DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN MALAYSIA

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background

Domestic violence is a focal theme in gender talk, and it gives a structure to examining male-
female connections. Inside a personal connection, like marriage, dating, or living together, it
alludes to an example of violence by one companion against the other. Family violence, domestic
violence, spousal battering, and marital violence are some of the terms that refer to exactly the
same thing. The WHO (2012) characterizes close accomplice violence as any conduct inside a
personal connection that causes physical, mental, or sexual damage to individuals included.
Domestic violence can take many structures, as indicated by this depiction, including actual
animosity like kicking, heaving things, and pushing; mental violence, rape, terrorizing, and
financial difficulty. It is a mix of physical and coercive demonstrations and practices used to
control and control an accomplice (Shuib, et al., 2013). Domestic violence is a sexual
orientation-based issue that plays hooky, shading, religion, culture, and nation borders.

Domestic violence against women has been consistently expanding in Malaysia. The instances of
female survivors of domestic violence that come to the public eye through the media show a
progressive increment (King'ori and Bitrus-Ojiambo, 2016). Malaysia Demographic and Health
Survey, 2014, shows a cognizant gendered endeavour to record personal connection misuse.
Domestic violence against women was incorporated without precedent for the Malaysia
Demographic and Health Survey (2014). As indicated by the aftereffects of the study, 39% of
ever-hitched women and 9% of men matured 15 to 49 have encountered conjugal physical or
sexual violence (Malaysia Demographic and Health Survey, 2014). Actual wounds were
accounted for by 39% and 24 percent of women and men who have at any point experienced
domestic violence (physical or sexual). An aggregate of 44% of women and 27% of men have
looked for help from an assortment of sources (Malaysia Demographic and Health Survey,
2014).

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A disturbing pattern in the media has been identified with the wonders of female prevalence and
tested manliness (King'ori and Bitrus-Ojiambo, 2016). Men's associations in Malaysia have led
energizes now and again in light of episodes of domestic violence that have brought about death
or genuine injury to casualties, including singed bodies, cut private parts, twisted faces, and
broken appendages. Men, then again, have safeguarded themselves by referring to profound
situated complaints and a constrained inclination to submit violence against their female
accomplices. Domestic violence against women is inspired by surrender and disregard, substance
and liquor abuse, and disloyalty, as indicated by them (Kubai, 2012). Other exploration has
tracked down that a few practices, for example, drinking and substance abuse, are to a greater
degree an indication or outcome of domestic violence against women than a reason. This is when
female domestic violence casualties’ resort to helpless adapting techniques including substance
and liquor abuse (Kubai, 2012).

Domestic violence against women has been clarified and found in an assortment of ways, yet the
experience stays genuine, on the ascent, and as of now not in question. Therefore, the objective
of this review is to dissect the wonder of domestic violence against women, just as to distinguish
the drivers, survivors' methods for dealing with stress, and the exceptional types of domestic
violence that men face or are in danger of anguish.

1.2 Problem statement

For quite a while, domestic violence has been in the features, with women being the people in
question and men being the culprits. Domestic violence against women has been a famous point
in women's activist investigations, and gender development has attempted to annihilate it. A few
examinations have investigated how domestic violence, for instance, encroaches on women'
privileges and independence (Andersson et al., 2007). Domestic violence against women has
subsequently been at the center of attention for quite a while, with research investigating the
nature and extent of the issue. This examination might demonstrate that men are not survivors of
domestic violence, regardless of the way that domestic violence against women is a reality.
Domestic violence has a gender measurement (Kumar, 2012). Regardless of the way that these
examinations are scant, they give new bits of knowledge into how changes in gender relations

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and force have brought about men being the casualties of domestic violence. Subsequently, they
bring new review points into the issue of domestic violence against women.

Domestic violence against women has expansive ramifications for the casualties' life and is a
genuine infringement of their basic freedoms (Kumar, 2012). Nonetheless, traditional gender
standards and partner domestic violence with violence against women might hide reality and
extent of the issue. It is generally acknowledged that the person is the assailant and the lady is the
casualty in domestic violence. Nonetheless, new information for a fact and exploration
demonstrates that men are at critical danger of being mishandled by their domestics in wedded or
living together circumstances. Subsequently, the motivation behind this review will be to fill in
the gaps, characterize the issue of domestic violence against women, and make
recommendations.

1.3 Research objectives

1. To find out the factors that contribute to domestic violence against women in
Malaysia.
2. To determine the types of domestic abuse perpetrated against Malaysian women.
3. To establish coping methods for male survivors of domestic abuse in Malaysia.

1.4 Theoretical Framework: Feminist Theory

Domestic violence has been claimed to be a feminist issue since the beginning of time (Aune and
Redfern 2013; McCue 2008) since it concerns the status of women in the home. The feminist
perspective examines themes such as gender construction, women's subordination, and unequal
power distribution, all of which contribute to violence. Domestic violence is therefore viewed
through a feminist lens as a product of patriarchal oppression.

Domestic violence is primarily a women's issue, especially in a Malaysian setting where

patriarchy, in its complexity, is still practiced frequently. It is crucial to evaluate the selected
literary texts through a feminist lens because domestic violence is mostly a women's issue.
Furthermore, the goal of this research is to track male violence against women in early

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Malaysian novels till 2015. Because a feminist criticism of domestic violence is a broad topic,
this research will concentrate on intimate partner abuse.

Furthermore, because it is related to what is commonly acknowledged or rather contested as what

is considered woman-ness as well as man-ness, feminist theory may give a foundation for
understanding and reading domestic violence. Feminism and Marxism have at least one thing in
common: women are oppressed by a hierarchical power system. Feminist interpretations lead us
to think about how women are portrayed in literature. Women who are silenced in tales are given
a voice via a feminist perspective of reading. As a result, applying feminist theory to literary
texts will allow for a better reading and understanding of women who have experienced domestic
abuse.

Feminist critique, according to Tyson (1999), "examines how literature reinforces or undermines
women's economic, political, social, and psychological oppression." As a result, employing this
theory in conjunction with many other ideas such as gender roles and patriarchal oppression
would allow for a more comprehensive reading and comprehension of the texts in connection to
domestic violence, which is a form of oppression. In addition, Tyson's thesis shows that women
are oppressed in nearly every sector. I'd want to focus on women's oppression in the social and
psychological realms for the sake of this article. Women are frequently oppressed as a result of
cultural expectations and gender norms.

'Women's lives are fractured, scattered, and episodic,' says Aptheker. They are frequently
influenced by circumstances beyond women's control' (Aptheker 1989:39). We can deduce from
her reasoning that a woman's life revolves around or is determined by her spouse. Aphtheker
further on this idea by citing simple examples such as women migrating because they are
obligated to follow their spouses. We may argue, from Aptheker's perspective, that every
woman's life has a systematic account, and that the males in her life substantially shape that
account. To emphasize my thesis, women are oppressed since they have little room to express
their preferences because they are directed by their spouses.

Because domestic violence is a gendered issue, examining gender constructs and problems via a
feminist lens is possible. Every element of their everyday existence, as Flax has argued, finds
and constructs gender relations. Scholars who study feminist theory are encouraged to look at

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narratives that bring the public closer to the reality of women's lives. Every ‘suppressed,
unarticulated, or denied inside male-dominant perspectives' is investigated and brought to light.

The word "woman-ness" is used in this thesis instead of "femininity" or "womanhood" to

emphasize that the difference between a man and a woman is socially created rather than
biological. The suffix –ness is used to explain the status of a woman since gender is socially
created, as illustrated in the later portion of this section. Using the term woman is a sex issue, but
using the word woman-ness is a culture/society issue.

Scholars debate terms like "self" and "personal" in the context of feminism, as they try to explain
how a woman builds herself within the confines of institutions like the government, patriarchal
society, and the household. The lady can be compared to Frantz Fanon's 'Other' in certain ways.
Women's differences are suppressed to some extent, and they are expected to conform to the
institutions' expectations by suppressing their own ambitions and peculiarities.

Patriarchy is practiced and promoted in many civilizations, including our own in Malaysia.
Several theories exist to explain the emergence of patriarchy. The term patriarch refers to the
family's male head. According to Chodorow, Rubin, and Firestone's theory, a woman's
reproductive capacity has the potential to lead to her exclusion and subjugation. Women's
absence from public life, on the other hand, does not always imply that they have authority in the
home.

Another reason many countries still practice female subjugation might be Sigmund Freud's idea
of penis envy. Traditionalists' explanations and views are extended by Freud's theories. Many
individuals, especially traditionalists, are influenced by Freud's idea that the male form is the true
picture of a person, whereas the female figure is a distorted representation of a human since it
lacks a full physical structure. Many people may be subconsciously fueled by this idea, which
might explain the urge to exercise masculine dominance. It should be emphasized, however, that
many prominent female personalities, such as Karen Horney, have questioned beliefs regarding
penis envy and the perception of women as the lesser species. Horney believes that gender
prejudice and cultural factors are sufficient to explain jealousy without the need to insist on the
absence of Phallus (Horney 1967). Horney recognizes that girls do envy, but it is male privilege
that they lust after. In Sexual Politics, Millett points out that a child's initial impression is of the

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mother's breasts, with the exception that the father has none. Her remark contradicts Sigmund
Freud's notion of penis envy.

Gender roles play a major influence in abusive behaviors because the notion of male entitlement
pushes males to be powerful and aggressive. Because the primary goal of this article is to track
domestic violence, it is critical to explain the many types of abuses. The following sections are
organized into three categories to assist you comprehend the different forms of abuse perpetrated
by batterers. Physical abuse, mental abuse, and sexual abuse are the three forms of abuse. The
three forms of abuse mentioned below will be utilized in the analysis chapter, which will
evaluate the self-narratives chosen according to these abuses.

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 CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.2 Domestic violence against women

Understanding domestic violence against women is presumably the initial phase in exploring it.
It alludes to violence submitted by close accomplices or other relatives, and it much of the time
happens in domestic settings like marriage or dwelling together (Shuib, et al., 2013). The word is
diverse and incorporates an assortment of sorts of violence, including sexual, physical, and
enthusiastic attacks. It might occur in each marriage or living together circumstance, paying little
mind to the culprit's or alternately casualty's religion, race, monetary level, sexual direction, or
instructive position. Domestic violence against women is characterized as violence executed
against women by their private accomplices in the home, marriage, or living together.

Domestic violence has a gender part, which is a distinctive element or measurement of the issue.
Domestic violence is the most well-known indication of male-female force elements. Domestic
violence depends on power awkward nature among people, as indicated by contemplates (Ilika et
al., 2002). Subsequently, it is broadly acknowledged that domestic violence is an example of
conduct or a craving to hold force and authority over a personal connection. Subsequently, all
kinds of people are engaged with domestic violence, either as victimizers of force or as survivors
of force (Dienya and Gbeneol, 2009).

The subject of domestic violence against women starts with a conversation of the gender factor in
domestic violence. Is it workable for men to be survivors of domestic violence? Customary
gender standards and insights that men are the culprits of violence against women might clarify
the intricacy. Domestic violence against women is habitually featured as a block to women'
independence and strengthening in different gender talks resolving issues influencing women.
Domestic violence is compared with violence against women in women's activist thoughts,
which depict women as casualties and men as wrongdoers. The gender measurement of the issue,
then again, proposes that men might be casualties. The possibility that men can be survivors of
domestic violence is upheld by considers. Domestic violence against women is on the ascent, as
indicated by considers, and the circumstance has arrived at disturbing extents (Shuib, et al.,

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2013). In African examinations, instances of domestic violence against women have been
recorded in Malawi, Nigeria, Malaysia, Zambia, and Mozambique (Andersson et al., 2007).

The issue isn't very much perceived and has not gotten the consideration it needs due to socially
and socially settled gender generalizations that fill in as obstructions (Ilikaet al., 2002).
Assumptions for manliness make obstacles to divulgence and revealing. Quietness, dread, and
embarrassment related with misuse, as indicated by Adebayo (2014), repress detailing.
Subsequently, it's been proposed that the occurrences of domestic violence against women that
have been recorded and reported just make up a little piece of the aggregate. Subsequent to
demonstrating that domestic violence against women is in excess of a fiction, it's an ideal
opportunity to assess the writing on the causes.

2.3 Drivers of domestic violence against women

Domestic violence against women is brought about by an assortment of components. All things
being equal, domestic violence against women is the consequence of an assortment of factors
happening in different mixes and at different rates. A few factors have an immediate connection
to domestic violence against women, though others have a backhanded connection. Domestic
violence against women has been identified with a background marked by violence by men, just
as openness to domestic violence and an absence of training (WHO, 2017). Similar standards
have been identified with domestic violence against women in investigations, but some of them
have started disagreement. Domestic violence against women is affected by the culprit's very
own attributes, the casualty's very own qualities, and the overlaying convoluted social
connections, as per contemplates (Cook, 2009). Domestic violence against women is represented
by these variables.
2.3.1 Personal attributes of the perpetrator and the victim

Male accomplices might act viciously against close female accomplices for an assortment of
reasons, including individual qualities that might be deteriorated by different elements. Past
openness to violence and a background marked by misuse, just as behavioral conditions and
mental illnesses, might be among the individual qualities in thought. These are inclining factors

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since they improve the probability of domestic violence against women. People with marginal
behavioral condition (BPD) are bound to be culprits of domestic violence, as per Dutton and
Golant (1995), and 75 percent of analyzed patients are women. On a similar point, women
culprits of domestic violence against women have a past filled with misuse and openness to
domestic violence. The hypothesis is that women who have been survivors of violence in the past
are more disposed to do such to their close accomplices in marriage or living together
connections. As per a 1995 examination by Dutton and Golant, 75% of individuals with bipolar
sickness, most of whom are women, had been truly or physically attacked previously. Domestic
violence against women has additionally been connected to hyper melancholy and bipolar
sickness, a lack of ability to concentrate consistently scatter (ADD), and harmful narcissistic
exhibitionism in women. Low serotonin levels are often associated with forceful conduct (Corry
et al., 2002). Culprits are depicted in the media as peevish and undermining because of their
characters (King'ori and Bitrus-Ojiambo, 2016).

Male intoxication has been associated with domestic violence against women, as per Coker et al.
(2002). Men partner female intoxication with remaining out late, which prompts doubts of
infidelity and envy. This outcomes in violence and dissension, just as sensations of
disappointment and disappointment (Ilika et al., 2002). Disloyalty or doubt of treachery, just as
envy, are extra free factors that add to domestic violence against women, as indicated by Dienye
and Gbeneol (2008). Other examination, then again, have tracked down that male enjoying liquor
and substance abuse is a side effect of basic issues and might be an aftereffect of domestic
violence against women as opposed to a reason or hazard factor (Ilikaet al., 2002).

2.3.2 Social drivers

Changes in the social and social settings in which gender connections happen essentially affect
gender jobs inversions, just as the connected results of manliness and womanliness. In male
centric nations, the flood of women's empowerment has placed the male in the family in danger.
Gender fairness and mainstreaming have made females equivalent accomplices, and men at this
point don't exploit women's disempowerment as they once did. Women have ascended to
positions once viewed as saved for men, and are currently occupied with regions like assembling,

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horticulture, and administration. Men's obligations as providers and family heads are as of now
not outright and supported, since women presently play out these jobs also. Manliness has been
addressed, and escape clauses for violence have been uncovered (Canham, 2009). This idea
depends on the acknowledgment that men's rising feeling of powerlessness makes a weakness to
violence. Men who have their manliness tested may feel useless and surrender to liquor and
substance habit, which might prompt hostility from their domestic. Moreover, the socio-social
setting in what men live keeps men from perceiving, sharpening, detailing, and reacting to
domestic violence against women. This oversight is at fault for the duration of domestic violence
against women. Men are generally accepted to be the culprits of domestic violence as opposed to
the people in question. This is the initial move towards jumbling the way that men are survivors
of domestic violence. Men can't unveil episodes of domestic violence executed against them
because of conventional gender standards and manly assumptions. Female casualties of domestic
violence are less inclined to unveil to experts inspired by a paranoid fear of being trashed,
disregarding social standards, and confronting local area punishments, as per Ilika et al. (2002).
Adebayo has reached comparable resolutions (2014).

2.4 Forms of domestic violence against women

Domestic violence might take many structures, and men are especially defenceless against
various them. Actual violence (striking, gnawing, flinging things, pushing, and slapping),
passionate violence, sexual violence, terrorizing, and ruling, just as financial and mental
violence, are generally models. Men are bound to be exposed to actual violence or assault,
however they are likewise bound to be exposed to mental, passionate, and sexual violence, as per
considers (Rennison, 2003). In Malaysia, there have been reports of domestic violence against
women, including kicking, throwing things, and consuming body parts. Be that as it may, media
portrayals of men as remorseless have characterized men as brutal, as per King'ori and Bitrus-
Ojiambo (2016), and the execution of violence against women may be a gender generalization.
Domestic violence against women, nonetheless, is an issue that should be tended to. Coker et al.
(2002) found that 22% of women had experienced physical, mental, or sexual violence from their
close connections in their review.

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2.5 Coping Mechanisms
People foster different techniques to endure or manage an apparent issue when gone up against
with an outer stressor. There are different burdens that impact personal connections in home
settings. Survivors of domestic violence have sensations of dishonour, low confidence,
despondency, and injury. Domestic violence causes hazardous wounds just as different mental
and actual problems (Campbell, 2002). Casualties of domestic violence might utilize positive as
well as bad adapting techniques to adapt to a portion of the effects of the violence (Itimiet al.,
2014). As indicated by considers, most of female domestic violence casualties/survivors take an
interest in a wide assortment of mental effects, negative, foolish, and risky adapting
methodologies. Substance and liquor abuse, mental issues, and self destruction because of
culpability and embarrassment are among them (Heiseet al., 1999). Separation and abandonment,
disavowal or retaining of sex, and refusal of suppers arranged by the lady are a portion of the
other adapting techniques utilized by female casualties or overcomers of domestic violence
(Shuib, et al., 2013). These discoveries propose that a portion of the evident inspirations and
reasons for domestic violence against women may basically be methods for dealing with stress in
camouflage.

Domestic violence against women is regularly misconstrued and neglected, attributable to the
way that domestic violence is normally misjudged as violence against women. The lack of
writing and separated examinations on domestic violence against women show that the theme
still can't seem to be entirely investigated and expounded on. Domestic violence against women,
then again, is a significant issue that society should address, as indicated by the writing.

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 CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This portion of the methodology gives a blueprint or methodological design and strategy for
describing the phenomena of domestic violence against women in Malaysia. The sampling
process, as well as study population, and unit of analysis, are included in this section. It also
provides information on data gathering methods, data processing, and data analysis. This section
also discusses the ethical problems that the study took into account.

3.2 Study design

The research will look at the problem of domestic abuse against women in Malaysia from a
cross-sectional perspective. Cross-sectional research looks on a phenomenon at a certain moment
in time (Bernard, 2011). It took a qualitative approach to data collecting and analysis, employing
qualitative methods of data collection and analysis.

3.3 Study population and unit of analysis

Women in Malaysian married or in cohabitation partnerships will make up the study's

population. The individual woman will be the unit of analysis.

3.4 Sample population and sampling procedure

women who have been or are in married or cohabitation partnerships will make up the sample
group. For semi-structured interviews, the study will aim for a sample size of 30 women. A
convenient sampling approach will be utilized, and participation will be contingent on satisfying
the inclusion criteria during recruiting. First and foremost, the respondents will have to be at least
18 years old at the time of the survey. Second, prior to or during the research, the respondents are
married or in a cohabitation relationship. Third, the respondents should be Malaysian citizens.
Local administration officials, particularly male perpetrators and female victims, as well as
Gender and Protection Officers in the Government Ministry of Gender, will be the three main
informants for the study.

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3.5 Data collection methods

3.5.1 Semi-structured interviews

In this study, semi-structured interviews will be utilized as the primary approach. Respondents'
experiences, knowledge, opinions, and attitudes about domestic violence against women, as well
as coping methods, will be gathered through semi-structured interviews. To focus on crucial
topics such as types of violence, drivers, and survival pathways, a semi-structured interview
guide will be employed.
3.5.2 Key informant interviews

The data from the semi-structured interviews will be supplemented by key informant interviews.
Interviews will be conducted with informed individuals, including female victims and
perpetrators. Gender and Protection Officers at the Government Ministry of Gender who deal
with domestic abuse cases will also be addressed in the research. The interviews will reveal the
prevalence, causes, and coping methods of the condition. It was decided to employ a key
informant guide.

3.6 Data processing and analysis

Techniques for qualitative data processing and analysis will be employed. The information from
the voice recordings will be literally transcribed. Before being transferred to the Atlas qualitative
data analysis program, the transcripts will be double-checked for completeness and correctness.
The researcher will create a codebook based on the interview guides and transcripts, outlining
emergent codes or themes from the interviews. The program will be used to import the codes.
This will make it easier to code the transcripts. The data will be analyzed thematically, with
themes associated with specific study goals. To illustrate the topic regions in this final version,
direct quotes will be taken from the coded transcripts.

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