiers. 

Fortunately for the Philippines, the Spanish government could not agree on policies to
counteract the surging rise of nationalistic sentiments. The political instability in Spain had
caused frequent changes of Spanish officials in the Philippines which caused further confusion
and increased social as well as political discontent in the country. 

In 1868 the mutiny of the Spanish fleet in Cadiz against the monarchy mounted into a
revolution which deposed Queen Isabela II. A provisional government was set up by the
victorious liberals. The new government extended to the colonies the reforms they adopted in
Spain. Some of these reforms were the grant of universal suffrage and recognition of freedom of
conscience, the press, association and public assembly. The provisional government appointed
General Carlos Ma. de la Torre as Governor General of the Philippines.
 
As the official representative of the liberal government in Spain, De la Torre abolished
the censorship of the press, fostered free political discussions, and supported the secularization
of the parishes. His "liberal" attitude encouraged the educated Filipinos to form organizations
that discussed and campaigned for political reforms and the secularization of the parishes.
Among the most active organizers were priests and laymen such as Fathers Jose Burgos,
Mariano Gomez, and Jacinto Zamora; Augusto Mendoza, Jose Ma Basa, Antonio Ma Regidor
and Joaquin Pardo de Tavera. 

The youth were not spared from the upsurge of nationalistic fervor. Daring students at
the conservative University of Santo Tomas organized Juventud Escolar Liberal (Liberal Young
Students) led by Felipe Buencamino. Among its well-known members were Paciano Rizal,
Mariano Alejandrino, Gregorio Sancianco, Basilio Teodoro and others who would be actively
involved in the Propaganda Movement of the 1880's and 1890's. Through anonymous leaflets
scattered within the campus, the students asked for the appointment of better professors, and
the expansion of education as in Spain, and the secularization of higher education. The
demands were legitimate but the Spanish government branded them as subversive and ordered
the arrest of Buencamino and others who were not even involved. The charges were not proven
and all of those arrested were freed after nine or eleven months. 

Governor de la Torre tried to curtail the abuses of alcaldes mayores and provincial
military governors. He conducted hearings for aggrieved parties, ordered prompt investigation
of complaints, and punished the guilty. 

Realizing the urgent need for reforms, De la Torre formed a junta to study measures for
the welfare of the colony. Before he could fully implement the suggested reforms, however, the
liberal regime in Spain was deposed by the conservatives. Governor De la Torre was replaced
by Governor Izquierdo who echoed the conservatism of the Spanish government. De la Torre
exposed the issues and their exponents for Izquierdo to later identify and prosecute. Izquierdo
restored strict censorship of the press, prohibited political discussions, and put a stop to the
secularization of parishes. 

The political atmosphere was charged with grave unrest. Dissatisfaction among the
people was aggravated by some resident Spaniards who had liberal and progressive views. 

One example of unrest that erupted into violence was the Cavite Mutiny. On 20 January
1872, 40 men of the marine infantry and 22 men of the artillery attack Fort San Felipe in Cavite.
Some 150 native soldiers and workers at the arsenal later joined the mutineers. They resented
the governor's policy of curtailing some of their privileges of exemption from forced labor or
paying heavy tribute to the government. Led by Sergeant La Madrid, the mutineers futilely
waited for reinforcements from the Seventh Infantry guarding Cavite and sympathizers from
Manila. 

Early the next morning, the Governor General sent troops to Cavite. The struggle was
one-sided but in the exchange of fire the mutineers admirably showed their fighting spirit.
Without food and support, however, the mutineers had to hoist the white flag of surrender
from the fort. 

Filipino Sentiment of Nationality Aroused. This local incident was magnified by the
Spanish authorities into a "national rebellion" to justify reprisals. When the news of the Cavite
Mutiny reached Manila, the arrest of liberal intellectuals was immediately ordered. Among
those arrested were mestizos and natives who were most vocal in suggesting reforms during De
la Torre's regime. They were Fathers Gomes, Burgos, Zamora, Agustin Mendoza, Mariano
Lopez, and Feliciano Lopez. Among the civilians arrested were Dr. Joaquin Pardo de Tavera,
Antonio Ma Regidor, Jose Ma Basa, and Enrique Parayso. Seventy-one prisoners were brought
to Manila by the troops returning from Cavite. 

All the prisoners - priests, laymen, businessmen, soldiers - were thrown into a common
prison cell to await trial. They were accused of "wanting to established here a republic in
conspiracy with the republican partisans in Spain." All were given hurried trials, and summary
convictions and punishments were meted out to all groups. Thus the military court sentenced
the three priests to die by the strangulation machine called garrote. The efforts of Archbishop
Gregorio Meliton Martinez to save them proved futile. The rest of the accused were either
exiled to the Marianas or were sentenced to imprisonment and hard labor for eight to ten years. 

Fathers Burgos and Zamora' s claimed to innocence was unheeded. Eighty-four-year-old

Father Gomez, the oldest of the three priests, said nothing in his defense for he knew it would
be useless to change the minds of those who had condemned them even before the trial. He saw
no reason to employ a lawyer for he was not even allowed to confront his accuser. He met his
death calmly. Father Zamora, daze with shock quietly awaited his end. Father Burgos, young
and excited, cried out in protest; "But what crime have I committed? Shall I die in this manner?
Is there no justice on this earth?" When he calmed down and forgave his executioner, the vast
multitude that witnessed the event knelt and prayed. This spontaneous show of respect and
sympathy for the victims was interpreted by Spanish members of the crowd as a signal for
rebellion. Panic-stricken, they sought refuge in Intramuros. 

The authorities declared the Cavite affair a closed incident. They did not realize that the
oppressive mass reprisal would trigger a series of militant expressions of nationalist sentiment. 

The vindictive fiasco made no distinction of social class or status - mestizos, indios,
priests, lawyers, and workers - were all imprisoned, humiliated and sentenced as a group.
These social groups finally realized that to save their lives and fortune, they had to seek one
common objective; they needed to unite, or there would be no end to their miseries. 
Activities seemed to settle down as the reformists carried on with more discretion, setting up
headquarters wherever freer conditions permitted. Eventually a peaceful but vigorous
campaign called the Propaganda Movement was launched. 

Activity 1: Cause and Effect

A cause is any condition, person, or event that makes something happen. What happens
as a result of a cause is known as an effect. Any event generally has more than one cause and
produces more than one effect. A cause may have both immediate and long-term effects. An
immediate cause leads directly to an event.
1. Read the “Birth of Filipino National Consciousness” article again.
2. Analyze the causes and effects of the 19 century historical events in the Philippine
th

society as discussed in the abovementioned article. 

3. The statements given below are the causes, you provide the effects. Then, write your
proposition or idea on how these effects contributed to the birth of Filipino national
consciousness.
a. The opening of the Suez Canal shortened the routes for voyages from the Philippines to Spain,
and vice versa.
Effects:_____________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
Proposition:_________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
b. Spain opened the Philippine ports to foreign trade in 1834.
Effects:_____________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
Proposition:_________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
c. The well-off Filipino Middle Class attained formal education in Manila and in Europe.
Effects:_____________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
 Proposition:_________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
d. The Filipino clergy were not allowed to administer parishes and were still discriminated
despite their education.
Effects:_____________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
Proposition:_________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
e. The liberal Carlos Ma. de la Torre was replaced by conservative Rafael de Izquierdo as
Governor-General of the Philippines.
Effects:_____________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________
Proposition:_________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
f. Fathers Burgos, Gomez, and Zamora were publicly executed by a garrote on Feb. 17, 1872.
Effect:_____________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
 ___________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________
Proposition:_________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
___________________________________________________________________________
____________________________________________________________

 
Activity 1: Political Cartoon Review
 
Basically, political cartoon is a drawing that gives visual commentary on political
events.  To convey a message, the cartoonist used images and texts which the readers easily
understand to see connections in order to draw a conclusion. To examine a political cartoon, one
should: (1) identify the principal characters and the idea they represent; (2) read the text
conveying messages and actions; (3) see connections between the images or symbols; (4) and

review the message of the cartoon.

1. Describe the texts, images or symbols used in the illustrated political cartoon on the left. 
2. Review and write the message or idea the cartoon portrays.
 
 
 
The political cartoon’s message is: _______________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________________
_______________________________________________
  
References:
Agoncillo, A. (1990). History of the Filipino People, 8 edition. Quezon City: Garotech Publishing
th

Romero, M.C., Sta. Romana, J. and Santos, L. (1978). Rizal and the Development of National
Consciousness. Quezon: JMC Press, Inc.

Zaide, G. and Zaide, S. (1994). Jose Rizal: Life, Works, and Writings of a Genius, Writer, Scientist and
National Hero. Manila, Philippines: All-Nations Publishing Co., Inc.