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Social psychology and everyday life

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Contents

Acknowledgements......................................................................................................................................................... vi
About the authors .........................................................................................................................................................vii

1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life .............................................................................1

2 A history of social psychology .....................................................................................................................21

3 Contemporary social psychology and the focus on everyday life ........................................................51

4 Making sense of everyday knowledge ....................................................................................................... 77

5 Indigenous psychologies and the social psychology of everyday life ................................................ 113

6 Social psychology and place .......................................................................................................................149

7 Immigration, acculturation and settlement ...........................................................................................181

8 Understanding health and illness .............................................................................................................217

9 Social justice in everyday life .................................................................................................................... 253

10 Pro-social behaviour and critical humanism ........................................................................................ 287

11 Media and daily practice............................................................................................................................ 321

12 Towards social psychologies of everyday life......................................................................................... 357

References ............................................................................................................................................................... 373

Author Index ................................................................................................................................................................413
Subject Index..........................................................................................................................................................419

v
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1 Introduction to the social

psychology of everyday life

Core questions to consider while reading this chapter

■ What would it mean for you to get on the bus and become a social psychologist?
■ What is action research?
■ Why is social transformation important to social psychologists?
■ What contributions have social psychologists made to society?
■ What does ‘praxis’ mean, and how does is relate to ‘reflexivity’?
■ What do we mean by ‘social transformation’?

1
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2 Social psychology and everyday life

Chapter scenario: Getting on the bus by James Ritchie, March 2008

It is 1960 and the South of the United States is seething with the consequences of racial desegregation.
Following the stand by Rosa Parks in Alabama to refuse to sit in the segregated back of a rural bus, challenges
were arising wherever racial discrimination was practised. The rhetoric of Martin Luther King and Malcolm X
was shaking the South and school desegregation was not far ahead. The challenges in the courts were out on
the streets and change was inevitable and hard.
I was at Harvard at the time. Why Harvard? Why not! I was beginning a career in social and cultural psych-
ology. Harvard was loaded with repute and with names, and I wanted to meet the real people whose books
I had read. Social psychology was on its great modern wave. Gordon Allport was there. His The Nature of
Prejudice had joined Theodor Adorno’s Authoritarian Personality, Kurt Lewin’s Resolving Social Conflicts and
many others, had shaken the bounded limits of orthodox psychology and captured the excitement of the
times. Notably, these were voices calling for a psychology that spoke to the issues of the day, calling for political,
social and indeed personal commitment.
How could psychologists possibly ignore this? Well, many, even at Harvard, did, but not so Allport’s students.
They issued the challenge and for several weeks ran training seminars in nonviolent action and organized buses
to drive down over weekends to Selma and other places in the Deep South, where they staged sit-ins in segre-
gated bars. They knew that they would be confronted by angry citizens, moved on by the police, subjected to
hostility and terror, but they went. The risk of getting your head bashed in was real.
This was the psychology of action that Kurt Lewin had called for in his book twelve years before. The alter-
native campus excitements of dropping acid with Timothy Leary at Palfrey House or of teaching rats to press
bars or pigeons to peck with Skinner at Memorial Hall could not compete with a psychology of the real. Even
the clinicians were entering the arena of social understandings because the real client, beyond the individual,
was society, and mental health could never be achieved unless social change supported personal change. Social
issues moved to the centre of the discipline, where they remain.

We begin with this firsthand account because it raises a number of

issues central to this book and the approach to social psychology that
we adopt. It highlights how social psychology has been around for
some time as an applied area of the human sciences that attempts to
meet the needs of people in society. James Ritchie describes a situ-
ation in which a group of psychologists are responding to events in
the world, and acting in an overtly political manner to help shape the
direction of a society. Ritchie was present when psychology rediscov-
ered its conscience.
The scenario also highlights how exciting the world can be. Social
psychology can also be exciting, particularly when we involve our-
selves in events in the world. Social psychologists have a long his-
tory of getting involved in social issues. Through this scenario we can
see how social psychology and those contributing to its development
can be influenced by, and influence, circumstance. Events in our
lives and our experiences permeate our work. Examples of such links
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Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 3

are explored in Chapter 2, such as Kurt Lewin fleeing persecution

in Nazi Germany and subsequently advocating the need for psycho-
logical work to resolve social conflicts (Farr, 1991). For the authors of
this book, this is reflected in Linda’s and Neil’s work on indigenous
land rights; Chris’s work with immigrant groups; Cate’s responses to
the needs of young people who self-harm; and Darrin’s and Ottilie’s
efforts to improve the lives of homeless people.

Review exercise

Put yourselves now in the place of those students in 1960 featured in the chapter scenario.
■ Would you be on the bus or off the bus?
■ How would you decide?

Chapter overview

This chapter provides an introduction to the orientation of this book, the importance of research that
addresses everyday realities, and the subsequent chapters. The first section briefly introduces our stance
regarding the socially and culturally located nature of social psychology and how this informs the book.
The second section explores the importance of an action research and social transformation orientation to
the social psychology of everyday life. The final section provides an overview of the book. In summary, this
chapter emphasizes:
■ The social and cultural embeddedness of social psychology and this book
■ The centrality of action research and social transformation in social psychology
■ The contributions of each chapter to a psychology of everyday life

A socially and culturally embedded

orientation to social psychology
This book encourages readers to think of social psychology as a his-
torically and culturally embedded, relevant and socially responsive
discipline. We would like you to consider getting on the bus and
engaging in the broader project of social justice that is central to the
discipline.
Social psychology is maturing. The discipline is increasingly
reaching beyond notions of psychology as science and deeper into
the social sciences and humanities. Many social psychologists find
themselves working unashamedly as value-oriented and engaged
individuals pursuing socially just outcomes through research and
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4 Social psychology and everyday life

practice. James Ritchie certainly got on the bus and contributed four
decades of work that improved the lives of many Maori, the indigen-
ous people of New Zealand (Ritchie, 1992). Similarly, Gordon Allport
(1968, 1985) extended his work on prejudice as a result of his experi-
ences, to develop a social psychology that was relevant to bettering
people’s lives. Such work requires an acknowledgement of the social
influences on human life, both academic and private. No approach
to social psychology is value-free, and all approaches reflect aspects
of the social, historical and political climate in which they are devel-
oped (Tajfel, 1981). This is why multiple perspectives are valuable.
Social psychology is replete with references to the importance of
situations and contexts for understanding human thought, actions
and relationships (Montero, 2007; Parker, 2005). Discussions of sem-
inal experimental studies into obedience to authority (Milgram,
1965), which you were probably introduced to in introductory psych-
ology courses, often invoke the events of Nazi Germany. These stud-
ies attempted to explain why, given specific circumstances, citizens
might participate in the systematic extermination of their neigh-
bours. Such studies, which respond to historical events in society,
are crucial for the development of a social psychology that is relevant
and can contribute to promoting peaceful relations. Needless to say,
it was impossible for researchers actually to conduct such a study on
local populations, so a series of experimental simulations were appro-
priate. Yet the reduction of complex social processes to simulations
comes at a cost, and it has not gone without criticism. As noted in
Chapter 2, in the late 1960s and early 1970s the dominance of experi-
mental methods and reduced engagements with actual events as they
occurred in society led to some disciplinary soul searching. Many
social psychologists began to reflect openly on the orientation and
limitations of the discipline (Gergen, 1973; Parker, 1989). Questions
included, What can we know? How do we collect information? What
should we do with the knowledge generated through research?
In this book we apply insights both from a social psychology
modelled on the physical sciences and from social psychologies that
draw more from the social sciences and humanities. This constitutes
an attempt to acknowledge the limitations of the discipline while
informing our trips on the bus and our efforts to winding roads of
research and practice.
All social psychologists need to consider the context of their own
interests and work (Montero, 2007; Parker, 2005). However, it seems
that many social psychologists are somewhat reticent about their
investments in, and motivations for, research. Many scholars feel
unable to be open about the ways in which their own backgrounds
and experiences influence the focus and direction of their work.
This is because such disclosures might be seen as a kind of bias that
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Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 5

undermines the ‘objectivity’ of the work. Other psychologists are less

concerned about accusations of bias. As the Liberation Psychologist
Martín-Baró (1994) notes:
There is an assumption that taking a stand represents an abdication of scientific objectivity, but this as-
sumption confuses bias with objectivity. The fact that something is biased does not necessarily mean it is
subjective; bias can be the consequence of interests, more or less conscious, but it can also be the result of
ethical choice. (p. 29)
Many social psychologists still take their direction from physical
scientists and seek objectivity, or detachment from the subject matter
being studied, in an attempt to remove bias from the research process.
This is reflected in the widespread use of experimental methods in
psychology. What is useful in this orientation is the emphasis on care-
ful planning and the systematic conduct of research. Science-inspired
work is part of the picture that is social psychology and provides useful
insights into the human condition. However, we need to supplement
such work and do more. For some time now social psychologists have
embraced the relationship between their personal histories, research
interests and efforts to work with people to ensure that social psych-
ology remains relevant to the complexities of social life.
In this book we do not assume that forgoing claims to objectivity
and science will necessarily result in biased and subjective research.
The pragmatic stance adopted in this book, and which is advocated
by figures such as Martín-Baró, is informed by a return to the early
work of William James, Gustave Le Bon, and scholars in the late
eighteenth century (Billig, 2008; Farr, 1991, 1996). This work has
been extended over the years by figures such as James Dewey, Marie
Jahoda and Gordon Allport. As we will show in Chapter 2, these
social psychologists engaged directly with people and communities
in their attempts to make the world a better place, and it is from such
work that we take our lead in this book.
Central to this book is the idea that social psychology has much
to offer in developing an understanding of everyday life and the chal-
lenges of living in increasingly diverse societies. We seek rapproche-
ment in the interests of a deeper understanding of social psychology
in everyday settings. When discussing nothing less than the nature of
people as social beings we must expect controversy. Some sectors of
the discipline have been accused of being so focused on the technical-
ities of experimental control that they are no longer engaged with the
issues of our times. They might respond, as noted above, with accusa-
tions of bias and political involvement. It is not our intention to overly
simplify the complex philosophical debates regarding the nature of
reality and knowledge produced in research (Chapter 4), which lie
at the heart of the so-called crisis in social psychology (Chapter 2)
(Gergen, 1973; Lubek & Apfelbaum, 2000; Parker, 1989). Our aim is
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6 Social psychology and everyday life

to be pragmatic and to explore insights from a range of traditions and

sources and how these can help us understand and improve social life,
particularly for the economically and socially marginalized citizens in
our midst. The decades of work by social psychologists committed to
working with particular social problems in context is our focus, rather
than the robust defence of whatever approach is preferred during any
given historical period. A complex world deserves and demands com-
plex understandings and solutions. No one approach or orientation
to social psychology holds the key to all of these. Consider yourselves
invited to participate in a critical conversation about a discipline that
has contributed much and has even more to offer the world of under-
standing and meaning in our lives.
We will explore what social psychology can tell us about the inter-
actions and social situations people experience as they develop, estab-
lish social relations and participate in social life. Of course, human
relations are forged somewhere, and thus we also need to explore
wider historical, institutional, cultural and sociopolitical contexts
shaping everyday life (Highmore, 2000a, 2000b; Montero, 2007;
Parker, 2005). We cover the core topics educational institutions have
come to expect in a social psychology textbook. These include the
self and identity, socialization, group dynamics, social cognition and
public understanding, conflict resolution, interpersonal influences,
media and resilience. These concepts can shed light (or at least cast
an eerie glow) on human experience and action. Our engagements
with these topics are informed by multiple perspectives, including
experimental studies and more critical and qualitative work. What
makes the book different is that we have integrated notions of cul-
ture, indigeneity and other dimensions of difference throughout the
chapters, rather than treating these simply as isolated topics. This is
because these notions are central to many people’s lived experiences.
We also consider the potential of a social psychological approach for
addressing problems such as intergroup conflict and discrimination
and which seeks to improve the lives of people. This reflects the eth-
ical and political commitment that we share with other social psy-
chologists to contribute towards building more equitable, inclusive,
just and psychologically healthy societies.

Practicalities in combining theory,

research and action
Everyday life is a complex, frequently rewarding and often problem-
atic place. It contains conflict, dislocation and contradiction, as well
as support, love and belonging. Consequently, the research process
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Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 7

through which social psychologists attempt to understand, docu-

ment and improve the world is also complex and at times problematic.
Psychology has a long history of informing our engagements with the
world, and the peoples who inhabit it, through research. Research
and broader engagements have enabled us to make significant contri-
butions to the world (Apfelbaum, 2000; Zimbardo, 2004). These have
not always been as positive for the groups we were working with as
many of us might have hoped. However, psychologists have worked
to improve group decision-making processes, challenge discrimin-
ation and promote health. In providing a synthesis of insights from
these diverse efforts, this book emphasizes the relationship between
theory, research and action. It is important to note that not all studies
have all three of these components. Some research is purely inquisi-
tive in nature and not linked to immediate courses of action. As a
discipline, social psychology exhibits all three elements through a
range of quantitative and qualitative research methods, the findings
of which have been applied in a range of settings. In this section,
we briefly draw on literature that covers praxis, action research and
social transformation to outline the practicalities of doing theoretic-
ally informed research that contributes to society.
We propose that an ideal within social psychology is the use
of research both to address social issues and to generate broader
theoretical understandings of pertinent socioeconomic processes
shaping such issues. Th is approach is often referred to as ‘action
research’ (Lewin, 1946/1948) and involves a cyclical process of
theorizing, planning, conducting, gaining feedback on, imple-
menting, evaluating and revising a research project in dialogue
with a range of stakeholders from the beginning to the end of a
project (Figure 1.1).

Theorizing

Engaging
In
Dialogue Planning

Figure 1.1. The action research Revising

process
Action
Research
Conducting

Evaluating

Feedback Implementing
 PROOF
8 Social psychology and everyday life

Figure 1.1 reflects a process of doing research with rather than on

people (Jovchelovitch, 2007), which is expanded in Chapter 4. Here
stakeholders do not simply implement the results. They participate
in the direction and planning of the project and the production of
practical applications. Evaluation strategies enhance our ability to
assess and steer the project through dialogue with end-user pro-
ject partners who have a say in the direction of the research and its
implementation. This action research orientation provides for adapt-
ability and enables us to ensure the relevance of research findings to
organizations that are also evolving to meet the needs of the people
concerned. This orientation allows social psychologists to enact
commitments to self-determination (Chapter 5), community part-
nerships (Chapter 6), social inclusion (Chapter 7) and social justice
(Chapter 9). It allows us to transcend artificial and often unhelpful
barriers between those who conduct studies and those who are stud-
ied (Chapters 4 and 10).
For us, social transformation spans large-scale change in the very
societal structures that shape our lives, involving governments and
economics and more micro-level processes in the home and work-
place. Social transformation is associated with events such as the
dismantling of oppressive systems like Apartheid in South Africa or
the communist system in Eastern Europe. It is also about ensuring
equity, safety and fairness in everyday life settings such as schools,
workplaces and homes. Clearly, as we will show in Chapter 3, these
levels of social transformation are interwoven.
Central to social transformation is an action orientation in research
that draws on notions of praxis and reflexivity regardless of whether
one is employing experimental or ethnographic methods. After all,
social psychology is about developing understandings of and improv-
ing social life (see Chapters 2 and 3). To be effective, we need to be
aware of how and why we go about producing such work in specific
ways and what other options might be available to us (Box 1.1).
One central concern for many social psychologists is the trans-
formation of oppressive social realities (Martín-Baró, 1994). The
impetus for research and action is often derived from the everyday
life problems confronting people. Theoretical concerns are not the
only motivations for many social psychologists. This often means that
methodological choices are pragmatic and eclectic, combining what
have become conventional techniques (e.g. surveys, experiments)
and re-emerging techniques (testimony, performance). For example,
Sapene-Chapellín (2009) used a research design that Montero (2006)
referred to as participatory experimental intervention to challenge
destructive reactions that people often develop in the context of pol-
itical polarization. Sapene-Chapellín was concerned with political
polarization employed by an authoritarian political regime that uses
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Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 9

BOX 1.1 Useful and interconnected concepts

In the nineteenth century, the philosopher Karl Marx stated, “philosophers have only interpreted the world
in various ways; the point is to change it”. The integration of theory and research in concrete actions to
promote social transformation is often referred to as praxis. Praxis is a synthesis of theory and practice so
that each has a function in informing the other. Paulo Freire (1970/1993) proposed that theory, research and
action should be mutually informing. In this context, reflexivity is about self-awareness in terms of how one’s
theory, research and actions are affecting others. Reflexivity is about making one’s assumptions and motives
and the implications of interventions transparent to those involved. Reflexivity is central to a cyclical pro-
cess of developing a theory, engaging with events or what is at stake in everyday life, refining the theory and
engaging in new applications. Reflexivity requires dialogue with stakeholders and feedback. The concept is
used to invoke the multidirectional relationship between theorizing, conducting research, reporting find-
ings, gaining feedback and modifying one’s theoretical assumptions. It allows psychologists to monitor the
impact of the application of theory and the conduct of research, and to modify our theories and research
strategies in accordance with the lessons learned in practice. This is where action research comes in as a
mode of social transformation. Students getting on the bus in the scenario at the beginning of this chap-
ter were engaged in social transformation. Along with their academic mentors, they went on to engage in
action research as a means of putting the theories they developed out of their experiences into practice
(praxis) and revising these. Action research works best where there is a long-term commitment to a rela-
tionship between psychologists and the groups being assisted. It is about engaging in a process of dialogue
that can benefit both the investigators and other partners in the research. Action research is an attempt
to restore the relationship between researchers and researched, and to avoid extractive data-gathering that
furthers researchers’ careers and interests but does little for those who were the subject of the research.
Because of this inclusive orientation it can take years to build up the necessary trust and relationships for
such research.

strategies geared towards social division, creating two poles of polit-

ical opposition – those who support the government and the oppos-
ition. This researcher was particularly interested in addressing the
emotional reactions among children (e.g. fear, aggression, anxiety)
that resulted from political polarization. Such emotions tend to con-
centrate attention in one direction, which reduces people’s appreci-
ation of social complexities at play. One of the interventions involved
designing a quasi-experimental situation that reflected political
polarization, typically in a classroom situation. This was combined
with a reflection–action–reflection process that allowed participants
to reflect on their experiences and life situation. This type of design
is not aimed at controlling what participants do; instead, it is aimed
at creating conditions in which the process of problematization that
is central to consciousness-raising is enabled. Thus, experimental
designs can be part of our repertoire for engaging in transformative
processes, as in this case quasi-experimental methods were used
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10 Social psychology and everyday life

alongside qualitative techniques to address the effects of particular

repressive social realities.
Given the orientation of much social psychology to social tran-
sition, it is not surprising that this book emphasizes everyday life.
It is crucial that psychologists attend to the daily practices of, and
realities experienced by, those we are working with if we want to fos-
ter social transformation. Such transformation is unlikely to occur
from the top down. We need two-way communication, and action
research facilitates a dialogue (see Chapters 4 and 5). This is why
social psychologists increasingly do research with rather than on
people (Jovchelovitch, 2007).
Paulo Freire (1970/1993) noted that daily practices are sites for the
reproduction of social injustices, and therefore need to be considered
in developing collective responses to injustice. He engaged in a pro-
cess of consciousness-raising and dialogue with oppressed groups as
a basis for building trust and a commitment to working collabora-
tively towards social transformation through collective action and
ongoing reflection. His work on critical consciousness-raising and
community-based action research approaches to social transform-
ation focused on fostering the intelligence, autonomy, creativity, free-
dom and choices available to illiterate peasants living under repressive
regimes in South America. Freire developed an approach that shifted
power relations in education from a sermon-type approach to a con-
versational approach involving the mutual exploration of topics. This
egalitarian orientation conceives insights and knowledge as being
the products of joint introspection and exploration fostered through
dialogue between researchers and participants. This reflects a belief
in people’s insights into their own experiences, and in their ability to
grow and act autonomously. Rather than research always being an
abstract process driven by experts, simple strategies such as drawing
exercises can be used to open dialogue about social psychological
phenomena and possible solutions. The key concern is to find ways to
allow people to speak about their issues more holistically and appro-
priately. Such dialogue is seen by psychologists as a basis for building
awareness, reflection and dialogue with those in positions of power
who can facilitate the provision of resources for change that will
benefit less powerful people (Carlson, Engebretson & Chamberlain,
2006; Montenegro, 2002; Montero, 2007). Freire emphasized that
social change requires a combination of insights from actual experi-
ences and daily life along with more abstract academic understand-
ings of the social processes shaping such lives. This work has a long
tradition in humanistic psychology (see Chapter 10), where the arts
are used as a medium for encouraging dialogue, reflection and con-
flict resolution (Estrella & Forinash, 2007).
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Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 11

In brief, the orientation towards social psychology foregrounded

in this book emphasizes the collective level in relation to issues of
social cohesion, inclusion, support and action. Our approach is based
on the proposition that all human beings and communities have dig-
nity and the right to equitable chances in life. Psychologists can work
in a dignified manner to ensure that the dignity of others is respected
and that barriers to people living a dignified existence are removed.

Overview of the book

This book is written primarily for undergraduate students new to
social psychology who are attending universities in developed nations
such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Singapore, Australia,
South Africa and New Zealand. In providing a text on social psych-
ology and everyday life for students from these contexts we have
assumed certain things. First, students have access to spaces such as
shopping malls, schools and pubs and the virtual spaces offered by
media technologies. Second, students are familiar with events that
occur in such settings of daily life. Third, students want to engage in
a social psychology that is relevant to the world in which they live.
Correspondingly, the book is structured somewhat differently
than many social psychology textbooks. Rather than list topics on
social cognition, crowds and interpersonal relations we have focused
on descriptions of situations from everyday life that can be built upon
in a manner that demonstrates the applicability of research findings
and interventions from social psychology.
The general structure of each chapter comprises a scenario of an
everyday situation, which is unpacked through the chapter by draw-
ing on insights from social psychology. In unpacking the scenario we
consider:

■ Why such situations occur

■ Why it is important to study them
■ What we know about such situations
■ What it is like for the people involved and what the implications are for their lives
■ The strengths and weaknesses of the groups involved
■ What can be done to address problems and build upon opportunities

We have chosen this approach in order to bring social psychology

to life. We also acknowledge that each reader brings a personal inter-
pretive frame to the enterprise of understanding social life that is
based on his or her unique experiences. In our experience as lectur-
ers, the extent to which this frame accords with the insights from
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12 Social psychology and everyday life

research and practice in social psychology will determine the engage-

ment with the material. So we invite you to join a conversation about
what is going on in the world. We invite you to bring your experi-
ences to the scenarios we develop and to explore them systematically
through the lenses offered by social psychology.
Before reviewing the content of each chapter, we offer a general
scenario regarding the plight of an Aboriginal family in Australia.
This scenario is presented in order to show how many, but not all,
such families can face a raft of issues and experiences, and with these
a range of both positive and negative social psychological phenom-
ena. This scenario also provides a way for us to demonstrate the
interrelated nature of the topics social psychologists investigate and
to offer a sneak preview of the way the content of this book and the
ideas behind it are interlinked.

Everyday reality for an Aboriginal family in Australia

Colin and Maria have four children and live in the far north of Western Australia. They run an extremely
successful cultural tourism company. For more than a decade they have offered camping tours through the
traditional country of their ancestors. They have a longstanding partnership with an Australian university and
have conducted cultural immersion camps with more than 1,000 American study-abroad students. They also
conduct spirituality tours and have a regular gig taking geologists into the wilderness in far northern Australia
to study the beautiful and unique mountain ranges of the region. Colin and Maria’s children are all successful
in their own right. Colleen works in the local diamond mine as a manager of travel services, Ronald also works
at the mine as a process manager, Beck works for a film company and Mark works with Colin and Maria as a
travel guide.
Recently, Colin and Maria moved back to Colin’s family’s traditional lands, where they own a large block just
outside the port town of Wyndham with several buildings and a workshop for the maintenance and repair of
the company vehicles. Maria is the co-chair of an Aboriginal trust organization that manages the distribution
of funds provided under a royalty agreement with the local diamond mine.
Colin was born in Oombulgurri. Oombulgurri is a small remote Aboriginal community about one hour by
boat, twenty minutes by light aircraft, or fourteen hours (and two flat tyres and perhaps a broken axle) by four-
wheel drive from Wyndham. Colin was born in Oombulgurri because his mother was stolen from her family
by the child welfare authorities early last century and taken to the Forrest River Mission (which was renamed
Oombulgurri) when she was just a child. She was one of thousands of children removed from their families and
placed in missions as part of the Australian government policy of forced removal of indigenous children from
their families that began in the 1920s and continued through to the late 1960s. Most of these children never
saw their families again and were subjected to harsh, often inhumane, lives of servitude in pursuit of ‘civilizing’
them into white society. Colin’s mother was one of the very few lucky ones to be reunited in late life with her
mother. In the mission the benevolent dictatorship of the Church controlled almost every aspect of commu-
nity life. The forced removal and placement of children in Oombulgurri brought together hugely disparate
groups of desert and saltwater people and systematically eradicated their connection to family, culture and
country. Resistance was futile. On the escarpment overlooking the community of Oombulgurri is a shrine, a
simple cross made from fencing iron. The cross is embedded in the ground with dirt containing the remains of
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Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 13

the forty or so men, women and children who were killed and whose bodies were burned in the Forrest River
Massacre. The massacre occurred as retaliation for the killing of a white man by an Aboriginal man who was by
all accounts simply defending his family from abuse.
There was not much to do in Oombulgurri. There still isn’t. Most men of working age today are forced to
participate in the Community Development Employment Program (CDEP) or ‘work for the dole’. This scheme
was introduced by the Australian government as part of its obligation towards Indigenous Australians. Four of
Colin’s brothers still live in Oombulgurri, where they have become respected community leaders. Many com-
munity members regularly fly the short trip to Wyndham to shop, drink or meet family members and friends.
In Oombulgurri, as in many remote communities, there is very little adequate housing, power supplies
are irregular and the standards of health care for residents are far below those enjoyed by non-indigenous
Australians. Although there is a school, engagement of young children in schooling is poor, and basic services
are virtually nonexistent. Over the years, there has been a palpable rise in the sense of hopelessness and despair
that characterizes the lives of people stolen from their loved ones and raised in remote areas often shunned
and ignored by government and society. Widespread binge drinking became endemic. Violence also became
commonplace, particularly intimate partner violence. Accusations of child sexual abuse were rife. By 2007 the
community was in crisis. In the previous eighteen months, six young people had taken their own lives in a
community of fewer than 200 people. The community elders were at their wits’ end. They were expected to
support their community while they and the community were in a cycle of unrelenting grief and loss.
Colin and Maria are highly respected members of their community. But they are regularly stopped by the
police on their way to town. Colin’s brothers have been arrested several times and held in custody for offences
for which the brothers vehemently proclaim their innocence. On every occasion to date they have been
released without conviction after several weeks in custody, only to be re-arrested some time later and have the
pattern repeated. They believe their only crime is their determination to be strong leaders who challenge the
dominance of white structures and authority.
In the state capital of Perth a series of stories about Oombulgurri have appeared over several months.
Invariably, the stories focus on the negative aspects of the community, often accompanied by photographs.
When confronted about the unrelenting negativity about the community, despite the efforts of many deter-
mined and compassionate people, one journalist replied cynically, “That’s not the story we are telling at the
moment.” One man in the community was heard to say, “When I walk down the street not only am I seen as
a blackfella, now I’m also seen as a blackfella who is abusing his kids!”

This scenario is a true story recounting the experiences of real

people whom one of the authors has worked with for several years on
a youth suicide prevention programme. The scenario represents the
kinds of situations and circumstances that ought to be grist for the
mill of social psychology. Although social psychologists have a his-
tory of researching and responding to such situations (see Chapters
2 and 3), our solutions and reflections often seem, paradoxically,
both too simplistic and too complex (see Chapter 5). Our attempts
to reduce human behaviour to cause-and-effect relations have led to
the nagging belief that it is all too hard. And yet it ought not to be so.
This scenario provides an authentic setting within which we can see
 PROOF
14 Social psychology and everyday life

the relationship between complex social psychological phenomena

as it is played out in everyday life.
Collectivist streams in social psychology have responded to the
issues of poverty and discrimination faced by the family in this scen-
ario. Chapter 2 reconsiders some of this early work. It provides an
extended account of the importance of historical events and socio-
political contexts for the development of social psychology and
for understanding the issues faced by such families. The chapter
begins with an introduction to social psychology, the topics social
psychologists are interested in and some of the tensions in psych-
ology. Particular attention is given to crucial historical points of
development of the discipline and to the links between classic and
contemporary subject matter. We discuss theoretical, political and
conceptual issues regarding the cultural location of social psychology
and the re-emergence of overtly historically and culturally embed-
ded social psychologies. We consider how this more contextually and
politically oriented tradition fell out of favour following the Second
World War, to be replaced by a more individual-focused approach
that is modelled on the physical sciences and has taken centre stage
in some countries. As a result, although psychologists have worked
to assist people in situations such as the one outlined in the scenario
above, social psychologists have in recent decades often responded
in a manner that has not been as effective as it could have been. This
book resurrects the importance early social psychologists gave to
historical events and sociopolitical contexts for the development of
social psychology. In sum, Chapter 2 provides a contextualized his-
tory of social psychology that substantiates the relevance of engaging
with the complexities of social psychological issues and societal
problems as these occur within historical and cultural contexts. We
can, and must, seek to learn from the variety of voices in our pursuit
of understanding.
Chapter 3 outlines a contemporary orientation for the social
psychology of everyday life. Of core concern is what social psych-
ology has to offer in developing an understanding of the challenges of
living in increasingly complex and diverse societies. The issues faced
by the family in our scenario are played out within specific social
psychological contexts. To be responsive to the needs of such people
and to develop informed ways of understanding the issues and how
to help, social psychology needs to be oriented towards everyday
life. This chapter explores social psychology today as a vibrant and
interdisciplinary field. It draws on research conducted from a social
cognitive perspective into everyday experiences, attitudes, influences
and relationships. Attention is paid to what we mean by everyday
life and how people such as Colin and Maria develop a sense of self
though daily practices. An orientation towards the self as a socially,
 PROOF
Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 15

historically and culturally embedded being is also introduced. In

line with the broader orientation of the book, the importance of the
material world and places, as well as cognitions and thoughts, in
understanding social psychological phenomena is introduced.
Whether collectivist or more individually oriented, social psy-
chologists assume certain things such as common understandings of
the world between us and the people with whom we work. Chapter 4
extends this notion to discuss in depth the ways in which we come
to know the world and understand the plight of people such as Colin
and Maria. When human beings make sense of the world around
them and behave, they do not do so in a social vacuum. Others have
already rendered the world meaningful, and we must grapple with
the societal narratives and power relations already in play, many of
which may contain stereotypes and prejudices, as well as empathy
and understanding. Thus, when we think about knowledge produc-
tion it is important to note that we are born into a world that is already
rendered meaningful by others. Shared understandings, norms and
ways of doing things are negotiated within social groups and primary
settings for socialization, such as the family. Colin and Maria and
their family make sense of themselves as part of the shared mean-
ings in society that are sociopolitical, cultural narratives constructed
purposely towards some end. They come to be whom they believe
themselves to be (and, importantly, whom others believe them to
be) in a complex and dynamic interplay. Chapter 4 considers how
knowledge is constructed in everyday settings and how this relates
to the research and practice undertaken by social psychologists. We
explore different perspectives on specific situations such as those
experienced by Colin, Maria, their family and their community and
how this can lead to intergroup tensions. This chapter includes a dis-
cussion of key issues and literature across the social sciences, as well
as specifically from social psychology, such as the nature of know-
ledge and the social construction of knowledge and beliefs.
Extending the discussion of Western social psychology from
Chapters 2 and 3, Chapter 5 provides an account of indigenous social
psychologies. These psychologies offer broad and distinct orienta-
tions to the social world and our places in it, and for conceptualizing
social relations. They legitimate the voices of people such as Colin and
Maria. Chapter 5 explores what indigenous psychologies can contrib-
ute to developing more pluralistic, flexible and relevant understand-
ings of people in social settings. After all, what it means to be a person
in societies that are increasingly diverse can be different for different
people in different circumstances. Different cultures have different
perspectives on the nature of individuals and groups and the extent to
which people and environments influence us. In fact, the very notion
of a separation of individuals and environments is a particularly
 PROOF
16 Social psychology and everyday life

Western one. This is exemplified by the people of Oombulgurri. To

make sense of the situation the family find themselves in and how we
might respond, we need to understand processes of colonization. The
associated forced removal of people from their traditional lands and
culture has been the cause of pain and deep feelings of alienation and
loss that many non-indigenous people simply cannot fully grasp. The
case of mental health assessment will be used to illustrate the import-
ance of cultural competence as a precursor to insight into, and under-
standing of, people from different cultural backgrounds. This chapter
illustrates how there is not just one legitimate approach to social
psychology or understanding for the people involved in our scenario.
It includes an account of the interconnected self, which explores what
it means to be a person in societies that are increasingly diverse. We
also address processes of socialization, acculturation and encultur-
ation through which we come to understand ourselves and others in
the context of everyday life.
A sense of place in a home, club or social networking site is cen-
tral to social relations and our sense of belonging. When people talk
about themselves they often tell us where they are from. The family
in our scenario often refer to Oombulgurri in this context. When
we meet new people we also often make judgements about them on
the basis of where they are from or live. Oombulgurri is associated
with stigma, which taints the people who come from and live there.
Chapter 6 explores how the cultivation of place-based identities
can increase social participation and have positive benefits for the
health of communities. Central to the chapter are the social psycho-
logical processes through which places are imputed with meanings
or textured through use. We consider also how a sense of belong-
ing somewhere can be ruptured and what consequences this can
have for communities. As is illustrated in the scenario, our access
to places is determined by our socioeconomic and in-group or out-
group status, and by whether we conform to particular social codes.
Consequently, place has a particular importance for many indigen-
ous people. Attention is given to how social psychologists can work
to support opportunities for repairing social relations in such places
as a means of supporting the health of people who live there.
Explorations of indigenous psychologies and place bring us dir-
ectly to consideration of people who have experienced dislocation,
fracture, displacement and change in their lives. Throughout human
history groups of people (such as the family in our scenario) have been
displaced, losing a sense of belonging, and have often had to adapt to
the social settings and norms of other groups. Chapter 7 explores
the issue of human displacement and what happens to groups of
people when they are uprooted and displaced. What can we learn
from the experiences of refugees and immigrant groups that can help
 PROOF
Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 17

us assist people on the move? What can issues around land rights
and tenure among indigenous people whose connection to place is
ruptured tell us about contemporary social and health disparities?
We document research and theoretical notions central to under-
standing acculturation experiences and the different ways in which
immigrants and refugees respond to dislocation and relocation. The
chapter uses scenarios to extend acculturation models in two ways.
First, it highlights the political nature of intergroup relations and the
need to understand the multiple social and cultural resources that
people draw on to remake their lives in new places. This includes a
discussion of the importance of history and collective memory in the
reconstruction of community and social identities. Second, emphasis
is given to a more interconnected conceptualization of intergroup
relations that will bring in to focus the responses of receiving com-
munities. That is, how do receiving communities respond? What are
the social, cultural and political processes of privilege protection that
the receiving communities develop? Chapter 7 emphasizes the need
for a dynamic and political reading of the processes of immigration
and settlement.
Chapter 8 picks up the issue of disruption in everyday life with
a focus on the social influences on health and illness. This chapter
provides an account of the ways social psychological processes can
either enhance and preserve our health or contribute to the inci-
dence of illness. We draw on the work of social psychologists who
propose that health is both physical and relational. The chapter
includes a criticism of common rhetoric promoted by some social
psychologists that endorses the idea that health and illness are the
products of personal lifestyle choices. Associated health promotion
initiatives propose a moral obligation to make the ‘right’ decisions
to ensure one’s well-being. This neglects that fact that many people,
such as the family in the scenario, do not have control over many
factors in their environments that contribute to illness. Their health
is shaped by social structures and inequalities, as well as by personal
choices and actions. In the scenario, Nicky, a young mother, attempts
to make healthy choices for her family in the supermarket but faces
a number of challenges and situations that make it less realistic for
her to meet the expectations of wellness campaigns. The chapter
explores notions of personal responsibility for health in relation to
lifestyle choices, encompassing the roles of social influences, theories
of conformity and normative practices, and the impact of social and
economic policies on these choices. On the basis of the scenario, the
options available to Nicky are discussed, such as the availability of
safe options for physical exercise.
Issues raised in Chapters 1 to 8 bring us to what, in many ways, is
the passionate and compassionate heart of the book. The experiences
 PROOF
18 Social psychology and everyday life

of Colin and Maria and their friends are quintessentially issues of

justice, or more precisely injustice. Chapter 9 continues the focus
on intergroup relations and explores social justice and inclusion in
the context of differential power relations and efforts at influence
and persuasion. Perspectives of justice have permeated our social
world, yet for most people justice is poorly understood at the coal-
face of everyday life. Whereas philosophical ideas of justice address
the standards of justice that ought to pertain, the social psychology
of justice explores everyday experiences of, and reactions to, justice
and, more pertinently, injustice. The chapter provides a framework
or lens to understand more fully inclusion (exclusion), power and the
creation of discourses in the media (in all its forms) that marginalize,
disenfranchise and oppress. Chapter 9 begins with an exploration
of the complex and contestable nature of justice. The search for a
comprehensive definition of social justice will conclude with the fol-
lowing anonymous observation that ‘justice is like a greased pig; it
squeals loudly but is hard to catch’ – which is probably as good a def-
inition as any currently available. The chapter reviews the theoretical
threads in the literature: distributive justice, procedural justice, the
scope of justice and retributive justice. What is presented is a par-
ticular lens on social justice through which to explore not only the
experiences of marginalized groups but also the everyday experience
of people in society. The scenario guiding the chapter raises possi-
bilities for encounters with many groups and provides an opportun-
ity to deconstruct taken-for-granted and stereotypical views from a
justice perspective.
The individuals and families in the Oombulgurri scenario may
seem to be facing some fairly dire circumstances. The tragedy is that
this scenario is based on the experiences of real people facing injust-
ice. What is particularly remarkable about human beings is that
many people facing such difficulties do more than just survive: they
also continue to love, support and grow. As we emphasized earlier in
this chapter, social psychology does not focus simply on problems or
the negative side of life. It is also important to explore positive proc-
esses through which social life can enhance our lives. However, it is
in Chapter 10 that we focus directly on strengths and humanistic
dimensions of social psychology such as altruism, social support and
agency. Despite the hardships they face, the family from Oombulgurri
is still altruistic towards other members of the community. Brought
to the fore in this chapter is the idea that human beings are social
beings who need each other. Mostly, our behaviour towards others
is pro-social and conditioned by the norms and expectations of our
social contexts. Pro-social behaviour – being polite and considerate
of others, helping others out, doing favours – has its returns. We get
something out of it, and so do others. This chapter begins with a
 PROOF
Chapter 1 Introduction to the social psychology of everyday life 19

consideration of positive-focused traditions in social psychology and

how these can be combined, repoliticized and extended into a critical
humanism. Chapter 10 covers the literature on social exchange and
reciprocity, social support, solidarity and collective agency, with par-
ticular attention to what we get from doing these things. Emphasis
will be placed on the importance of critical humanism for under-
standing community resilience.
Chapters 1 through 10 focus primarily on face-to-face interactions
as these occur in everyday daily life. It is, however, important to note
that aspects of our identities, relationships and understandings of
events and situations in our lives are also constructed with resources
obtained at a physical distance via various media technologies. Many
people spend considerable time reading the newspaper, listening to
the radio, checking their email and posting material on social net-
working sights. They might learn about the events in Oombulgurri
from news reports and might even respond by writing a blog. Chapter
11 explores the centrality of media to everyday life and social psych-
ology. We ask whether we can have a relevant social psychology today
that does not engage with media processes. Most Australian do not
know Colin, Maria or the people of Oombulgurri yet feel they have
come to know them through the various media constructions and
representations of Aboriginal people. The chapter explores classic
concerns and current knowledge regarding what media do to people,
what people do with media, and the general and increasing role of
media devices in daily life. The chapter also explores ways in which
psychologists have produced various forms of media content to sup-
port educational initiatives and have worked to facilitate access to
a ‘voice’ in the media for socially marginalized groups. An import-
ant consideration is how media provide spaces within which human
interaction can occur and people can dwell, often for considerable
periods of time. These representational spaces overlap in everyday
life with offline spaces, such as the bedroom. The interweaving of
online and offline places raises a range of issues regarding time and
place that are of central concern to many social psychologists.
In the final chapter of the book, we provide a review of content
from across the chapters. However, we do not try to tidy up the field
too much or give the impression that somehow the social psychology
of everyday life comprises a coherent whole. Chapter 12 elaborates
the ‘social psychology of everyday life’ by providing a synthesis of the
scenarios offered in the previous chapters. We restate the import-
ance of reconfiguring social psychology in a way that is engaged with
people and events occurring in the world around us. Social psych-
ology is therefore located once again at the heart of everyday under-
standings of the social, cultural and political world in a way that
makes it accessible and relevant for students. The chapter explores
 PROOF
20 Social psychology and everyday life

what we can do, what we have to offer society and what we do not
know, which leaves the field open for students to develop their own
research agendas. We finish the book by emphasizing that more work
needs to be done to address social psychological issues in everyday
life. In this way, the book ends by offering you, the reader, a seat on
the bus, and a say in where we are headed to the future (Box 1.2).

BOX 1.2 Key themes from the book

1. One key thread is the complex and interconnected nature of self, which manifests inside heads/
bodies and human relations and in places and objects. This gets us beyond the limiting and dated
notion of an enclosed independent individual who reasons and behaves in predictable ways. It also
allows us to present a socially, politically and economically situated vision of people.
2. The importance of history and culture in shaping and orienting social psychology is also threaded
throughout the book. This thread allows us to include many social cognitive and humanist ideas
as useful insights for the times in which these were formulated (and within the historical and
cultural restraints).
3. Another key thread is the importance placed on taking research insights into action. Each
chapter presents practical suggestions on how social psychologists can get involved and improve
the human condition.

Review exercise

What are some of the ways in which psychologists get involved in social events? (We are not asking about
parties.) In answering this question you might do a web search using the term ‘giving psychology away’.
 PROOF

Author Index

Adair, J., 129 Bigler, R., 92 Cartwright, D., 36

Adams, J.S., 267–70 Billig, M., 5, 22–4, 35, 37–8, 44, 49, Castelli, L., 92–3
Adger, N., 227 56, 64, 76, 79, 81, 83–4, 90, 92, 97, Castles, S., 184–5, 196
Ajzen, I., 229 101, 103–4, 143, 158, 168, 199 Cattell, V., 238
Ali, L., 208 Blader, S., 256, 276–7 Chakkarath, P., 130
Allport, G., 2, 4, 24, 28, 42, 52, 54–5, Blau, P., 68, 262–3 Chamberlain, K., 168, 206, 223, 237,
59, 89, 165 Block, J., 94 282, 323, 327–8, 331, 333, 343,
Allwood, C., 126, 130, 132–5, 140 Bloemraad, I., 66 346–7, 349, 351, 353
Altman, I., 155 Bloustien, G., 351 Chandola, T., 224
Altman, J., 255 Bochner, S., 187 Charleston, S., 156, 160
Amster, R., 150, Bohart, A.C., 304 Chen, M.K., 271
Anastasi, A., 137 Bolam, B., 237 Cherry, F., 45, 47, 144
Anderson, B., 331, 336, 338, 342, 348 Bolger, N., 224 Chiu, C-Y., 266
Apfelbaum, E., 7, 26, 41, 53–4, 107 Bonanno, G.A., 310, 313 Cholewa, S., 241
Armstrong, D., 176–7 Borgida, E., 347 Chomsky, N., 84
Aro, A., 243 Bornstein, R., 63 Chory, R., 266
Aron, A., 41, 72 Bourdieu, P., 73, 214 Christopher, J.C., 67–8, 72, 98,
Arrindell, W., 63 Bowman, J., 54 106–7, 120, 290, 305
Asch, S., 41–4, 144 Breckler, S.J., 258 Chung-Fang, Y., 144
Augoustinos, M., 90, 94 Brehm, S., 258 Cicchetti, D., 311
Australian Community Health Brewer, M., 84, 88, 165 Clausen, J., 25
Association, 247 Briñol, P., 92 Clay, R., 300
Aveling, E., 204 Brock, A., 32 Cohen, D., 171
Ayllón, T., 34 Brosnan, S., 256, 269, 271 Cohen, R., 226, 258, 265
Brown, B.B., 157 Cohen, S., 225
Bambra, C., 244 Brown, R., 138 Cole, M., 130
Bandura, A., 84, 147, 230, 281, 337–8 Bruner, J.S., 35, 83–4 Colic-Peisker, V., 198–203
Barclay, L., 266 Buckingham, D., 342 Collier, G., 27, 30–1, 36, 39
Bartholow, B., 342 Bugental, J., 298 Comstock, G., 323, 331
Bartlett, F.C., 31–4, 84, 86–7, 103, Bulhan, H.A., 209–10 Comte, A., 24, 290
106, 147 Bunton, R., 235 Condiotte, M., 230
Batson, C., 48, 290–2 Burkitt, I., 59, 66 Connell, A., 30
Baum, W.M., 33 Burton, M., 40 Conner, M., 228
Baumeister, R., 65, 258 Bushman, B., 338 Conner, S., 72
Bazarova, N., 96 Byrne, D., 63 Contarello, A., 345
Beaglehole, R., 121, 244 Cooley, C.H., 24–5, 65, 69, 71, 143,
Beavis, C., 346 Callan, M., 262, 271 158, 292, 347
Becker, D., 302, 305, 307 Caltabiano, M., 73 Cornish, F., 235
Belk, R., 71 Campbell, C., 223, 244, 246 Cottle, S., 332–3
Berger, P.L., 82 Campbell, E., 188 Cottrell, L.S., 314–15
Berry, J.W., 25, 125, 127, 129, 133, Candland, D., 67 Couldry, N., 343, 345
193, 194, 195, 196 Cantril, H., 334 Cravens, J., 297
Bessenoff, G., 342 Caplan, G., 310 Crawford, R., 242
Bhabha, H., 183 Carlson, E., 10, 307 Crawshaw, E., 189, 193
Bhatia, S., 204, 209–11, 215 Carr, S., 248, 258, 271 Crosby, F., 66, 263
Bierhoff, H., 256, 258, 269, 271 Carroll, D., 235–6, 239 Crossley, M., 223, 242

413
 PROOF
414 Author Index

Csikszentmihalyi, M., 58, 66 Finkel, E., 56, 62–3 Hajdu, D., 334
Cuba, L., 145, 156 Fischoff, S., 342–3, 353 Hampton, K., 347–8
Cullen, A., 80, 99, 102 Fisher, A.T., 197, 213 Hanselmann, C., 115
Curran, J., 327–8, 354 Fisher, J.D., 297 Harper, D.J., 95, 99
Cvetkovich, G., 260 Fiske, S., 86, 89 Harris, B., 22, 31
Flick, U., 55, 98–100, 103–4, 128 Harris, R.J., 270
Dalbert, C., 266 Flores-Osario, J.M., 40 Hart, T.J., 306
Danzinger, K., 42, 139 Flournoy, R., 245 Hartig, T., 157
Darley, J., 47 Folger, R., 258, 263, 270 Hatfield, E., 66, 267, 269
Davey-Smith, G., 242 Fondacaro, M., 266 Heider, F., 56, 64, 84, 93–4, 261–5
David, D., 227 Foster, D., 210 Heider, J., 92
de Certeau, M., 153, 158 Frank, A., 74 Helman, C., 219–20
De Cremer, D., 277 Frankenberg, R., 212 Hepburn, A., 258–9
Dean, B., 136 Freire, P., 9–10, 41, 210, 302, 307–8 Hermans, H.J.M., 65–6, 68, 71,
Deaux, K., 186, 197, 201 Freud, S., 291 143–5, 158, 206, 208–9, 215
Denham, S., 68 Friedman, H., 304 Hernández, B., 156
Descartes, R., 99 Frosh, P., 330–1 Hewstone, M., 258, 263
Deutsch, M., 270 Fry, G., 233–4 Highmore, B., 6, 53
DeWind, J., 282 Fryer, D., 28, 30 Hochbaum, G.M., 230
Diener, E., 303 Fuller, A., 72, 158, 310, 313 Hodgetts, D., 70–2, 74, 91, 151, 163,
DiMatteo, M.R., 241 Furby, L., 269–70 169, 219, 223, 238, 241–2, 307–8,
Diprose, R., 73 Furnham, A.F., 99, 187 326, 330–4, 353–4
Dixon, J., 71, 90, 104, 154, 162, Hoff man, L., 69
165–8, 261, 266, 283, 285 Gallagher, K., 246 Hofrichter, R., 235, 245
Dolnicar, S., 295 Gamliel, E., 270 Holdstock, L.T., 204, 206
Doyle, K., 327, 328 García-Montes, J., 164, 346, 352 Holmes, T.H., 224
Drew, N., 276, 285 Garvey, D., 138–9 Hook, D., 211
Du Gay, P., 240 Geertz, C., 198, 205 Houser, M., 61–3
Dudgeon, P., 118 Geismar, H., 72 Howarth, C., 141
Dueck, A., 119, 122, 131, 133, 139 Gerbner, G., 339–41 Hughes, L., 117, 225
Durie, M., 127, 220 Gergen, K.J., 4–5, 40, 42–4, 72, 98, Hurdley, R., 159
Durrheim, K., 90, 166 125, 204 Hussain, Z., 69
Giddens, A., 294 Hyyppa, M., 227, 246
Eacott, C., 157 Giles, D., 323, 326, 337, 345
Easterling, D., 223 Godreau, I.P., 213 Ingham, R., 232
Eastwick, P., 62 Goff man, E., 67, 141 International Labour Organization,
Elms, A., 43 Gone, J., 138 117
Eng, E., 244 Gonzalez, C., 273, 277 Iscoe, I., 314–15
Engel, G.L., 223 Gooptu, N., 247
Enriquez, V., 119, 127–8 Gordon, D., 228 Jacobson, N., 309
Erikson, E., 189 Gorman, M., 38 Jahoda, M., 5, 28, 30, 171, 226–7,
Espiritu, Y.L., 203, 206–7, 210, 215 Gottlieb, B., 227 288, 314
Essed, P., 213 Gough, B., 90 James, W., 5, 24, 31–2, 58, 65–6, 68,
Esses, V., 282 Graves, T., 193 70–1, 143–4, 158, 288
Estacio, E.V., 91 Green, M.J., 139, 212–13 Jamieson, D., 64
Estrella, K., 10, 308 Greenberg, J., 263, 277, 286 Janz, N.K., 231
Ettner, S., 239 Greenfield, P.M., 209 Jenkins, H., 349
Grosfoguel, R., 204, 209 Jiménez-Domínguez, B., 41
Faircloth, C., 60, 74 Gross, H., 176 Jodelet, D., 56
Farkas, A.J., 270 Groth-Marnat, G., 137 Johnson, D.B., 122
Farquhar, J., 241 Grusec, J., 125 Johnson, M., 29
Farr, R.M., 3, 5, 23–4, 36, 39, 42, 98 Guareschi, P., 246 Joinson, A.N., 342
Feagin, J., 135 Gunnestad, A., 313 Jones, C., 65
Festinger, L., 151, 261–3 Jones, E., 94, 262, 264–5
Fijac, B.M., 211 Hage, G., 201, 212 Jones, R., 129, 137
 PROOF
Author Index 415

Jost, J., 88 Livingstone, S., 169, 323, 344–6, Mishler, E., 107
Jovchelovitch, S., 8, 10, 56, 67, 72, 348–9, 351 Mitchell, D., 151
79, 83, 98–101, 106, 107, 135, Lloyd-Bostock, S., 266 Mkhize, N., 131
283 Lubek, I., 5, 23, 26–7, 30, 38, 39, 44, Moane, G., 120, 209
Judd, C.M., 97 54 Moghaddam, F.M., 23–4, 134, 309
Lykes, M.B., 250 Monroe, K.R., 289, 293
Kaholokula, J.K., 122–3 Lyndon, C., 127 Montada, L., 266
Kakefuda, I., 243 Lyons, A.C., 74, 222, 224, 227 Montenegro, M., 10
Katz, E., 339, 344, 353 Montero, M., 4, 6, 8, 10, 24, 41, 44,
Katz, J., 346 Mallett, S., 160 204, 308
Kawachi, I., 226 Mama, A., 210 Moreton-Robinson, A., 118
Kazarian, S., 223 Mandler, G., 31, 32, 34 Moriarty, T., 46
Kearins, J., 137 Mankowski, E.S., 107 Morrison, B., 279
Keel, M., 195 Manning, R., 45–7 Morry, M., 62
Kelley, H., 66, 262, 264–5 Mansouri, T., 194 Moschetti, G., 270
Kelly, M., 243 Manuel, G., 117 Moscovici, S., 55, 99–101, 134–5
Kenrick, D., 258 Manzo, L.C., 160, 174 Moyo, D., 297
Kidd, S., 312 Markovizky, G., 187, 191–2 Muldoon, O., 68
Kim, U., 128, 130, 134, 140, 147 Markovsky, B., 260 Muller, M., 276
Kimhi, S., 316 Marks, D., 222–3, 234, 244 Mulveen, R., 242
King, R., 197 Martin, G., 34 Murray, M., 223, 235, 244
Kiran-Esen, B., 229 Martin, K.B.M., 118, 136 Musolf, G., 24, 66, 70–1, 158
Kleinman, A., 219–20 Martín-Baró, I., 5, 8, 41, 204, 250,
Korpela, K., 157 308 Nagata, D., 280, 282
Kouvonen, A., 277 Martinez, M.A., 116–17 Navarro, V., 223
Kroeber, A., 205 Maslow, A., 58, 300–1, 304 Naverette, C., 207
Kuppers, P., 175 Mastain, L., 289–91, 293–4 Nelson, G., 259
Kurzban, R., 62 Mattis, J.S., 289, 291–5, 316 Ng, S., 266
Kutner, L., 329, 336 Maxim Institute, 260 Nickerson, R., 85
McCabe, G., 139 Noble, G., 159, 213
La Fromboise, T., 195 McElwee, R.O., 96 Norris, F.H., 314
Lakey, B., 226 McKnight, J., 258, 265 Nowell, B.L., 172–4
Lane, R., 274 McMichael, C., 195 Nsamenang, A.B., 126, 204
Langer, E., 85 McMillan, B., 229
Langlois, J., 63 McMillan, S., 345 Oberg, K., 184, 187
Lareau, A., 201 McPherson, K., 118 O’Donnell, C., 155
Latane, B., 45–6, 290 McQuail, D., 324–5, 327 O’Donovan, A., 225
Laurier, E., 233 Mead, G.H. 25, 29, 71, 143, 158, 288 O’Dwyer, L., 172, 175
Lazarsfeld, P., 28, 30, 334, 339 Media Psychology Division 45, 342 Ogden, J., 228
Lazarus, R.S., 224–5 Meier, B., 236, 244 Okazaki, S., 209
Le Bon, G., 5, 27, 45 Melchior, M., 239 Okimoto, T., 256, 273, 277
Leach, C., 90, 194, 248, 292 Mellers, B., 270 Opotow, S., 255, 278–82
Lees, L., 151 Messick, D., 258 O’Sullivan, S., 345
Lenhart, A., 349 Messner, S., 341 Oxenham, D., 139
Lepore, S., 225 Mezulis, A.H., 96
Lerner, M.J., 95, 258 Miedemam, J., 278 Padilla, A., 137–8
Leventhal, G., 274 Mielewczyk, F., 229, 232–5 Paradies, Y., 200
Lewin, K., 2–3, 7, 23, 31, 36, 37, 56, Mikula, G., 266 Paranjpe, A.C., 24
125, 288 Mikulas, W., 24, 140, 158 Pargament, K., 266
Lewis, R.C., 211 Mikulincer, M., 296 Parker, I., 4–6, 42, 44, 108, 204
Lidz, C., 138 Milgram, S., 4, 36, 44 Payne, B.K., 97
Lind, E., 255, 271–5, 277 Miller, D.T., 95–6 Peng, K., 141
Lindsey, M., 137–8 Miller, J., 94–5 Pe-Pua, R., 127–8
Linley, A., 58, 302, 305 Miller, R., 62, 65 Perloff, R.M., 64, 79, 92
Liu, J., 144 Minkler, M., 243–4 Peters, S., 263, 271
 PROOF
416 Author Index

Peterson, C., 303 Rubin, M., 292 Tajfel, H., 4, 35, 42, 44, 54, 78,
Piaget, J., 103, 189 Rudmin, F.W., 125, 197 84, 134, 145, 184, 198–200,
Pietikäinen, S., 331 Rusbult, C., 72 292, 331
Pike, K., 129, 316 Rydell, R., 92 Tanner, K., 131
Poelmans, S., 238–9 Tappan, M.B., 209
Polkinghorne, D., 82, 260 Sampson, E., 257–8, 260, 283 Tarde, G., 334, 347
Pooley, A., 314 Sapica Rodríguez, S., 185 Terry-Mcelrath, Y., 343
Pooley, J.A., 314 Schaalma, H., 243 Thibaud, J.P., 164
Post, S.G., 289–90, 292, 296 Schneider, F., 258 Thibaut, J., 66, 262–4, 271–2
Potter, J., 108 Schneider, K., 34, 58, 64, 298–9, Thomsen, S.R., 343
Pratkanis, A., 43 301, 339 Throgmorton, J.A., 105, 285
Prebble, J., 119 Schwartz, L., 329 Timms, C., 224
Pressman, S., 225 Scrambler, G., 245 Törnblom, K., 256, 261, 263, 273
Pretty, G.H., 156–7 Segall, M.H., 184, 193 Toulmin, S., 44
Prilleltensky, I., 240, 248, 259, Seligman, M.E.P., 303–4 Trew, K., 68
300–1, 304, 306, 316 Shapiro, S.B., 304 Tuffi n, K., 82, 259, 266, 285
Prince, L., 309–10 Sheils, D., 124 Turner, J., 88
Prochaska, J., 231–2 Sherif, C., 38 Twigger-Ross, C., 156–7
Proshansky, H., 172 Sherif, M., 38, 44 Tyler, T., 256, 258, 271, 272,
Purkhardt, C.S., 101 Sheringham, M., 59 273–4
Putland, C., 172–3, 176, 245 Sherwood, J., 139
Putnam, R.D., 347 Shortland, E., 131 Unger, M., 311
Shweder, R.A., 206, 209
Quijano, A., 204, 206 Signorielli, N., 339, 343 Valsiner, J., 126, 130–1, 141, 198,
Silverstone, R., 61, 322, 326, 328, 205–06, 209
Radley, A., 73, 220, 238, 331 332–3, 345, 348, 350–1, 354 van Dijk, T., 90
Ramirez, M., 277 Simmel, G., 45, 75 van Meijl, T., 209
Raphael, D., 222 Sinha, D., 125, 129, 204 van Zomeren, M., 248, 292
Rappaport, J., 107–9, 223 Skinner, B., 33 Vangelisti, A., 65
Rawls, J., 256, 272 Skitka, L., 266, 277–8, 284 Vaughan, G., 258–9
Rechavi, T., 159 Skodova, Z., 225 Veno, A., 330, 354
Redfield, R., 184, 192 Smith, L.T., 118, 136, 204 Verkuyten, M., 210–11
Reed-Victor, E., 311, 313 Snell, D., 105, 161–2, 332 Vermunt, R., 258, 270
Reevy, G., 226 Somerville, M., 207 Vigoda-Gadot, E., 296
Rehberg, W., 296 Sonn, C.C., 139, 175, 194–5, 197,
Reicher, S., 90 209, 211, 213–14, 313–15 Wagoner, B., 32
Reis, H.T., 260, 270 Stam, H., 98, 109, 232 Wahba, A., 301
Reyes Cruz, M., 204, 214 Steele, C., 89 Waldram, J., 115
Reynolds, T., 202 Steensma, H., 258, 270 Wallack, L., 223, 246
Rezentes, W.J., 127 Steptoe, A., 224–5, 227 Walster, E., 66, 267–8
Rice, R., 345 Stevens, G., 213 Waltman, M., 241
Riggs, D., 138 Stone, B.L., 292–3 Wang, C., 308
Ritchie, J., 4, 124 Stouffer, S. 261–2 Warr, P., 102
Ritzer, G., 239–40 Strachey, J., 291 Watson, D., 64
Robbins, B.D., 302, 306, 313 Stukas, A.A., 295 Watson, J.B., 33–4
Robbins, R., 176 Sugamura, G., 129 Watson, K., 271
Robinson, D., 81 Sumner, W.G., 131 Watts, R.J., 210
Robles, T.F., 224 Sutton, R., 256, 277 Webb, T., 229
Rodman, M., 153 Suzuki, L., 137–8 Weiner, B., 277
Rogers, C., 58, 299–301, 304 Swickert, R., 226 Wells, N., 172–3
Rojas, H., 347 Wenzel, M., 256, 277, 286
Rosenstock, I.M., 230 Tabibnia, G., 271 Wertz, F., 298, 306
Rosnow, R., 42, 257, 262 Tacchi, J., 348 Wetherell, M., 68, 72, 98, 108
Ross, L., 94, 343 Tadmor, T., 197 Whitbourne, S.K., 224
Rotter, J.B., 265 Taft, R., 32 Wicker, A., 285
 PROOF
Author Index 417

Wilkinson, R., 221, 228, 235–38, Winant, H., 213 Yang, C-F., 24, 66, 128–30, 141–2
244–46 Wong, J., 69 Yardley, L., 243
Williams, N., 310 Wood, L., 171–2
Williamson, D., 220, 235, 244 World Health Organization, 220, 236 Zajonc, R., 43
Willig, C., 286 Wright, P., 161, 177 Zimbardo, P., 7, 37, 53, 57
Wilson, G., 63 Wundt, W., 24, 31–3, 42–3, 84 Zuckerman, M., 63
PROOF
 PROOF

Subject Index

Aboriginal, 12–13, 19, 117, 136, 200, Civic participation, engagement, 178, 183, 186, 194–204, 205–16,
254, 255, 263, 265, 266, 280, spaces, 23, 29, 69, 153, 171, 178, 273, 284, 293, 296, 297, 299,
281, 285, 286 201, 221, 246, 249, 294, 303, 301, 303, 310, 319, 346, 371
Acculturation, 16–17, 116, 123–5, 307, 323, 333, 347, 349–50, 354, Culture Shock, 68, 181, 184, 186–92,
146, 181, 192–204, 211, 213, 371 215, 366
215, 216, 366 Clinical Psychology, 289, 302 Customs (tapu, mate maori,
Action research, 1, 3, 7–10, 28, 106, Cognitive dissonance, 151 makutu), rituals, 38, 66, 71, 74,
170, 243, 248, 307, 330 Cognitive revolution, 35 98, 101, 106, 126–7, 131, 141,
Activity settings, 149–55 Colonialism, 118, 120, 136, 203, 156, 183, 221, 225–7, 346
Advocacy, campaigns and media, 209–11
170, 229–30, 241–2, 330, 333–4, Colonization, 16, 40, 60, 88, 90, Desegregation, 2, 149, 165–8
349 114–16, 124, 125–6, 133, Deterritorialized understandings,
Altruism, 18, 287–4, 296 135–6, 186, 193, 204, 209, 244, 205–9
American Community Gardening 269 Dialogical, looking glass, cobweb,
Association, 176 and Indigenous people, 118–21 interconnected self, 9, 16–17,
Ancestor worship, 124 Community Arts Network (Western 20, 25, 49, 68, 73, 114, 116, 127,
Assertoric knowledge, 82, 260, 283 Australia) (CANWA), 175 133, 139–45, 146, 161, 178, 201,
Assimilation, 103, 120, 125, 130, Community Psychology, 44, 307 207–9, 215, 233, 290, 292–3,
192, 194, 199, 215, 366 Community resilience, 19, 30, 117, 299, 305, 309, 313, 319
Association of Humanistic 194, 219, 287, 291, 313–17, 347 Digital games, 324, 334, 335, 337,
Psychology, 300 Competent communities, 314–15 354
Asylum seekers, 184–5, 254 Confirmation bias, 77, 85, 96 Dignity, Human dignity, 11, 29, 88,
Atomization, 64, 76 Conflict , 315 111, 274, 275, 287, 296, 298,
Attitudes, 14, 36, 37, 62, 64, 92–4, Conformity, 16, 17, 36, 39, 40, 42, 54, 306–11, 316, 318
108, 158, 165, 231, 363 64, 144, 151, 274, 307 Discourse, 18, 83, 87, 108–9, 197,
Attribution, 77, 84, 93–7, 99, 106, Contact zones, 181, 208 208, 210, 214, 257, 260, 284,
110, 262, 263–6, 338, 343 Coping, 53, 57, 74, 162, 172, 192, 285, 286, 330
222, 228, 236, 248, 250, 255, Discrimination, 2, 6–7, 14, 61,
Behavioural psychology, 256, 266, 288, 289, 303, 307, 88, 90–1, 96, 115, 117,
behaviourism, 2, 13, 23, 31–5, 314–17, 328 120, 135, 165, 168, 197–8,
42, 45–7, 84, 92–6, 115, 154, Cosmology and Cosmologies, 116, 202, 247, 254–5, 266, 291,
222, 228–36, 240–4, 246, 249, 117, 123–5, 121, 127, 130, 141 309, 331
260, 261, 264, 271, 298, 299, 302, Crisis in social psychology, 5, 21, 23, [Dis]empowerment, 107, 138, 247,
318, 329, 334–40, 342–3, 363 42–9, 129, 134, 154, 270, 301. 286, 314
Belief perseverance, 343 Critical Humanism, 19, 287–319 Dislocation and Displacement, 6, 16,
Biopsychosocial model of health, Critical Psychology, 44, 134 17, 118, 134, 135, 153, 167,
217, 223–8 Cultivation Theory, 16, 323, 339–41 168, 174, 177, 183, 184, 186,
Bobo doll studies, 338 Cultural capital, 191, 246 191, 195, 210, 214–15, 366
Buddhism, 24, 128, 129, 140, 158, Culture; assessment, colonisation, Disneyfication , 150
304, 305 emic/etic, immigration, [dis]stress, 52, 57, 71, 122, 172–4,
Bystander apathy, 21, 45–7, 144 psychology, self, social 183, 170, 219, 222–41, 250, 262,
representations, 6, 15, 20, 24, 263, 266–8, 291, 295, 297, 310,
Chinese, 66, 72, 119, 128, 140, 25, 32, 42, 49, 55, 67, 74, 87, 89, 315, 316
142–5, 308 94, 95, 97, 101, 106, 113, 115, Division of Media Psychology
Citizenship, 88, 108, 202, 215, 280, 117, 119–20, 125, 126, 128–9, (American Psychological
303, 309 133–5, 137–9, 140, 146, 147, 175, Association), 329

419
 PROOF
420 Subject Index

Domesticity, domestic spaces, Homeless, Homelessness, 28, 70, 159–60, 162–4, 177, 195, 205–6,
159–60, 283, 285, 322, 350–2 115, 150–4, 160, 163, 165, 322, 351
169–70, 238, 259, 261, 285, 299, McCarthyism, 39, 50
Embodiment, 109 301, 310, 312, 313, 333, 369 McDonaldization, 240
Encoding information, 86 Hull House, 27–9 Media , 25, 45, 57, 68–71, 85, 91–2,
Enculturation, 16, 113, 119, 125 Human capital, 200–1 105, 145, 152, 168–73, 199,
Environmental Psychology, 149, 152, Humanistic psychology, humanism, 206–7, 215, 229, 241, 246, 282,
153–5 10, 18–20, 28, 34, 55, 58, 64, 321–55, 358, 366–8
Etic and emic approaches, 127–9, 50 109, 141, 220, 287–319, 362, Media convergence and cross-
Everyday and common knowledge , 370, 371 fertilization, 327–8
55–7, 77–112, 326 Media effects, 334–41
Experimentalism, 34–6, 257, 270 Identity, 6, 68, 73, 75, 78, 84, 105, Media nexus, 322, 325, 327, 349, 367
Experiments, Experimental 108, 116, 118, 119, 121, 128, 135, Mediapolis, 333
tradition, 4–6, 8–9, 31–44, 144–5, 152, 156–64, 170–7, 173, Mental health, 2, 30, 34, 56, 102,
46–8, 55, 58, 62, 64, 84, 92–3, 175–205, 208–14, 216, 223, 229, 122, 126, 160–1, 177, 201, 227,
97, 101, 131, 134, 154, 198, 225, 247–8, 254, 256, 274, 276–8, 238, 249
248, 257–8, 262–3, 268–70, 284, 292–3, 303, 305, 310, 312, Migration, immigration, 25, 29, 56,
272, 283, 286, 336–7, 340 321, 323, 328, 331, 335, 345–7, 60, 89, 120, 145, 166, 181–216,
352, 366–7. 235, 281, 292, 369
False consciousness, 38, 50 Illness, 17, 30, 51, 56, 74–5, 79, 102, Mind world dualism, 98–100, 111
Feral children, 67 127, 161, 217–51, 288, 300, 318, Minority group influence, 135
Filial piety, 67 328, 363 Minoritization, 199
Fourth world, 134, 208 Immigrants and Immigration, 17, Narrative, 15, 71, 78–9, 84, 77, 103,
Fundamedia attribution error, 343, 22, 25, 28, 29, 56, 60, 78, 89, 106–9, 111, 116–17, 123–4, 140,
353 92, 96, 105, 108, 125, 145, 154, 144, 169, 210, 214, 260–1, 292,
Fundamental attribution error, 94, 169–70, 181–216, 292, 367 330, 354
97 Indigenous, 3, 4, 6, 12–17, 24, 50, 55,
68, 88–91, 96, 111, 113–47, 175, National Institute for Health and
Gender, Gender socialisation , 25, 185, 186, 188, 193, 197, 203–4, Clinical Excellence (NICE), 243
29, 69, 73, 88, 91, 96, 126, 137, 216, 220, 255, 256, 259, 285, Navajo , 122–3
205, 208, 209, 214, 226, 229, 299, 305, 315, 358, 360. Neighbourhood renewal , 173–4,
238, 285, 296, 338, 347 Indigenous voices in psychology, 178–9
Global discipline of psychology, 12–13, 125–9, 136 Norms, 15, 16, 18, 25, 38, 45–7, 68,
129–35 Indigenous psychology, 116, 127, 79, 84, 87, 98, 105, 109, 110, 125,
Globalization, 164, 196, 203 129–35, 139 126, 131, 138, 144, 155, 178, 183,
Group (inter group) dynamics, 6, 36, Inequalities, 17, 31, 43, 61, 99, 175, 196, 231, 242, 247, 261, 291, 292,
54, 198, 200, 204 238–49, 259, 316, 332–5. 294, 296, 297, 315, 318, 341
Interdisciplinary, 28–9, 56, 222, 371
Habitus, 73–4 Intergroup understanding , 113–47, Objectivity, scientific neutrality,
Hawaiian , 121–4, 127–8 181–216, 331–4 4–5, 35, 39, 43, 134, 250
Health belief model, 230 Inverse care law, 306 Online/Offl ine divide, 347–52
Healthism, 217, 242 Organizational , 222
Health promotion, 176, 217, 218, Judgment, 41, 78, 93–5, 110, 260,
219, 222, 229, 234, 240–48, 266–72, 278, 284 Persuasion, 18, 36, 70
361, 370 Philippine, Filipino , 79, 88, 102, 119,
Health psychology, 217, 221–3, 235, Liberation Social Psychology, 5, 40, 122, 127–8, 203, 207
244, 249 41, 43, 107, 119, 142, 170, 209, Place-based identities, 68, 145, 155,
Helping behaviour, pro-social acts, 250, 307–8 156–9, 161–2, 164, 168, 171–5,
18, 22, 37, 45, 47, 54, 78, 95, 114, 202, 294, 347, 350, 363
178, 202, 227, 241, 249, 287–319, Maori, 4, 124, 127, 203, 216 Positive psychology, 58, 220, 300,
329, 371 Marginalization, 40, 122, 125, 138, 302–6, 313, 317–18
Home, 8, 56, 65, 68, 91, 119–20, 183, 194, 259, 315, 333, 358 Poverty, 14, 22, 28, 31, 40, 47, 53, 95,
122–3, 143, 152, 157–62, 164, Material objects, subject-object 97–9, 117, 122, 172, 175, 223,
173, 182–5, 188–95, 197, 202–3, relations, 20, 52, 64, 70–3, 228, 236, 244–5, 259, 266, 291,
207, 285, 322, 346, 348, 351–3 98–9, 109, 140, 154, 156, 302, 310, 313, 332, 336, 342
 PROOF
Subject Index 421

Power , 10, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 54, 61, Schema, 33, 83–7, 91, 99, 110, 295 Social stratification, 238
100, 107, 108, 119, 97–9, 121, Segregation, desegregation, Social support, 29, 30, 173, 176, 179,
134–6, 138, 147, 165, 185, 193, re-segregation , 2, 88, 90, 183, 195, 219, 224–7, 237–9,
201, 203, 204, 209–14, 215, 216, 103–4, 118, 164–68, 292 242, 249, 288, 290, 318, 348,
223, 235, 237, 238, 244, 247, Self-actualization and the hierarchy 360, 365
249–50, 272, 283, 289, 301, 307, of needs, 301, 304 Social transformation, change, 2,
312, 315, 317, 325, 331–3, 354 Self determination, 8, 111, 117, 135, 7–10, 26–8, 30, 36, 40–1, 44,
Praxis, 7–9, 136 175, 212, 289, 370 132, 175, 221–3, 246, 247,
Prejudice, 4, 15, 28, 30, 31, 36, 54, 61, Self-efficacy, 120, 156, 172, 178, 230, 250, 286, 293, 306–9, 316,
64, 79, 88–91, 93, 104, 115, 165, 239 317, 327, 330, 354, 362,
198, 266, 318, 332, 369, 370 Separatism , 194, 206 369, 370
Protection Motivation Theory of Settlement, 17, 25, 29, 181–216, 316, Society for the Psychological Study
Health, 230 366 of Social Issues, 30–1, 39
Social capital, 154, 171–2, 174, 178, Sociocultural, 44, 49, 54, 139, 193,
Racialization, 91, 212–15 226–7, 237, 245–6, 249, 251, 203, 310
Racism, 47, 90–1, 97, 104, 167, 182, 291, 294–5, 314, 360 Sojourners, 184–6
183, 199, 200, 209, 212–14, 223, Social Cognition, 6, 11, 79, 83–4, 87, Stages of change model, 231
254, 259, 285, 332, 368 97, 100, 106, 232, 261–2, 284 Stress, 57, 71, 190, 219, 223–8,
Refugees, 182, 184, 185, 189, 191, Social constructionism, 15, 82, 98, 236–41, 250, 266, 310, 316
193–5, 200–3, 210–15, 254–5, 101, 260–1, 272, 278, 283–4 Stereotypes, 54, 79, 84–91, 97, 99,
259, 263, 276, 278, 281, 282, Social determinants (of health), 127, 103, 110, 112, 120, 138, 165,
285, 358, 366, 369 219, 221, 225, 227–8, 235–38, 212, 213, 334
Representational spaces, 19, 91, 152, 245, 249, 365 Structuration, 294
168–71, 177, 353 Social Identity Theory, 84, 145, 184,
Research methods, 4–9, 29–33, 35, 197–205, 234, 276, 292, 331, 366 Theory of Reasoned Action, 231
40–4, 63–4, 84, 105, 127–8, Social inclusion, 8, 11, 29, 41, 61, Two step flow model of
139, 146, 204, 304, 308, 353 107, 110, 125, 147, 152, 162, 165, communication, 339
Resilience, individual and 166, 170–4, 179, 188, 197, 216,
community, 6, 30, 115, 117, 194, 233, 245, 247, 249, 250, 279, Unemployment, 30, 31, 81, 82, 89,
207, 226–7, 288, 289, 291, 301, 281–2, 285, 306, 308, 309, 94, 98–102, 104, 182, 200,
309–19, 347, 362, 370 319, 330, 333, 352, 360, 370 201, 233, 236, 244, 249, 266,
[re]socialization, 6, 15–16, 25, 58, Social justice, 3, 8, 39–41, 65–6, 314, 332
63, 65–70, 75–6, 79, 87, 93, 101, 110–11, 118, 197, 219, 222–3,
125, 126, 141, 144, 313, 326, 235, 244, 248, 250, 253–86, 289, Violence, 47–8, 120, 185, 217–51,
340, 360 299–300, 304, 309, 312, 316, 255, 291, 304, 318, 322–3,
Rights: animal, civil, collective, 318, 331, 358, 363, 365, 369 335–42
homeless, human, land, Social Learning Theory, 84–5, 337 Volunteering, 54, 171, 288, 289, 292,
women’s, 3, 17, 29, 88, 89, Social participation, 30, 151, 170, 294–7, 317, 369
118–19, 136, 170, 199, 210, 172, 349
235, 236, 247, 254, 260, 274–5, Social Representations Theory, 56, Whitehall study, 224, 239
278–80, 308–9, 325 100–4, 106, 107, 109, 111 Whiteness, 139, 212–14
 PROOF

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