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Carroll, Nicola Jane

Lone Mothers' Experiences of Stigma: A Comparative Study

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Carroll, Nicola Jane (2017) Lone Mothers' Experiences of Stigma: A Comparative Study. Doctoral
thesis, University of Huddersfield.

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 LONE MOTHERS' EXPERIENCES OF STIGMA:
A COMPARATIVE STUDY

NICOLA JANE CARROLL

A thesis submitted to the University of Huddersfield in partial fulfilment of the

requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

The University of Huddersfield

July 2017
Copyright
i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis)
owns any copyright in it (the ‘Copyright’) and s/he has given The University of
Huddersfield the right to use such Copyright for any administrative, promotional,
educational and/or teaching purposes.

ii. Copies of this thesis, either in full or in extracts, may be made only in accordance with
the regulations of the University Library. Details of these regulations may be obtained
from the Librarian. This page must form part of any such copies made.

iii. The ownership of any patents, designs, trademarks and any and all other intellectual
property rights except for the Copyright (the ‘Intellectual Property Rights’) and any
reproductions of copyright works, for example graphs and tables (‘Reproductions’),
which may be described in this thesis, may not be owned by the author and may be
owned by third parties. Such Intellectual Property Rights and Reproductions cannot and
must not be made available for use without the prior written permission of the owner(s)
of the relevant Intellectual Property Rights and/or Reproductions.

2
Abstract
There are two million single parents in the UK, more than nine out of ten of
whom are mothers. Despite greater family fluidity and diversity, lone mothers
remain materially disadvantaged and subject to derogatory stereotyping.

Media representations, public policy and existing research have tended to focus
on young mothers or lone mothers in deprived areas. This study therefore
responds to a gap in knowledge by taking a comparative approach in
investigating subjective experiences of stigma among lone mothers in a more
diverse range of circumstances. This thesis documents qualitative research
involving 26 lone mothers in two locations in the North of England, which have
contrasting socio-economic profiles. It considers the relative significance of
agential and structural factors, particularly social class, in their subjective
perceptions of, and responses to, stigma.

Theoretically, this study draws on feminist critiques of normative family and

citizenship models, a critical realist perspective on agency/structure interplay
and a feminist Bourdieusian approach to class analysis. These theoretical
influences are brought together in a bespoke conceptual framework that seeks
to explore stigmatisation of lone motherhood in terms of women's subjective
mediation of gendered and classed de-legitimation. This thesis thus introduces
the notion of 'subjective social legitimacy' (SSL) as an analytical tool.
Importantly, SSL aims to examine women's accounts in a holistic way that
recognises degrees of stigma, rather than assuming or reinforcing stigma.

Analysis of data from semi-structured interviews revealed the principal factors

affecting women's SSL to be: their age; their personal relationship history;
whether they were employed or on benefits; reproductive norms in their local
area; their level of extended family support; and social connections with people
in the 'same situation'. Some women were positioned more favourably than
others to mitigate stigma through their access to cultural, economic and social
capital.

The women's accounts demonstrate agential behaviour in negotiating stigma as

well as responding to practical challenges. Analysis of case dynamics identified
'modes' of SSL among participants which could be deemed 'negative', 'positive',
'defensive', 'performative' or 'transformative'. Women in what might be
objectively considered the most stigmatised situations did not automatically
display 'negative' SSL. The theme of 'judgement' emerged inductively from
interviews and using SSL helped understand women's agential response to
stigma in terms of 'what matters' to them personally. This thesis includes case
studies which illustrate how a process of 'judgement of judgement' can be
pivotal to participants' rejection, resistance or absorption of stigma.

This research offers an empirical contribution to knowledge through its

comparative approach involving mothers in a deprived and a more affluent
location; a conceptual contribution through development of SSL; and a
methodological contribution through exposition of evaluative judgement as a
mechanism in agential mediation of stigma.

3
 Contents

Copyright 2

Abstract 3

Contents 4

List of Tables 9

List of Figures 10

Acknowledgements 11

Glossary of key terms and abbreviations 12

Chapter 1 13

Introduction
Background and aims 13
Research questions 16
Comparing experiences in two locations 16
Why 'lone mothers'? 17
What about fathers? 18
Thesis structure 19

Chapter 2 24

Lone motherhood and stigma in history, policy and discourse

Introduction 24
The long shadow of illegitimacy? 24
Theories on the origins of legitimacy 25
Gendered moral discourses 27
Separating sex, marriage and reproduction 28
Illegitimacy in underclass debates 30
Mothers, workers or both? 32
Lone motherhood, state and 'legitimate' citizenship 35
Critiques of 'welfare to work' policies 37
Lone motherhood and welfare state retrenchment 38
Policy context 38
Discourse, deservingness and the post-welfare state 42
Lone mothers at the sharp end of heightened benefits stigma 45
Conclusion 48

4
Chapter 3 50

Lone motherhood and stigma as lived experience

Introduction 50
Agency, structure or both? 50
'Decline', 'democratisation' and 'diversity' in family life 51
Agency and structure in studies of lone motherhood 53
Exploring agency/structure interplay 55
The significance of social class and spatial location? 58
The socio-economics of family forms 58
Judgement of parenting against middle class norms 61
'Hidden' middle class lone mothers 62
Spatial and class position 63
Cross-fertilisation of feminism and Bourdieu 64
Investigating stigma in lone mothers' everyday lives 66
Mediation of stigma as agential behaviour 66
Research considerations: investigating subjective experiences of stigma 71
Looking at lone motherhood through 'the prism of legitimacy' 74
Legitimacy, legitimation and de-legitimation 78
Introducing 'subjective social legitimacy' 80
Evaluative judgement and SSL 81
Deployment of capitals and SSL 82
Conclusion 83

Chapter 4 84

Methodology: From meta-theory, to practice, to knowledge

Introduction 84
Translating meta-theory into research design 84
Combining realist ontology and constructionist epistemology 85
Critical social enquiry 86
Positioning myself in the research 87
Lone motherhood research as an iterative cycle 88
Participant recruitment and data collection 91
Sampling strategy 91
Recruitment of participants 93
Choice of semi-structured interviews 94
Ethical and practical considerations 94
The participants 96
The interview topic guide 100
Reflections on conducting the interviews 102
Reflexive analysis: from data to knowledge 104
Reflexivity and data analysis 105
Data analysis methods 108
Thematic coding and framework display 108
Interpreting the data 109
Revisiting the provisional conceptual framework 110
5
 Using case dynamics analysis to determine 'modes' of SSL 110
Identifying 'judgement of judgement' as a process underlying SSL 111
Conclusion 114

Chapter 5 115

Negotiating the “single mum stereotype”

Introduction 115
Labelling and misrepresentation 116
Mothers' views on terminology 116
Pervasiveness of media stereotyping 119
Media mis-recognition, judgement and SSL 121
Judgement in a 'hierarchy of maternal legitimacy' 124
Legitimacy and lack of choice 124
Route to lone motherhood 126
Maternal age 128
Imagery and actuality 130
SSL and judgement of self and others 132
Dis-identifying from classed stereotypes 135
Class identification, cultural capital and SSL 136
Conclusion 145

Chapter 6 148

Balancing competing demands

Introduction 148
Employment and 'legitimate' citizenship 149
Strength of work orientation across locations 149
Locational variations in employment 152
Employment and SSL 153
Benefits stigma: perspectives and experiences 158
Avoiding benefits stigma 158
Locational variations in state support 159
Judgement of deservingness 160
Benefit dependency and SSL 163
Feeling financial disadvantage 168
Location, disadvantage and social class 169
Financial situation and SSL 173
Conclusion 178

Chapter 7 181

Being a "proper" family in the local context

Introduction 181
Normalising judgement and local reproductive norms 181
The ‘proper’ family model 182
Generational attitudes 183

6
 Being situation conscious 184
Contrasts in local reproductive norms 184
Paternity and legality 186
SSL and investment in the two-parent norm 187
Pride and resilience 193
Being a good lone mother 193
Being "mum and dad" 194
Putting the children first 196
Pride in "doing a good job" 197
Pride in resilience 197
Pride in autonomy 199
SSL and resilience 199
Family networks and social connections 203
Contrasts in social capital between locations 203
Kinship networks and spatial mobility 203
Friendship and social life 205
Social capital, sphere of reference and SSL 206
Conclusion 211

Chapter 8 214

Conclusion
Introduction 214
Responding to the research questions 214
Lone mothers' mediation of stigma as a process of 'judging the judgement' 220
Demonstrating the contribution to knowledge 223
Empirical contribution 223
Conceptual contribution 225
Methodological contribution 226
Evaluating the research 226
Logic and legitimacy of knowledge 226
Evaluating quality 227
Resonance 229
Limitations 229
Moving forward 230
Conclusion 231

7
REFERENCES 232

Appendix A: History of policies affecting lone mothers table 255

Appendix B: Participant recruitment information leaflet 257

Appendix C: Participant recruitment information sheet 258

Appendix D: Consent form 259

Appendix E: Topic guide for semi-structured interviews with lone mothers 260

Appendix F: Analytical memo on thematic coding of data 262

Appendix G: Summary of Context Matrices 263

Appendix H: Analytical memo on revisiting the provisional conceptual framework 265

Appendix I: Excerpts from SSL Case Dynamics Matrix summary 267

Appendix J: Excerpts from Judgement and SSL Case Dynamics Matrix summary 269

Appendix K: Analytical memo on attitudes to 'others' 271

Word count: 94,944 (including footnotes)

8
List of Tables

Table 1: Mother, worker or both? Policy, citizenship, discourse and designated lone
mother role 33
Table 2: Conceptualisation of agency and structure in perspectives on change in family
life 53
Table 3: Participant information – Location A 98
Table 4: Participant information – Location B 99
Table 5: 'Judgement of judgment' as a process underlying modes of SSL 113
Table 6: Factors in route to lone motherhood by location 126
Table 7: Mother's age when first child was born by location 129
Table 8: Participants' self-identification of social class by location 136
Table 9: Employment by location 152
Table 10: Qualifications and skills by location 153
Table 11: Main income sources by location 160
Table 12: Housing tenure by location 170
Table 13: Perception of financial situation by location 170
Table 14: Financial input from fathers and grandparents by location 172
Table 15: Relationship history by location 186
Table 16: Paternal contact by location 187
Table 17: Extended family contact by location 204
Table 18: Social connections by location 205

9
List of Figures

Figure 1: Lone motherhood through the 'prism of legitimacy' 76

Figure 2: 'Subjective social legitimacy' as an analytical tool 77
Figure 3: Lone motherhood research as an iterative cycle 89
Figure 4: Understanding lone mothers' mediation of stigma as a process of 'judging the
judgement' 222

10
Acknowledgements

Thanks to the University of Huddersfield for providing studentship funding to enable me

to undertake this research.

I have been fortunate in having two very experienced and supportive supervisors.
Thanks to Dr Sharon Wray for her knowledge and encouragement and to Dr Tray
Yeadon-Lee for sharing her expertise and showing such kindness whilst guiding me
through to the end.

I appreciate that good old friends I have neglected of late have still been at the end of
the phone. I have also appreciated fellow students for their humour and understanding
of what ‘it’ is like. Thanks to the kind folk who helped with proof-reading.

Thank you, Tim for all your love, care and technical wizardry.

Finally, and most importantly, my sincere gratitude to all the women who took part in
this research and shared their stories so generously.

11
Glossary of key terms and abbreviations

Lone mothers are officially defined as mothers who are ‘living with their children as a
household without a partner' (ONS, 2010). This study involves mothers whose child or
children lived with them all or most of the time, who had primary responsibility for the
physical and emotional welfare of those children, who were aged under 16.

Personal Emergent Properties (PEPs) are agential powers including self-

consciousness, reflection, plans, ambitions and pursuit of interests, which 'ultimately
enable people to reflex upon their social context and act reflexively towards it' (Archer,
2000: 308).

Structural Emergent Properties (SEPs) include social systems, institutions and roles
and are related to material resources and their distribution. They are acquired
involuntarily and include class, ethnicity, privilege/underprivileged, power/powerless,
discrimination/life chances, propertied/propertyless (Archer, 2000: 216-218).

Cultural Emergent Properties (CEPs) include ideas, language, theories, values,

beliefs, norms, which derive from past chains or interaction and can, 'exercise causal
efficacy over the present generation' and be either reproduced or transformed (Archer,
2000: 216-218).

Subjective Social Legitimacy (SSL) has been developed as a means of analysing lone
mothers' experiences in a holistic way that does not assume they feel stigmatised. The
term SSL is introduced for the purposes of this research with reference to consideration
of 'social legitimacy' as a general social process by Johnson et al. (2006). It refers to a
sense of validity, propriety and self-worth and the subjective perception and agential
mediation of a socially de-legitimated identity.

Capitals are proposed by Bourdieu (1989) as a multi-faceted form of class analysis.

Skeggs offers definitions of economic, social and cultural capital. She writes that:
economic capital ‘includes income, wealth, financial inheritances and monetary assets';
cultural capital can be 'dispositions of the mind and the body...'cultural goods’ or exist in
an institutionalised state resulting from education and qualifications’; and social capital is
‘resources based on connections and group membership…generated through
relationships’ (Skeggs, 1997: 8, citing Bourdieu, 1979; 1986; 1987; 1989).

12
Chapter 1
Introduction

Introduction

There are some two million single parents in the UK, 42% of marriages end in divorce,
25% of children now grow up in one parent families and 91% of single parents are women
(ONS, 2014; 2015). The increasing fluidity and diversity of contemporary family life is
apparent in the prevalence of single parenthood, relationship breakdown and rise in step-
parenting and same sex parenting (see, for example, Giddens, 1992; Smart and Neale,
1999; Morgan, 1999; Weeks et al., 2001; Beck-Gernsheim, 2002; Smart, 2007). Yet,
despite well recognised demographic, attitudinal and legal changes, a strong body of
evidence indicates that lone mothers remain socially and economically disadvantaged (see,
for example, Evans and Thane, 2012; Millar and Ridge, 2013; Wenham, 2016). This thesis
documents qualitative research comparing experiences of stigma among lone mothers in
two locations in the North of England, which further supports that evidence. In taking a
comparative approach to explore women's subjective experiences, it extends existing
understandings of lone motherhood and stigma by providing analysis of qualitative
accounts of mothers in a variety of circumstances living in areas with contrasting socio-
economic profiles. As background to the discussion and empirical findings presented in the
chapters that follow, this introductory chapter sets out the aims of the research and
positions it within the context of prevailing policy and discourse and sociological debates.
It then discusses the comparative approach taken, the terminology used and outlines the
thesis structure.

Background and aims

The initial spark of interest in the topic that eventually became four years of postgraduate
study arose from a late-night conversation with an old friend. My friend compared how her
grandmother had been consigned to a mental institution as a consequence of her 'out of
wedlock' pregnancy in the 1930s and her mother was labelled a 'bastard' and brought up
in a children's home, whilst she, as a mother who had never married, owned her own
home and had recently been made head of department at a prestigious Church of England
school for girls. This illustration of social change resonated with me profoundly as the
product of three generations of women who brought up children without fathers; my great-
grandmother was an 'unfortunate' widow in the inter-war period, my grandmother a
'disgraced unmarried mother’ in the 1950s and my mother an 'impoverished' 1970s

13
 divorcee. Social historians Evans and Thane's (2012) summation of shifts in prevailing
attitudes over the past century raises important questions as to the relationship between
attitudes to and subjective experiences of lone mothers in the contemporary context,
which this study seeks to address:

Before 1918 they were thought of as sinners; after each war as unfortunates; in the
1950s as psychologically damaged; by the 1960s as liberated; and as objects of
compassion in the 1970s. They were increasingly stigmatised in the 1980s and early
1990s, but their experience as one of the poorest sections of British society has
remained much the same...Attitudes to lone mothers are more relaxed than in the
past...but intense divisions and ambivalences continue, as they always have, as does
the poverty of too many lone mothers and their children, with public policy always
haunted by the fear of encouraging the 'sinner' or the 'scrounger' (Evans and Thane,
2012: 27).

Whether lone motherhood is commonly regarded and subjectively experienced as a

'personal trouble', or 'public issue' (Mills, 2000 [1959]), or indeed affirmed as a
progressive choice (Hertz, 2005; Russell, 2015), thus says a great deal about social
relations at a particular time. This research took place against the backdrop of a 'political
cultural economy' (Jessop, 2010) characterised by welfare reform, fiscal austerity,
heightened benefits stigma and proliferation of 'poverty porn' television, which commonly
equates single parenthood with benefit dependency (see, for example, Taylor-Gooby,
2013; Jensen and Tyler, 2015). Within this context, three out of four respondents in a poll
by single parents' organisation Gingerbread (2014) said they experienced stigma and that
this had increased in the previous two years.

The proportion of lone parent families grew by almost 12% between 2004 and 2014, but
married couple families remain the most common family type in the UK (ONS, 2015). The
British Social Attitudes Survey (BSA, 2007) found 39% of the public agreed that one
parent can bring up a child as well as two in 2006, which was only a slight increase over
a decade, but the proportion had risen to 49% according to the most recent data on the
topic (BSA, 2012).1 According to Pulkingham et al., lone motherhood may have, 'greater
cultural legitimacy than previously', but this 'does not play out evenly...across the
economic spectrum' (2010: 284). From personal 'nosiness' initially, I began paying more
attention to stories of mothers I know who are all 'single' but in vastly different situations;
friends who are happily un-partnered and pursuing 'alternative lifestyles' (Duncan and
Edwards, 1999); those who are in demanding jobs and 'co-parenting' with ex-husbands
(Smart and Neal, 1999); and my cousin with five children who lives on benefits in the

1
British Social Attitudes Surveys are conducted annually by NatCen but do not necessarily ask the
same questions every year, which means that 2012 is the most recent year for comparative data
on this subject.
14
proverbial council house in a town deemed 'single mother central' by the Daily Mail
newspaper (Platell, 2010).

The voices of lone mothers themselves have been conspicuously absent from policy
debates and media representations (McDermott and Graham, 2005; Clavering, 2010).
Whereas young, unemployed, working class lone mothers in poor areas are commonly
subjectivised as 'pramfaced', 'chav mums' bringing up 'benefit broods' (Tyler, 2008;
Jensen and Tyler, 2015), those who are older, divorced, employed or living in more
prosperous locations seem absent from popular discourse, which is arguably because they
are not regarded as a 'problem' for the taxpayer (Reekie, 1998). This research therefore
aims to bring an identity that is externally 'conferred' and historically stigmatised 'alive
from the inside' (Lawler, 2004; May, 2006). It also aims to explore the relationship
between perspectives on stigma and financial, personal and social positions occupied by
women from different social backgrounds in different spatial settings. In short, in seeking
to investigate common ground and dissimilarities, this study attempts to begin to unravel
'what makes a difference' in mitigating or exacerbating lone mothers' sense of stigma.

The topic pursued in this thesis thus arose originally from my personal background and
interests as much as intellectual curiosity. The biases that inevitably follow have been
recognised, as far as possible, and reflected upon through a stance of 'theorised
subjectivity' (Letherby, 2013), as discussed in Chapter Four. Thanks to the privilege of
being able to engage with lone motherhood literature and broader sociological debates in
ways that are discussed throughout this thesis, the interest sparked from that initial
conversation with my friend has been translated into practicable, pertinent, and hopefully
useful, research.

Whilst there is a wealth of excellent material on lone motherhood, which was drawn on
extensively in this research, academic studies have tended to focus on young mothers
(e.g. Ponsford, 2011; Wenham, 2016) and those in deprived areas (e.g. Gillies, 2007).
There is a relative paucity of research involving lone mothers from a wider range of
backgrounds (with Duncan and Edwards (1999) and Klett-Davies (2007) among notable
exceptions involving some middle class mothers). Research has also tended to concentrate
on the practicalities of post-divorce parenting (e.g. Smart and Neale, 1999), lone mothers'
intimate relationships (e.g. Morris, 2012) or the impact of government policies (e.g. Haux,
2012; Davies, 2012), rather than the affective impacts of stigmatisation. These are gaps
in knowledge that the present study aims to fill.

15
Research questions
In order to address the foregoing points, the research aims to respond to three central
lines of enquiry, which were developed following a literature review and can be
encapsulated as:

- To what extent are lone mothers in the contemporary British context still affected by
stigmatisation?

- How do agential and structural factors affect lone mothers' experiences of stigma?

- What is the significance of social class and spatial location in lone mothers' experiences
of stigma?

In addition to these substantive questions, a conceptual and methodological question

arose from the need to investigate stigma without assuming women felt stigmatised or
adding to stigmatisation. It was therefore a priority to develop an approach which could
contribute towards more holistic understanding of lone mothers' subjective experiences in
relation to the prevailing political, hegemonic and spatial context with which they interact.

Comparing experiences in two locations

'Context is crucial in examining the phenomena of lone motherhood', according to Duncan

and Edwards (1999: 63). Their work, along with McCormack (2004) and Klett-Davies
(2007), shows the value of comparative analysis across locations for researching lone
motherhood. The comparative nature of this study enabled effects of national policy and
hegemonic discourse to be considered, while also exploring differential impacts of women's
local neighbourhood settings and class positions. Referring to comparison as, 'the
backbone of good sociological thinking', Becker believes that looking at situations that are
alike in some way yet differ in others can be instrumental in creating theories by finding,
'the deeper processes these surface differences embody' (Becker 2010, cited Silverman,
2011: 62). Both the importance of place to social phenomena (Foucault, 1977; Sayer,
2000; May, 2011b; 2011c) and the relationship between class and place (Bourdieu, 1989;
Sayer, 2000; Savage et al., 2005; Savage, 2015; McKenzie, 2015) are well recognised.
Spatial comparison thus responds to the aim of gauging the significance of lone mothers'
social class and location in their experiences of stigma. Semi-structured interviews were
therefore carried out in two anonymised areas in the same region, which can be
characterised as follows:

- The area referred to as 'Location A' comprises a large estate of predominantly local
authority housing on the outskirts of a post-industrial city. It has a high proportion of lone
mothers (ONS, 2012a), high unemployment and a series of other indicators of relative
deprivation (DCLG, 2012).

16
 - The area referred to as 'Location B' comprises a market town setting bordering on open
countryside with good train connections. It has a low proportion of lone mothers (ONS,
2012a), is characterised by home ownership, low unemployment and a series of other
indicators of relative affluence (DCLG, 2012).

Why 'lone mothers'?

The women who took part in this study include: a 19 year-old mother with a ten-month
old son who had been estranged from her family since becoming pregnant; a 25 year-old
woman with a history of violent relationships, who had two young children and was six
months pregnant; a 32 year-old who had decided to continue with an unplanned pregnancy
and was about to return to her job in a bank after maternity leave; and a 44 year-old
teacher with three sons, who was in the process of selling a large house after ending an
abusive 20 year marriage (see Tables 4 and 5: Participant Information). These women
could all be included in the taxonomic group of 'lone mothers', which is officially defined
as 'mothers living with their children as a household without a partner' (ONS, 2010).
Caution is necessary in placing people from wide-ranging backgrounds and dynamic
situations in this totalising category however (May, 2013). This is especially true given
that it is a stigmatised category with which women may be reluctant to identify (Crow and
Hardey, 1992; Duncan and Edwards, 1999; May, 2010).

Issues of classification relate to questions of discourse, policy and subjective experience

that are of central interest in this research. Changes in language reflect changes in
attitudes to mothers without partners over time, as discussed in the next chapter.
Research Diary notes reflect dilemmas over finding a term that was practicable yet
sensitive when drafting participant recruitment materials.2 This thesis refers to 'lone
mothers', except when directly citing academic literature and policy documents or sources
that specifically use other terms, such as 'single mothers', 'single parents' or 'lone parents'.
It must be stressed, however, that this term was selected after careful consideration as
the least objectionable rather than a wholly satisfactory option. While a household
comprised of a mother and her child or children is a concrete type of household, lone
motherhood has been subject to extensive social construction (Phoenix, 1996; May, 2010).
'Lone' is used here rather than 'single', because this is the most widely used term in
academic literature and emphasises parenting alone rather than relationship status

2
The terms 'lone mother', 'women bringing up children alone', 'single mum' and 'female single
parents' were tried with 'female single parents' proving the least stigmatising and most accurate
term, but also being somewhat cumbersome.

17
(Marsden, 1969; Carabine, 1996). 'Never-married single mothers' were the target of early
1990s 'underclass' vilification (Roseneil and Mann, 1996; Phoenix, 1996; Taylor, 1998),
and sources outlined above also indicate continued coupling of 'single mother' with popular
press coverage and political rhetoric on deservingness.

Duncan and Edwards (1999) regard lone motherhood as a category but not a substantive
group as it includes women of different ages, classes and ethnic backgrounds with different
routes into sole parenting. They thus recommend that researchers open up this ‘black box’
category by studying the differences it contains (1999: 5). While strongly critiquing the
lone mother construct, May stops short of suggesting the category should be abandoned
altogether because its impact on women's lives makes it an important, 'theoretical and
practical tool to counter social and material inequalities' (2010: 433). Making a useful
distinction between 'categories of analysis' and 'categories of practice', she points out that
despite lone mothers not being a homogenous or self-defined group, there are practical
reasons for using a specific term for people facing similar inequalities. While taxonomic
grouping was a starting point for this research, exploring women's own stances on
terminology, as suggested by May (2010), helps understand distinctions between external
categorisation and subjective identity (Taylor, 1998). To this end, asking participants what
term they used to describe their family situation proved a useful starting point for the
research in revealing how women identify or dis-identify with terminology and their agency
in resisting negative associations (Kingfisher, 1996; McCormack, 2004; May, 2010).

What about fathers?

Debate about commonality and diversity between types of lone parents is a further aspect
of the complexity of categorisation (Crow and Hardey, 1992). Parenting alone presents
similar demands regardless of gender and there are strong arguments for using a unified
category for purposes of promoting equality and lobbying politically (Marsden, 1969),
particularly as differentiation can be viewed as 'variation on the deserving vs undeserving
theme' (Crow and Hardey, 1992: 144). However, Rowlingson and McKay (2005) question
placing lone parents from diverse situations and different genders and ethnicities in the
same analytical category.

The focus on mothers in this study is not to discriminate against fathers; and lone
fatherhood would indeed offer a rich vein of interest for future research. Notwithstanding
strong arguments for adopting an umbrella term, there are a series of reasons this
research concentrates on mothers as a sub-group of single parents. Firstly, more than
nine out of ten lone parents are female (ONS, 2015) and lone mothers, rather than fathers,
tend to be the subject of negative stereotypes. A quantitative study exploring attitudes to
never-married custodial parents to determine 'does gender matter?' concluded that

18
assumptions surrounding lone fathers are much more positive than those about mothers
(DeJean et al, 2012). Finally, while lone parents are economically disadvantaged
regardless of gender, lone mothers suffer more material hardship on average (Kiernan et
al., 1996; Rowlingson and McKay, 2005; Levitas et al., 2006; CPAG, 2010). The persistence
of a gender pay gap has been well documented (e.g. Scott et al., 2010). Females still earn
18.1% less for equivalent work (ONS, 2016) and a 'motherhood pay penalty' has been
identified (IPPR, 2016). Women also fare worse upon the breakdown of a relationship, with
mothers from high-income families seeing especially large drops in living standards
(Brewer and Nandi, 2014). Research in England, the USA and Europe (Berkman, et al.,
2015) also found that women who have been lone mothers have poorer health in later life
than comparative groups.

Thesis structure

The structure of the thesis and contents of each chapter can be summarised as follows:

Chapter Two begins by charting the historical stigmatisation of lone motherhood, from
ancient taboos surrounding 'illegitimacy' to its reprisal in 'underclass' debates of the early
1990s. Whilst Malinowski's (1930) 'principle of legitimacy' dominated C20th family policy,
critical perspectives on the origin of 'legitimate' reproduction (Engels, 1988; Foucault,
1979; Millett, 1990) are supported by historical and anthropological evidence (Blaikie
1995; Hendrix, 1996; Adair, 1996) rooting the stigmatisation of non-marital birth in
material concerns and patriarchal social relations. Grounding the research within this
historical overview helps determine the extent to which age-old stigmatisation of lone
mothers is being reproduced or transformed in the contemporary context. It also identifies
legitimacy as a conceptual resource, which links governmental regulation and legitimation
of power with de-legitimation of individuals whose behaviour does not conform with
desirable norms.

The chapter then discusses the impact of well-documented shifts from social to 'worker'
models of citizenship on lone mothers (e.g. Haux, 2012). Whilst 'legitimate' citizenship
now rests upon performing a worker role, numerous sources demonstrate how lone
mothers face disadvantage in the job market and struggle to balance employment with
childcare (e.g. Wallbank, 1998). The final section sets out the socio-political backdrop for
the study. Increased benefit conditionality under the Welfare Reform Act 2012 coupled
with austerity measures have resulted in the deepest cuts to state provision in the post-
war welfare period (Taylor-Gooby, 2014; Field and Forsay, 2016). Analysis demonstrates
disproportionate effects of these measures on women and lone parents (e.g. WBG, 2013;
IFS, 2016). Benefits stigma has increased in this context (Taylor-Gooby, 2014; Tyler, 2013)

19
and feminists illustrate how classed and gendered 'maternal TV' inculcates associations
between lone motherhood and benefits stigma (Wood and Skeggs, 2011; Tyler, 2011).

Chapter Three describes how reviewing literature on lone motherhood and stigma shaped
the empirical and conceptual approach to this research. It begins by establishing a need
to consider both continuity and change in family life and the inter-play of agency and
structure when exploring lone mothers' experiences. While 'individualisation' theorists
(Giddens, 1992; Beck and Beck-Gersheim, 2002) have argued that intimate relationships
have become 'democratised' and open to reflexive choice, significant challenges to this
perspective are outlined (e.g. Jamieson, 1998; Duncan and Smith, 2006). Previous studies
suggest that while lone mothers display considerable agency, further attention to the role
of traditional structural constraints is also required (e.g. Mitchell and Green, 2002; Klett-
Davies, 2007; May, 2006). The chapter explains why the theoretical perspective offered
by Archer (2000; 2003; 2007; 2012; 2014), was therefore considered the most compatible
with the research aims. In viewing time as a variable, Archer's 'morphogenic' model of
social change (1996; 2012; 2014), helps consider the extent to which historical
stigmatisation of lone mothers persists. Her separation of agency and structure, using
‘personal’, ‘structural’ and ‘cultural’ emergent properties (Archer 2000; 2003; 2007), is
also valuable in analysing how their interaction influences mediation of stigma.

The second section of the chapter explains why spatial location and class became foci for
this research and discusses the rationale for taking a feminist Bourdiesian approach to
class analysis (Bourdieu, 1989; Skeggs, 1997; Gillies, 2007). The chapter concludes by
bringing theoretical influences together to look at lone motherhood through the 'prism of
legitimacy' conceptual framework. Although Goffman's (1990 [1963]) study of 'spoilt
identity' retains its influence in contemporary accounts of lone motherhood and stigma
(e.g. Yardley, 2008; Ellis-Sloan, 2014) and is drawn on extensively here, contemporary
re-conceptualisations (Link and Phelan 2001; Scambler, 2009) help to address its
limitations. The chapter describes how 'subjective social legitimacy' (henceforth 'SSL') was
developed as an analytical tool to aid exploration of lone mothers' agential mediation of
stigma in a holistic way that does not assume women feel stigmatised within the prevailing
structural and cultural context. It draws on a review of 'social legitimacy' as a general
social process by Johnson et al. (2006). They regard legitimacy as both a social construct
comprised of desirable models and behaviours and a social process that helps create and
maintain inequality. SSL refers to the women's subjective sense of validity, propriety and
self-worth. It helps break down women's situations, their perceptions of stigmatisation of
lone mothers generally, their sense of personal stigma and their agential responses to this.
It can thus be viewed as agential mediation of a de-legitimated identity.

20
Chapter Four discusses the research methodology: from philosophical underpinnings;
through to data collection and analysis methods; and researcher reflexivity. Archer's
(2000; 2003; 2012) theorisation of agency/structure and social change is underpinned by
a critical realist philosophical perspective, developed by Bhaskar (1975; 2015). This
chapter begins by establishing compatibility between the research aims and key tenets of
critical realism and describes how meta-theoretical assumptions were translated into
practicable research methods. Bhaskar's 'depth ontology' separates ontological from
epistemological issues, which enables realist ontology to be combined with constructionist
epistemology, which facilitates exploration of the relationship between actors' perspectives
and their situations (Maxwell, 2012: 20). The critical aspect also entails a commitment to
critiquing social practices in order to 'reduce illusion' about those practices (Sayer 2000:
10), which is of value in examining women's subjective experiences within the context of
gender and class inequalities.

The second section of the chapter describes key elements of the research practice
including: the 'purposive' sampling strategy (Cresswell, 2007) and selection of locations;
participant recruitment; and ethical considerations. It includes reflections on conducting
semi-structured interviews with 26 women and analysing the data. The final section
explains how theoretical ideas were developed in 'dialogue' with the data (Layder, 1998),
by gradually moving from descriptive to more interpretive analysis. Having used thematic
coding and Framework Analysis (Spencer et al., 2014a; 2014b) to identify prominent
themes and similarities and contrasts between women in the two locations, analysis of
case dynamics (Miles and Hubberman, 1994) helped identify processes underlying
empirical observations (Sayer 1992; Danermark et al., 2001). The data suggested that
participants' propensity for rejection, resistance or absorption of stigma could be loosely
grouped as 'modes' of SSL, which can be described as: 'negative', 'positive', 'defensive',
'performative' or 'transformative'. While 'judgement' was an indicator of stigma,
uncovering which or whose standards women judged themselves against suggested the
importance of evaluative judgement or, put simply 'judging the judgement', as a pivotal
mechanism underlying their agential mediation of stigma.

Having grounded this study methodologically, the next three chapters discuss the research
findings. These three chapters explore lone mothers' subjective experiences of stigma in
relation to discursive, material and socio-spatial contexts respectively. They are structured
in sections presenting key themes, with each section firstly outlining similarities across the
data, comparing experiences between the locations, and then drawing on case examples
in analysing 'modes' of SSL in relation to these themes.

21
Chapter Five focuses on PEPs (Archer, 2000) in the form of participants' agential
negotiation of the CEPs of cultural representations of lone motherhood. The chapter begins
by discussing women's ambivalence towards terminology, which automatically prompted
objections to 'labelling' and anger at negative stereotyping. Media misrepresentation was
regarded as the root of 'judgement' in the majority of cases, regardless of location or
situation. Application of SSL explores how women rejected, absorbed or resisted media
imagery. The next section analyses women's responses to cultural representations in light
of their extra-discursive situations (Maxwell, 2012; Lau and Morgan, 2014). Participants
emphasised lack of choice over their situation as a means of distancing themselves from
the benefit dependent 'single mum stereotype' and positioned themselves in a 'hierarchy
of maternal legitimacy' (Song, 1996) according to: age, route to lone motherhood and
sexual morality. Objective situations did not necessarily translate into subjective effects
of stigma however, and the role of self-judgement and judgement of 'other' lone mothers
in participants' modes of SSL are exemplified. The final section examines women's SSL in
relation to class imbued discourse, self-identified social class and deployment of cultural
capital as a device in distancing from stereotypes.

Chapter Six focuses on experiences of stigma in relation to the SEPs of the labour market,
welfare policies and participants' material situations. It explores participants' deployment
of PEPs in balancing breadwinner and carer roles within the context of worker citizenship
(Haux, 2012) and heightened benefits stigma (Taylor-Gooby, 2013). Women in a diverse
range of circumstances across both locations expressed a strong work ethic, which they
associated with self-worth and avoidance of stigma. The first section outlines contrasts in
qualifications, skills and employment opportunities between the locations. It cites
examples of women's frustrated attempts to behave agentially in finding and sustaining
childcare compatible jobs. It discusses the impact of employment and unemployment on
lone mothers' judgement of their personal value and modes of SSL. The second section
uncovers the significance of judgement of deservingness of state resources in lone
mothers' internalisation or deflection of benefits stigma. The final section considers levels
of economic capital (Bourdieu, 1989) in relation to SSL.

Chapter Seven focuses on women's PEPs in terms of their spatial and social context. Burr
makes a useful distinction between 'macro' and 'micro' discursive constructs (2003: 21-
22). Where macro constructs of nationally hegemonic media discourse are explored in
Chapter Five, this chapter focuses on more micro level discourse, local reproductive norms
and attitudes encountered during day-to-day interactions, and kinship and social
networks. The first section outlines contrasts in local reproductive norms and discusses
how, whilst highly aware of the heteronormative two parent 'ideal', participants' judgement
of their family form as 'proper' or 'spoilt' depended upon what was 'normal' in their
22
respective neighbourhoods and their personal relationship history. The second section
describes how women in both locations displayed pride in fulfilling the 'good lone mother'
role. It discusses the importance of personal resilience and reflexivity in mitigating stigma
and illustrates the dynamic nature of SSL using case examples. The final section discusses
the significance of extended family networks and knowing people in 'the same situation'
and examines the impact of 'social capital' on participants' SSL.

Chapter Eight is the Conclusion to the thesis. The chapter begins by responding to the
research questions by summing up principal empirical findings and core arguments from
the study. It shows how the research adds to understandings of lone mothers' experiences
of stigma through introducing SSL as an analytical tool and sets out a theoretical model
indicating 'judgement of judgement' as a pivotal process in agential mediation of stigma.
It evaluates the research with reference to quality standards (Silverman, 2011) and critical
realist knowledge claims (Sayer, 1992). It also offers suggestions for future research in
light of the findings.

The concluding chapter establishes how the research makes a significant and original
contribution to knowledge. Whilst this will be discussed fully, it can be summarised here
as a threefold empirical, conceptual and methodological advancement of knowledge on the
topic. Empirically, this research adds to existing knowledge by taking a comparative
approach that enables factors contributing towards manifestations of stigma among
mothers in diverse situations to be explored. Ways in which the findings support, extend
or are at variance with previous studies are discussed in relevant chapters and summarised
in the conclusion. Conceptually, drawing on Archer's (2000; 2003) theorisation facilitates
investigation of agency/structure interplay in examining experiences of stigma and
introducing SSL offers a bespoke approach to exploring stigma in a holistic way that does
not assume or reinforce stigma. Methodologically, the research looks beneath empirical
observations and applies 'abduction' and 'retroduction' (Bhaskar, 2015; Sayer 2000) in a
way which suggests the significance of evaluative judgement as a key mechanism
influencing lone mothers' rejection, absorption or resistance of stigma.

Having briefly introduced the research here, its approach, findings and contribution to
knowledge will now be fully elaborated over the course of this thesis.

23
Chapter 2
Lone motherhood and stigma in
history, policy and discourse

Introduction

Literature on lone motherhood spans sociology, social history, family, gender and policy
studies. This and the following chapter discuss how key sources helped to shape the
research, pinpoint gaps to which it aims to respond and explain the rationale for theoretical
perspectives and empirical approaches adopted. The most pertinent empirical studies and
theoretical insights are revisited as relevant throughout the thesis. This chapter follows a
broadly chronological order in discussing key developments in demographics, policies and
attitudes affecting lone mothers, along with academic analyses of these changes.
Establishing this backdrop helps gauge the extent to which age-old stigmatisation of lone
mothers is being reproduced or challenged. The chapter is divided into three sections. The
first section begins with reference to historical accounts of lone motherhood and discusses
how the theme of legitimacy has been recurrent over centuries and was reprised during
New Right 'underclass' debates, which targeted lone mothers. The second section
delineates the relationship between the state, citizenship and gender normativity, drawing
on feminist perspectives on the role of the state in lone mothers' lives, and outlines
critiques of New Labour's 'welfare to work' agenda. The final section sets the socio-political
and media backdrop against which fieldwork for this study was conducted and examines
manifestations of stigmatisation in prevailing discourse on 'deservingness' of state
benefits.

The long shadow of illegitimacy?

‘The past always impresses itself on the present in some way', according to Layder, who
suggests that 'reading history in a sociological way' can add empirical and analytical depth
to contemporary research (1998: 69). Beginning with a short overview of historical
accounts of the treatment of 'unmarried mothers' reveals how stigmatisation centred
around a legitimacy/illegitimacy dichotomy, which can be traced from pre-industrial
society, through the introduction of the New Poor Laws in the nineteenth century to
'underclass' debates of the 1990s and a contemporary 'cultural political economy' of
'welfare disgust' (Tyler, 2013). This section touches upon theories concerning the origin
of 'legitimate' reproduction and demonstrates the value of critical perspectives offered by

24
 Engels, (1988), Foucault (1979) and particularly feminist analysis (Millet, 1990; Reekie,
1998), in uncovering material concerns and patriarchal interests that lie at the heart of
ongoing moralising discourses on lone motherhood.

Theories on the origins of legitimacy

State regulation of private behaviour covers matters including reproduction, abortion,
childcare, marriage, and divorce (Rowlingson and McKay, 2002). Principal changes to
legislation affecting lone mothers dating from the pre-industrial period to the present are
charted in Appendix A: History of policies affecting lone mothers table. The Roman concept
of 'filius nullius', which regarded children as their father's property and a child born outside
of marriage as the 'child of no-one' without recourse to support or inheritance, continued
to influence Western law for centuries (Hendrix, 1996). With only fatherhood existing as
a legal concept and motherhood having no legally sanctioned status, the child of an unwed
mother had no legal rights (Smart, 1996). One historical account (Adair, 1996) shows that
questions of financial responsibility for 'bastards' and moral condemnation of their mothers
as 'harlots' and 'strumpets' loomed large in C16th parish records. Illegitimate pregnancy
was seen as a burden on local ratepayers and historical practices to control sexual
behaviour included villagers making 'rough music', which involved shaming an unmarried
pregnant woman by throwing stones and singing crude songs outside her door (Bottero,
2011).

MacKinnon's (1983) 'feminist jurisprudence' perspective views legality as constituted in

the interests of men with both women's behaviour and reproductive norms being judged
from the male perspective. Smart (1984) elaborates a feminist perspective on the
relationship between family law and female oppression in legislation on marriage, parental
rights and responsibilities, divorce and sexuality. She views the law as oppressive in
reflecting and reproducing patriarchal power structures, though qualifying that this does
not mean a conspiracy by the largely male body of professionals to administer it. Smart
also describes how the subjugation of women was reinforced through regulation of
sexuality, legitimacy, marriage and reproduction (1992: 13). She details historical
coverage of court cases concerning 'baby-farming'3 and publication of birth control
information during the late C19th as examples of this. Illegitimacy had been 'constructed
as a major social problem' by the end of C19th (Smart, 1996).

A brief outline of competing theories on the origins of legitimacy and a selection of sources
on the historical treatment of lone mothers offers evidence to support critical perspectives
which regard the law as reproducing both patriarchal and material interests. Arguing in

3
The practice known as 'baby farming' involved women running businesses charging minimal weekly
rates for generally extremely poor standard childcare, which was often the only recourse available
for unmarried mothers (Smart, 1992).
25
the late C19th that legal inequalities were a manifestation of social inequalities, Engels
(1988 [1877]) equates the origin of monogamous marriage with the origin of private
property. In analysis linking gender and class oppression, he contends that legitimacy
served men's desire to both control female sexuality and ensure biological children
inherited their property. Malinowski's (1930) functionalist 'principle of legitimacy', put
forward some fifty years later, argued that legitimacy is universal and every child needs a
'social father' to confer legal and social status or will otherwise incur stigma. Whilst Engels'
(1988) historical materialist account was 'potentially powerful', it was largely overlooked
and Malinowski's interpretation came to dominate C20th family policy (Hendrix, 1996).

Millett (1990) provides a feminist challenge to Malinowski's interpretation. She views his
social father mind-set as reinforcing patriarchal family relations by placing the status of
child and mother as 'ultimately dependent on the male' (1990: 35). Foucault (1979)
regards legitimacy as a culturally and historically specific principle to govern transmission
of power, circulation of wealth and female sexuality in particular social and historic
contexts. Reekie (1998) draws on Foucault to deconstruct the distinction between marital
and extra-marital birth. She argues that subsequent welfare policies were 'permeated'
with the spirit of C19th demographer Malthus (1988 [1798]), who believed that children
whose parents could not afford to support their offspring should be left to starve rather
than encouraging population growth and 'immoral behaviour' through financial assistance.
'Malthusian anxieties about over-production of economically dependent citizens', remain
at the heart of modern welfare debates, according to Reekie (1998: 58).

Although Malinowski's universalistic principle of legitimacy can be witnessed in subsequent

family policy and discourse, historical sources better support critical interpretations which
equate de jure regulation and social stigmatisation of illegitimacy with control of material
recourses, sexuality and contextualised power, as offered respectively by Engels (1988),
Millett (1990) and Foucault (1979). Adair's (1996) historical survey of records from 500
English parishes between 1538 and 1754, for example, reveals dramatic regional
variations in the propensity and toleration of extra-marital birth, which can be directly
attributed to local economic circumstances. Another historical account illustrates the
connection between local economic context and reproductive norms with an example from
C17th rural Scotland: extra-marital birth became 'normative' where a practice of sex
preceding wedding banns was disrupted as agricultural holdings became scarce and young
men left to 'roam the countryside untrammelled' looking for work (Blaikie, 1995: 653).
Rowlingson and McKay (2002) point to localised common-law ceremonial practices that
accompanied widespread cohabitation in pre-industrial Britain.

26
Furthermore, analysis of theories of legitimacy by Hendrix (1996), based on systematic
interrogation of anthropological studies across the world and over time, offers empirical
evidence to support the correlation between attitudes towards legitimacy and local norms
and the association between treatment of extra-marital birth and gender and class
relations. His analysis concludes that sanctions against extra-marital birth are most harsh
in the most hierarchical societies and where females have least power; and are dealt with
in a more relaxed way in classless societies. Based on the foregoing discussion, legitimacy
can therefore be said to be accorded in relation to power and linked to control of female
sexuality and material resources. Historical materialist (Engels, 1988) and feminist (Millett,
1990) perspectives on legitimacy offer useful background in confirming the relevance of a
dual systems feminist stance (Walby, 1990), as discussed in the next section, and in
considering the significance of class alongside gender in stigmatisation of lone
motherhood.

Gendered moral discourses

Song (1996) describes how class and gender inequalities underpinned treatment of lone
mothers at the onset of industrialisation and how notions of legitimacy have continued to
resurface in discourse ever since. She makes a convincing case that a stratified hierarchy
of gendered 'moral discourse', based on judgements of deservingness remains
'instrumental in legitimising or de-legitimising state assistance' and position never-married
mothers as 'least deserving of support' (Song, 1996: 379-380). The New Poor Law in 1834
marked the introduction of a national network of Poor Houses, where social stigma was
the price of material relief (Morris, 1994). 'Bastardy Clauses' called upon family and
marriage as the means by which rights to assistance could be legitimately determined and
consigned mothers without husbands to either punishing physical labour in workhouses or
mental institutions (Carabine, 2001). The extreme situation for many pregnant women
without male support is starkly revealed in the rise of infanticide at this time (Smart,
1992). The principle of 'less eligibility' created a 'discursive hierarchy' privileging 'widows
over separated and deserted wives and all of them over single pregnant women', which
has resonated through subsequent debates on lone mothers' entitlement to public
resources, according to Carabine (2001: 301).

Malinowski's 'principle of legitimacy' can be witnessed in attitudes towards lone mothers

during the first half of the C20th, notwithstanding some tolerance of extra-marital births
resulting from family disruptions during wars (Carabine, 2001; Evans and Thane, 2012).
According to Reekie, (1998), the unmarried mother in the 1920s was typically viewed as
either a naive girl led astray, mentally deficient, or an immoral delinquent. Maternal care
was subject to increasing professional scrutiny and moralising discourse (Smart, 1998).
'Attachment' theories of child psychology gained ground during the 1940s and 1950s,
27
fostering beliefs among a growing band of health and social work professionals that
mothers should be at home with their children and emotional development of a child who
did not know its father would be seriously hampered (Reekie, 1998). Such theories, which
stressed the importance of the two parent nuclear family for socialisation of children, cast
unmarried mothers as likely to be 'unfit mothers' and they were commonly encouraged to
have their babies adopted (Evans and Thane, 2012: 23). Spensky (1992) describes how
mother and baby homes were created on a penitentiary model and served as ‘producers
of legitimacy’ by furnishing childless married couples with babies born in stigmatised extra-
marital circumstances. Smart deconstructs socially constructed 'good' and 'bad' mother
roles and argues that unmarried mothers 'disrupt the carefully calibrated norms of
motherhood':

The boundary between the unwed mother and the married mother…has for so long
been presumed to coincide with the boundary between the bad and the good mother'
(Smart, 1996: 47).

While the post-war period is commonly portrayed as the 'Golden Age of family life',
autobiographical and oral history sources reveal that class and gender conflicts often lay
beneath this idealised depiction (Fink, 2011). According to McIntosh, negative stereotypes
of lone parenthood 'have as their obverse the idealised images of married parenthood''
(1996: 150). Married parenthood can, however, be far from ideal, she adds, and lone
motherhood can threaten the ideology.

Separating sex, marriage and reproduction

While the 1960s was a time of cultural shift, sexual revolution and a rapid increase in
divorce, Goffman (1990) still included 'bastards' in his categories of stigmatised people in
his classic work on stigma published in 1963. Despite the 'sexual revolution', pre-marital
pregnancy was still likely to be met with a hasty wedding in the late 1960s, according to
Evans and Thane (2012). They describe how non-married motherhood remained
stigmatised and 'hidden', with 172 'mother and baby homes' still existing in England in
1968. Two academic accounts from this period – one seeing lone mothers as a problem
for society and the other highlighting the problems faced by them – exemplify contrasting
perspectives on the topic. One journal article which decries 'the amazing rise of
illegitimacy' attributed this demographic change to a welfare system that diminished
citizens' personal responsibility by providing 'cradle to grave' security (Hartley, 1966). In
contrast, Marsden (1969) was part of a new generation of social scientists whose focus
was on discrimination and social and economic disadvantage. His study, involving
qualitative interviews with 116 'mothers alone' in West Yorkshire and Essex who were
receiving National Assistance, highlighted the poverty and social isolation they
experienced.

28
Introduction of the contraceptive pill, increases in divorce, the rise of cohabitation and
joint registration of births by non-married parents all contributed to a decline in moralising
discourses during the 1970s and what Song refers to as the 'normalisation' of lone parent
families (1996:383). Mothers who were not married finally gained full legal rights over
their own children in 1973 (Gillies, 2007). Lewis and Kiernan (1996) describe how a
separation of sex and marriage in the 1960s was followed by a separation of marriage and
reproduction in the 1980s. Extra-marital birth rates rose from 5% in 1960, to 12% in
1980, and 28% in 1990 (Lewis and Kiernan, 1996). Divorce trebled and the proportion of
never-married lone mothers doubled, leading to a growth in the proportion of lone mother
families in the UK from 10% in 1979 to 18% by 1990 (Lewis, 1998). Lewis and Kiernan
regard it as significant that boundaries between widows, divorced and never married
mothers were 'consciously blurred' during debates on lone parenthood at this time (1996:
379). The National Council for the Unmarried Mother and Her Child changed its name in
1970 to the National Council for One Parent Families. Evans and Thane (2012) view
changes in language as a move from moralistic representations towards more of a focus
on social disadvantage at this time.

Social scientists such as Marsden helped raise awareness of discrimination and social and
economic disadvantage during this period and public policy moved briefly towards
considering the 'problem' of lone motherhood more in terms of structural poverty than
personal morality (Keirnan et al., 1996). The Finer Committee, established in 1974, was
notable in looking at improving conditions for one parent families in a practical way devoid
of the moralistic discourse that permeated previous policy deliberations. Although many
of its 230 recommendations were not implemented, increases in benefits and better access
to housing under the Homeless Persons Act 1977 improved the material situation of many
lone mothers (Evans and Thane, 2012).

A qualitative study conducted in the early 1980s (Filinson, 1984: 86) suggests the
'principle of legitimacy' was becoming anachronistic with increasing convergence between
the family lives of children of non-married cohabiting parents and divorced parents and
questions assumptions as to the deleterious effects of 'fatherlessness'. Evans and Thane
(2012) point out that, although lone motherhood became more socially acceptable as non-
marital birth trebled during the more sexually permissive 1970s, experiences have always
been diverse and there has been no linear journey from stigmatisation to acceptance. As
part of its campaign to end discrimination, the National Council for One Parent Families
(Derrick, 1986) published letters expressing feelings of shame, difference and inferiority
caused by illegitimacy. Children born outside of marriage did not gain full legal equity until
the Family Law Reform Act 1987, which also removed the term 'illegitimate' from official
discourse and replaced it with 'non-marital' or 'extra-marital birth'.
29
Reekie (1998) believes illegitimacy has survived in a symbolic form long after legal equity
for non-marital birth occurred. Certain forms of parenting, family structure and population
growth are repeatedly constructed as 'socially illegitimate', as opposed to others, Reekie
argues (1998: 181). Or as Foucault puts it: 'The legitimate and procreative couple laid
down the law' (1979:3). 'Illegitimacy should not be read in a narrow legal sense', according
to Spensky, but positioned within the realm of complex social relations and 'understood
as social practice which is constructed as deviant by society at a given period' (1992: 100).
In their socialist feminist critique of the family, Barrett and McIntosh (1992) argue that it
is an essentially selfish institution. They contend that the prevailing idealised family model
is a C19th bourgeoisie model that serves the needs of capitalism and patriarchy and
reproduces class and gender inequalities: 'This hegemonic family form is a powerful
ideological force' (Barrett and McIntosh, 1992: 33). They describe how this model of family
life came to be viewed as the legitimate form, with the popular image of the couple living
together with their children, 'constantly projected as the image of normality and happiness'
(Barrett and McIntosh, 1992: 76).

Illegitimacy in underclass debates

Following a period of dramatic change in family demographics during the 1970s and early
1980s (Lewis, 1998), stigmatisation of lone motherhood was re-ignited fiercely when
never-married mothers became associated with 'underclass' debates during the late 1980s
and early 1990s. Illegitimacy was a central theme of the 'underclass thesis', put forward
by American neo-liberal political scientist Murray (1984). In Murray's view, state
dependent female-headed households were breeding generations of dysfunctional
families, characterised by criminality, long term unemployment and lack of adequate
socialisation. His invocation of deservingness discourses echoed Malthus' (1988 [1798])
arguments some two centuries earlier that social welfare incentivised undesirable
reproduction. Murray's ideas were transported from USA inner-city ghettos to the UK in
1989, sponsored by The Sunday Times newspaper, and proved influential among UK
ministers and helped fuel vicious political and media attacks on never married mothers
(Prideux, 2010). Social security costs associated with supporting lone parents had trebled
during the 1980s, making them a prime target for media coverage which portrayed them
as a drain on state resources (Song, 1996) and vilification by politicians from the New
Right (Millar, 1996).

Feminist literature offers a powerful critique on the underclass perspective, which retains
its relevance in the contemporary context of benefits stigma, as discussed in the final
section of this chapter. Phoenix (1996) points out that, unlike underclass debates in the
USA, which centred upon race, lone motherhood among black women in the UK was largely
absent from discourse or viewed as due to cultural differences whereas individualistic
30
psychological explanations were given to motherhood among single white women. Prime
Minister, Margaret Thatcher (1979-1990), viewed family breakdown as the root of social
ills and lone motherhood became tied up in a well-documented discourse of 'moral crisis'
and 'welfare dependency' (Lewis and Kiernan, 1996). Quoting a prime ministerial speech
claiming young girls deliberately get pregnant to jump housing queues and access
benefits, Carabine (1996) argues that 'normalising' ideas about appropriate sexuality
explicitly influenced Conservative policy, manifesting as strong messages about
respectable married reproduction. Drawing upon Foucault's concept of 'normalising
judgement', whereby an individual is compared to a desired norm, she argues that welfare
policies perform a normalising role in relation to sexuality, gender and motherhood. Family
policy is instrumental in promoting a heteronormative family model which finds single
parents wanting in comparison with a desired norm, she believes. Carabine regards the
association between Child Support Act 1991 provisions and not knowing or wanting to
name their child's father with promiscuous behaviour as part of an attempt, 'to restrict
women's sexual and social autonomy' (1996: 67).

The New Right associated divorce with lack of morality (Smart and Neale, 1999) and the
Conservative Government's 'back to basics' campaign emphasis on traditional family
values and parental rather than state responsibility was enshrined in the 1989 Children
Act (Lewis, 1996). The failure of the Child Support Act 1991 to reduce state expenditure
by targeting absent fathers or so called ‘deadbeat dads' to pay maintenance is well noted
(see, for example, Fox Harding, 1996). There is a dearth of studies of non-resident fathers,
but during qualitative interviews Bradshaw et al. (1999), found that, contrary to negative
stereotypes, many reported faring badly from family break-ups and struggling to maintain
contact with their children. Coming from what they termed an 'ethical socialist'
perspective, Dennis and Erdos (1992) linked fatherless families with rises in crime,
overcrowded housing and children's low educational attainment and called for a return of
traditional family values and 'respectable' working class morality. Right wing
commentators such as Morgan (1995) perpetuated a view that over-generous benefits for
lone parents contributed to family breakdown. Roseneil and Mann's dissection of the
vilification of state dependent single mothers in political rhetoric and media coverage
states:

The discourse dichotomized women along age-old lines – good women who do the
right thing, marry and have children, versus bad women, who have children, don't
get married and depend on state benefits (Roseneil and Mann, 1996: 192).

A large body of sociological critique either disputes the existence of an underclass

(Greenstein, 1985; Baggeley and Mann, 1992) or acknowledges its existence but
attributes it to structural factors rather than individuals' shortcomings (Dahrendorf, 1987).

31
As well as disputing the rigour of Murray's arguments, critics point out that changes in
family structure were occurring alongside wide-scale economic restructuring in the wake
of the late-1970s global financial crisis and post-industrial decline in blue collar male
employment. An ethnographic study by Kingfisher (1996) documents accounts of women
'trapped' in the USA welfare system due to a lack of jobs and the high cost of childcare,
healthcare and transport. The toll of welfare dependency on self-worth unearthed by
Kingfisher was in stark contrast with the stereotypical image of a system-abusing 'welfare
queen'. Buckingham (1999) examined longitudinal data and concluded there were signs
that an underclass existed in the UK, but that lone mothers did not fall within its
parameters. While the underclass thesis blamed individuals for their demographic and
social situation, unemployment was the main cause of the rise of poverty, according to
Dean and Taylor-Gooby (1992), whose empirical examination found lone parents' work
and family values no different to mainstream norms. Similarly, Duncan and Edwards
(1999) used interview data and Census records to test the validity of theories purporting
that lone mothers were a deviant state dependent underclass. They found that people
claiming state benefits expressed conformity to dominant cultural norms and 'traditional
family values'.

Lone mothers tended to be geographically concentrated in 'hard to let' council properties

in areas of high unemployment (Hardey and Crow, 1991; Morris, 1994). Campbell (1984)
visited estates deemed 'dumping grounds' for never married mothers in areas with
unemployment as high as 50%. From a feminist stance, she documents limitations in
young women's choices resulting from patriarchy and poverty and the sense of status and
community belonging which motherhood afforded those without employment options.
Many of these 'dole queue mothers' became single having fled domestic abuse, she found,
and their lifestyle was at odds with the promiscuity depicted by press and politicians.

Mothers, workers or both?

Each government has its own narrative on ways of dealing with poverty, non-conformity
and the intervention of the state in private life and Brodie (1997) regards attention to
'meso-discourses' as a way of exploring particular state forms. Contrary to Foucault's view
of power as diffuse, Brodie argues that 'identifiable state forms with different logics of
governance exist' with historical shifts in the philosophy underlying particular
configurations of public and private and meanings of citizenship (Foucault, 1989, cited
Brodie, 1997: 227). This can be seen in the shift from 'social' to 'worker' citizenship models
underpinning welfare policies over the past three decades, with the accompanying

32
discursive emphasis on labour market participation, which is well documented in literature
on lone motherhood (eg: Driver and Martell, 2002; Pulkingham et al., 2010; Haux, 2012).

From social citizenship to adult worker model

Successive UK governments have veered between treating lone mothers primarily as
breadwinners and primarily as carers (Lewis, 1998). From analysis of literature, it is
possible to discern changing formulations of citizenship and discourses surrounding lone
motherhood informing and accompanying these changes over time, which could be
described as movements in meso-discourse (Brodie, 1997). Table 1: Mother, worker or
both? Policy, citizenship, discourse and designated lone mother role, below, summarises
relationships between changing welfare regimes, conceptualisations of citizenship,
prevailing discourses and state expectations regarding the primary role of lone mothers.

Table 1: Mother, worker or both? Policy, citizenship, discourse and designated lone mother role

PERIOD WELFARE CITIZENSHIP MODEL PREVAILING PRIMARY ROLE

REGIME DISCOURSE

C19th New Poor Laws Civil Personal problem Worker

Post Second World Welfare State Social State Mother

War responsibility

Conservative Social Security Market Social threat Mother followed

Governments by mother and
1979-1992 worker

New Labour Workfare Worker Social problem Mother and

Governments worker
1992-2010

Coalition Government Welfare Reform Worker Deservingness Worker

2010-15

In their work on lone parenthood and the state, Rowlingson and McKay view capitalism
and patriarchy as among powerful vested interests in the state but believe the extent to
which this dictates policy varies according to changes of government over time (2002:
77). As the above discussion of the Poor Laws highlights, lone mothers were positioned
firmly as workers within a civil citizenship model that regarded their problems as personal.
Marshall (1968) has encapsulated progression from civil to political citizenship followed by
the social citizenship model, enshrined in the post-war welfare state, with expanded state
responsibilities and social rights for individuals. Women bringing up children alone were
33
entitled to National Assistance on the basis of motherhood being their 'main responsibility'
until children reached 16 years old (Keirnan et al., 1996: 7). Accordingly, they were
primarily mothers and the state was fulfilling the absent father's breadwinner role in lone
mother households.

As discussed in the previous section, the New Right political culture considered benefits a
perverse incentive to undesirable reproduction and lone mothers as a 'social threat'
(Duncan and Edwards, 1999). Commitment to a rollback of the welfare state formulated
citizenship increasingly in terms of individual freedoms rather than social rights during the
course of successive Conservative administrations, resulting in greater emphasis on means
tested rather than universal benefits. When attempts to get absent fathers to accept more
financial responsibility for children proved a 'spectacular failure', political focus turned
towards encouraging lone mothers into the labour market (Lewis, 1998: 10). Lone
mothers' employment had not risen at anywhere near the rate among married mothers
between 1970 and 1990 (Keirnan et al., 1996). Policies thus veered back to treating lone
mothers primarily as workers, reduced eligibility to housing and introduced a programme
to encourage labour market participation (Lewis, 1998).

Following this period of extreme pathologisation, Atkinson et al. describe how the political
and media tide turned as the Labour party started to articulate a new discourse which, 're-
appropriated and redefined lone parents as chief targets of government aid' (2011: 1).
The 'social threat' discourse was accordingly replaced by a 'social problem' discourse
(Duncan and Edwards, 1999). Lewis (2006) describes how the normative family model
moved from the male breadwinner/female carer model towards an 'adult worker'
formulation under successive Labour Government policies. Lone parents were targeted
specifically for 'welfare to work' through Labour's New Deal for Lone Parents, which was
part of its Social Inclusion agenda. The worker citizen norm equated employment with
responsible parenting (Lewis, 2006; Churchill 2007).

Whether it is regarded as a problem for society or experienced by individuals, lone

motherhood has generally been problematised by governments in the UK (Song, 1996).
Rowlingson and McKay describe how placing lone mothers among other 'problem
categories' under the New Labour Social Inclusion agenda meant that 'wider inequalities'
were not addressed (2002: 119). May (2006) suggests that individualisation contributed
towards the New Deal for Lone Parents advocating employment as the route to 'fully
fledged citizenship' without fully acknowledging structural inequalities. According to
Churchill, while this agenda could be enabling for some lone mothers in moving beyond
economic dependence on men, the conceptualisations of parental

34
irresponsibility/responsibility it contained, 'problematised those who do not prioritise social
mobility via paid work' (2007: 181).

Lone motherhood, state and 'legitimate' citizenship

While Marshall charts progression from civil to social citizenship, with extended rights and
equality held up as 'an image against which achievement can be measured' (1968: 84),
citizenship is also a contested concept. Marx regarded it as a 'false' concept (1846). In
contrast with Marshall's aspirational standard for society, citizenship can be regarded more
critically as a standard against which citizens themselves are judged. Lockwood (1996)
suggests standing citizenship on its head to gauge class equality rather than holding it up
as a standard of equality. Reay (1998) describes its enactment as 'classed' and Plummer
(2001) calls for an 'intimate' form of citizenship that recognises sexuality and personal life.

Arguments by feminists, including Walby (1994) and Lister (1997), that citizenship is
profoundly 'gendered' despite being formally gender neutral are crucial to the study of
lone mothers' experiences. Believing that Marshall's preoccupation with class blinded him
to gender inequalities, Lister (1997) points out that citizenship manifests itself in forms of
exclusion as well as inclusion. Having been denied formal citizenship status for much of
history, women's contemporary inclusion is, 'imbued with the stain of gendered
assumptions', she writes (1997: 66). There is no legitimate place for the female, as an
embodied and emotional caregiver in the 'public, male' citizenship she characterises as
disembodied, rational and active (Lister, 1997:100). She draws upon 'Wollstonecraft's
dilemma' to show how women are caught between being recognised as adult worker
citizens or having their role as carers recognised. This point recurs in empirical analysis of
policies to encourage lone mothers' workforce participation (e.g. Wallbank, 1998).

The view of citizenship as gendered is well substantiated in lone motherhood literature.

While social citizenship expanded state responsibilities and furthered social rights, it was
premised upon a male breadwinner/female housewife family model and a taken for
granted gendered division of labour (Lewis, 2006). As women's exclusion from the state
'gave way to her subordination to the state', lone mothers' standard of living became
determined by, 'either the patriarchal state or the patriarchally structured labour market',
according to Fox Harding (1996: 139). Patriarchal family relations in the form of unwaged
domestic labour disadvantage women in the labour market (Smart, 1984). Hartmann
(1979, cited Walby, 1990) views capitalist and patriarchal interests as intertwined. The
'dual systems' exposition of the mutually reinforcing nature of capitalist and patriarchal
social structures in lone mother's lives put forward by Walby (1990) thus presents a highly
convincing perspective through which to view lone mothers' twofold oppression under a

35
patriarchal family model and capitalist economic model. Discussing lone mothers' position,
she writes:

While they lose their own individual patriarch, they do not lose their subordination to
other patriarchal structures and practices. Indeed they become even more exposed
to certain of the more diffused public sets of patriarchal practices...It is the
anonymous state and market rather than her private patriarch which determines the
life of the lone mother. She substitutes private for public patriarchy (Walby, 1990:
197).

Sayer supports this dual systems view and highlights feminist research which exemplifies,
'the way gender is classed and class is gendered' (e.g. Skeggs, 1997; Reay, 1998, cited
Sayer, 2005: 17). The impact of intersecting patriarchal social systems and capitalist
economic systems on intersecting gender and class inequalities is well recognised (e.g.
Bradley, 2014). Scott et al., (2010) highlight the impact of social class on mothers'
differential opportunities for secure employment that is compatible with childcare, for
example. Whereas Rowlingson and McKay (2002) view capitalism and patriarchy as among
powerful vested interests in the state but believe the extent to which this dictates policy
varies according to changes of government over time, two studies from a Marxist
perspective prove illuminating in examining how employment policies perpetuate the
interests of capitalism at lone mothers' expense. Grover (2005) looks at lone motherhood
in terms of the Marxist concept of a 'gendered reserve army of Labour' and thereby regards
government policy as, 'subordinated to the demands of labour market flexibility' (2005:
68). While the Keynesian welfare state's social citizenship model was concerned with
extending the social rights of citizens, he writes, the Shumpeterian approach that followed
fostered 'welfare services that benefit business' (2005: 68). Prideux's analysis of lone
motherhood contends that policies which emphasise personal responsibility enable people
who are marginalised by an exploitative economic system to be portrayed as rejecting the
work ethic and 'marginalising themselves' (2011: 91). Wilson and Huntington (2006)
similarly argue that the onset of stigmatisation of motherhood at a younger age arose
from changing workforce demands, with advanced capitalism requiring increased female
higher education and workforce participation.

Pulkingham et al.'s study (2010) is of conceptual significance in dissecting the relationship

between lone motherhood, citizenship and legitimacy in contemporary classed and
gendered forms. Following longitudinal research in British Columbia, they conclude that
despite the 'cultural legitimacy' of lone motherhood having increased overall, this is not
the case for lone mothers 'across the social spectrum' (2010: 284). Documenting the effect
of the employment imperative underlying worker citizenship norms, they argue that lone
mothers who are reliant on welfare risk being positioned as, 'invisible as mothers or moral
citizens, and visible only as low waged worker citizens' (2010:284.) Painting a

36
contemporary picture which harks back to an age-old legitimate/illegitimate dichotomy to
underscore the coerciveness of such norms, they write:

The mothers’ narratives reveal the more fundamental quest lone mothers face in
relationship to their own children: the moral legitimacy to be able to have children
in the first place (Pulkingham et al., 2010: 285).

Critiques of 'welfare to work' policies

Returning to Wollstonecraft’s dilemma, the price of legitimacy as a worker citizen thus
appears to be at the expense of being a carer; a double disadvantage can be thus entailed
for lone mothers with responsibility for performing both breadwinner and carer roles. An
extensive body of work highlights tensions in lone mothers' positioning within the
prevailing 'adult worker' model whereby employment is increasingly regarded as the only
legitimate route to citizenship (e.g. Haux, 2012; Driver and Martell, 2002). Following on
from theoretical critiques of respective state and parental roles and citizenship, the
literature also scrutinises 'welfare to work' policies at a more practical level. Policies
encouraging the expansion of lone mothers' participation in the labour market,
implemented during two Labour administrations, are subject to considerable academic
critique, which pinpoints a failure on the part of policy-makers to recognise tensions in
balancing breadwinner and carer roles. Firstly, evidence shows that assumptions that lone
mothers' employment reduces child poverty are not necessarily founded. At the end of the
last century lone mothers working full time earned on average 70% of a full time male
salary (Kiernan et al., 1996) and living on a single female income can leave lone mother
households prone to poverty (Levitas et al., 2006). Employment does not always equate
with material advantage for lone mothers (Millar, 1996; Millar and Ridge, 2013).

Secondly, an extensive body of research on the impact of workfare policies highlights

significant obstacles that can impinge upon accessing and sustaining work, particularly for
mothers in deprived neighbourhoods. Asymmetrical gender role changes mean that, whilst
increasingly active in the labour market, mothers also remain more likely to assume the
bulk of responsibility for childcare (Scott et al., 2010). Mothers also tend to assume the
majority of responsibility for childcare when relationships end (Walby, 1990; Smart and
Neale, 1999; Poole et al., 2016). Other European countries have had a better record on
childcare to facilitate lone mothers' participation in the workforce and childcare costs can
eat up their earnings (Lewis, 1998; 2006). Policy fails to address the particular demands
faced by lone mothers in meeting their children's needs for both financial support and
practical and emotional care (Wallbank, 1998; Churchill, 2007). The much-cited
investigation of welfare regimes and orientation to paid work among lone mothers by
Duncan and Edwards in the late 1990s found that restricted local labour markets and
'gendered moral rationalities' governed choices and constraints, rather than the neo-

37
classic concept of 'individual economic rationality' (1999: 2). They formulated three
orientations for women in their study; primarily mother', 'primarily worker' and 'worker
mother/worker integral. They advocate for the replacement of 'welfare to work'
programmes with 'welfare and work' programmes that are sensitive to local settings
(1999: 22).

Furthermore, a longitudinal, qualitative project by Ridge and Millar, which began in 2003,
found lone mothers still struggled to achieve an adequate standard of living after entering
employment, despite displaying the 'hard working' behaviour encouraged by government
policies (2008; 2011; 2013). During interviews with 43 lone mothers, Churchill similarly
found governmental emphasis on employment was not supported by sustainable work
opportunities and failed to take on board tensions between paid work and childcare; policy
tends to overlook the balance between material and emotional concerns and 'complexity
of everyday parenting practices' (2007: 175). Academics in Australia (Gazso, 2009) and
Canada (Pulkingham et al., 2010) confirm the shift in emphasis from 'social' to 'active' or
'market' citizenship meant lone mothers there also found balancing work and childcare
commitments difficult. These points cast doubt upon the efficacy of the extension of
employment conditionality on single parents in respect of benefit receipt under the
subsequent welfare reform agenda, which is now discussed.

Lone motherhood and welfare state retrenchment

So far, this chapter has examined empirical and theoretical accounts of lone motherhood
and traced the relationship between legitimacy, materiality, policy and discourse over
time. Having established the existence of this dynamic, this raises questions as to how it
is playing out in the current context and the impact on lone mothers' lives. This section
provides an overview of the political context in which the fieldwork for this study took
place, which was during the latter part of the Conservative Liberal Coalition administration
(2010-2015). It starts by setting out key policy changes affecting lone parents, which were
implemented by the Coalition Government and have continued under subsequent
Conservative administrations. It then outlines evaluations of these measures and looks at
academic critiques of the orthodoxy that underpins a neo-liberal 'discourse of
deservingness'. The stigmatisation of lone motherhood within a climate of increased
benefit stigmatisation is explored in order to establish the backdrop against which lone
mothers' lived experiences are explored.

Policy context
This research offers a qualitative study of experiences of lone mothers living in two
locations during an era of political economy characterised by welfare reform and fiscal

38
austerity. Clarke and Newman (2012) use the 'alchemy of austerity' metaphor to contend
that the 2008 banking crisis and subsequent global recession was used to garner consent
for state retrenchment that was already under way. Welfare reform measures instigated
by the previous Labour administration were introduced to Parliament by the Coalition
Government under the Welfare Reform Bill in February 2011. The Welfare Reform Act 2012
set a target of reducing benefit costs by £15bn by the end of its term of office (CSEI,
2013). This restructuring of welfare marks the most dramatic changes to the UK welfare
system in fifty years (Taylor-Gooby, 2013). Cuts to social provision planned by the
administration for 2010-2015 amounted to the deepest regression in public spending
nationally to date (Taylor-Gooby, 2013).

Lone parents experience financial disadvantage (DWP, 2011) and are among millions of
people affected by reductions to services and expenditure; localisation of the Social Fund
and Council Tax Benefit; withdrawal of SureStart funding and maternity grants; a freeze
on child benefits, and caps on benefits (Graham and McQuaid, 2014). In addition to these
general changes are a series of measures affecting lone parents specifically (Gingerbread,
2013; DWP, 2013; Graham and McQuaid, 2014). Some half a million single parents have
been adversely affected by changes to Housing Benefit rules limiting payments according
to number of bedrooms deemed adequate (Gingerbread, 2013). The direction of welfare
policy over the past three decades has tended towards reducing state expenditure,
increasing compulsion to work and benefit conditionality. This direction of travel was
accelerated sharply under the Coalition Government, with reduced eligibility for claimants
and greatly increased use of sanctions for those failing to comply (Field and Forsay, 2016).
Conditionality on benefits, enshrined in a ‘claimant commitment’ drawn up by benefits
advisors, sets out requirements and conditions for receiving benefits and the consequences
of not meeting them (DWP, 2013). According to research for the Department of Work and
Pensions, Lone Parent Obligations have prompted more lone parents to move into work
than previous government measures and, significantly, this does not appear to have
encouraged lone parents to have more children to remain eligible for Income Support
(Avram et al., 2013). Two decades of policies to increase lone parents' labour market
participation appear to have had a major impact, as the proportion of lone parents in work
rose from 44% in 1996 to 66% in 2015 (Labour Force Survey, 2015).

A review of 'grey' literature throws up numerous reports by charities, which raise concerns
about the negative impact of public sector austerity and overhaul of the benefits system
upon lone parents. Research commissioned by Gingerbread, for example, found a parent
working more than nine hours per week and on minimum wage is only £1 an hour better
off for working after childcare costs are taken into account (Hirsch, 2012). Other research
suggests that single parents are the 'biggest losers' under increasing conditionality on
39
benefits, particularly as significant employment barriers remain for those attempting to
manage work and caring roles (De Angosti and Brewer, 2013). A report by centre-right
think tank Policy Exchange (2014) recognises 'significant barriers' to their employment. A
National Audit Office report for the Department of Work and Pensions indicated that almost
one in four claimants had been sanctioned and questioned the consistency and efficacy of
sanctions (NAO, 2014). Analysis by Gingerbread (2014a) found single parents are
disproportionately affected by benefits sanctions and are more likely to be wrongly
sanctioned than other claimants.

Although policy changes affect lone parents regardless of gender, statistical analysis
details the disproportionate impact of recession, austerity and welfare reform on women
(e.g. Women's Budget Group, 2013; Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2012; Fawcett Society,
2013). A study for the Scottish Government found the benefits targeted by the Coalition
Government's deficit reduction policy were more likely to be claimed by women and lone
mothers were the group most disadvantaged by changes (Communities ASD, 2013). There
is then, considerable evidence to suggest that lone mothers incur double disadvantage in
the prevailing policy context. Changes that came into force in April 2017 mean that single
parents with children as young as three now need to demonstrate that they are actively
seeking work (DWP, 2017). The disproportionate impact of additional benefit caps that
came into effect on the same date on single parents has been highlighted by analysts and
trade unions (Hood and Joyce, 2016; GMB, 2014). A judicial review ruled in June 2017
that the cap discriminates against single parents with children under two, who face
prohibitive childcare costs and struggle to find appropriately flexible work for the 16 hours
required to escape the cap (Gingerbread, 2017). Campaigners (CPAG, 2017) also warn
that limiting Universal Credit to the first two children in a family for new claims, as of April
2017, could create disincentives for single parents to form new, 'blended families'.

The targeting of lone mothers for employment uptake and increasing benefit conditionality
now positions them very firmly as 'worker citizens' (Haux, 2012). As with previously
presented critiques of New Labour's welfare to work approach, a body of independent
academic evaluation of recent welfare reform policies is critical of these measures.
Arguments questioning both the practical efficacy and conceptualisations of human agency
that underlie this policy framework are supported by analysis of both quantitative and
qualitative data. Survey findings indicate a substantial proportion of lone parents targeted
by policy reform face considerable 'geographically situated structural issues' in accessing
employment (Rafferty and Wiggan, 2011:16). Rafferty and Wiggan's analysis highlights
the continuing importance of structural constraints and finds that economically inactive
lone mothers also remain more likely to have chronic employment barriers. They point out

40
that such evidence is played down in policies that focus on behavioural drivers towards
lone parents' participation in the workforce.

Haux (2012) describes how the shift from 'social' to 'worker' model of citizenship has
resulted in additional pressure on lone parents who are struggling to balance employment
and child care responsibilities. She assesses women's multiple disadvantages to show that
age of the youngest child is an incorrect gauge of their ability to work. She names five
factors that are more salient than children's age in affecting opportunities for labour
market participation: family composition; health of the child; health of the parent; work
orientation; and the local labour market. Davies (2012) also questions the efficacy of re-
categorising parents of children aged over five as 'unemployed' in her evaluation of the
potential impact of welfare reform on lone parents. This approach, she argues, re-opens,
'old debates about who deserves financial support from the state' by presenting a
discourse based on individualisation, which takes 'a moral position advocating the inherent
"goodness" of engagement with the paid labour market', without taking specific challenges
of running a household on a single income into account (2012: 16-7).

Ridge and Millar's longitudinal, qualitative research, which began in 2003 and produced
periodic reports (2008; 2011; 2013), found lone mothers still struggled to achieve an
adequate standard of living despite evidence of the 'hard working' behaviour that welfare
reform aims to encourage. They found that employment sustainability involves an active
agential process of managing work and childcare on the part of the whole family, including
children. The support of extended family members also plays an important role. The 34
mothers in the latest round of interviews (2013) lived in the South East and Yorkshire
regions and had previously been in receipt of benefits. Although the women in the study
reported being better off financially since being in work, their income remained relatively
low and they continued to experience financial insecurity; almost all relied on Tax Credits
to make up an adequate income. Participants in Ridge and Millar's (2013) research thought
lone mothers should be supported rather than compelled to work, and that the timing,
type and extent of work was dependent upon individual circumstances. At the time of the
first round of interviews, mothers who had children under 16 were not required to work.
Ridge and Millar believe that a policy expectation for all lone parents with young children
to work, along with cuts in Tax Credits, have severe implications for the living standards
for working low income lone mother families.

Analysis of Household Panel Survey Data and a qualitative survey of 20 lone mothers who
had some experience of depression found paid work to be strongly associated with
improvements in mental health (Harkness, 2013). However, it also emphasised that
manageable hours were needed to achieve a satisfactory balance between employment

41
and childcare responsibilities as a crucial factor in mental health improvements and that
this outweighs financial gains. Welfare reforms which increase pressure to take unsuitable
jobs may increase cases of depression, it concludes. Kowalewska (2015) also assesses the
effects of the prevailing ‘make work pay’ agenda on lone mothers by calculating
two
women's modelled incomes and incentives for a range of working hours and wage rates.
She concludes that financial returns begin to diminish once work exceeds just six hours at
an average wage and nine at minimum wage. While tougher conditionality may still push
many lone parents to work longer, lack of jobs could undermine the ability to meet
increased work expectations, she argues.

Further academic critique centres around conceptualisations of agency contained in the

current policy emphasis on labour market participation, which goes hand in hand with a
tendency for policy-makers to underplay structural barriers to employment for lone
parents. Wright (2012) examines conceptualisations of human agency drawn from social
policy literature and identifies a gap between accounts of agency grounded in the lived
experiences of social actors (policy makers, public workers and service users) and
hypothetical models of individual agency (for example, 'rational economic man'). She
argues that while individualised culpability and personal responsibility have been invoked,
agency remains underdeveloped in academic social policy literature. The behaviour of
more powerful social actors, such as policy makers and employers also remains
unexamined. Contesting the notion of distinct amoral 'underclass' behaviour, she
concludes that agency is, 'context specific, negotiated and differentiated in relation to
identities' (Wright, 2012:2.2).

Having analysed spatial data at local authority level, Whitworth (2013) also argues that
the prevailing policy approach is built upon a highly individualised account of agency, which
neglects social and structural contexts within which individuals operate. He highlights an
acute shortage of job opportunities that are compatible with childcare responsibilities. This
structural situation is more relevant than behavioural factors in preventing lone parents'
participation in labour markets, he argues. He concludes by raising concerns about the
effect reforms based around such individualised conceptions of agency may have upon
parents' and children's well-being. Policy changes that were being implemented whilst the
fieldwork was being conducted have continued apace under subsequent Conservative
government administrations and evidence suggests that lone parent families continue to
be adversely affected under welfare cuts (e.g. CPAG, 2017).

Discourse, deservingness and the post-welfare state

This chronological review of literature on policy and discourse on lone motherhood began
by looking at gendered 'moral discourses', which have been reprised over centuries. Before

42
looking at contemporary hegemonic discourse, it is useful to reiterate Brodie's (1997) point
about the role of 'meso-discourse' on poverty, non-conformity and state intervention in
private life. Wacquant (2010) argues that neo-liberal democracies in Western Europe have
sought transformation from Keynesian ‘Nanny States’, to authoritarian ‘Daddy States’. This
shift, he argues, is characterised in policy terms by prioritisation of 'duties over rights,
sanction over support' (Wacquant, 2009: 290). This is, in his view, a climate where self-
regulation of individuals ensues. Viewing politics as 'hegemonic struggle', Schram
believes: 'The power of the discourse of deservingness under grids social welfare policy in
the Western world,' (2012: 264). Under this hegemonic discourse, self-sufficient citizens
are contrasted with vulnerable subjects without mention of structural poverty, he argues.
The relationship between neo-liberal attitudes enshrined in Coalition and Conservative
Government policies and prevailing deservingness discourse can therefore be understood
in terms of the proximity between 'recognition' and resource allocation noted by Sayer
(2012). It is in this context, Prideux contends, that underclass theorists' 'age-old
illegitimacy arguments' have been revived (2011:22).

There is clear evidence that negative media coverage and stigmatisation of people who
are dependent upon benefits increased in a context of austerity politics and welfare state
retrenchment, as demonstrated by a series of sociological and social policy sources. Asking
the question 'why do people stigmatise the poor at a time of rapidly increasing inequality?'
Taylor-Gooby, describes how 'a decline in sympathy for the working-age poor' occurred
during a two-year period in which use of the word 'scrounger' in broadsheet newspaper
reports doubled (2013: 35). Baumberg (2016) reports the results of a 2012 nationally
representative survey in the UK, which found one-third of claimants reporting some degree
of stigma around their claim and one in four people indicating that a stigma-related reason
would make them less likely to claim benefits. Contrary to claims that a ‘dependency
culture’ exists, respondents in high-claim areas were more likely to stigmatise benefit
claimants, both before and after accounting for other factors, according to this report.
Taylor-Gooby (2014) discusses survey evidence of a continued rise in assumptions that
benefits function as work disincentives and decrease in support for more spending on the
poor. He dissects ways in which communications by politicians and mass media demonise
benefit claimants; with distinctions between 'strivers’ seeking to take responsibility for
their own lives and 'skivers', who are depicted as living by different rules.

This distinction between 'skivers' and 'strivers' was first drawn in a Conservative Party
conference speech by then Chancellor George Osbourne and circulated in media culture
and everyday conversation, according to Jensen (2014). She describes how, 'public debate
about the welfare state apparently exploded' with the prevalence of new genre of reality
television programmes known as 'poverty porn'. She critically examines how programmes
43
such as, We Pay Your Benefits, Benefits Britain, On Benefits and Proud, Britain on the
Fiddle and Benefits Street foster new forms of 'common sense' about welfare and
worklessness. Support for welfare reform is thereby generated through populist language
(Jensen, 2014). Jensen and Tyler (2015) argue for a ‘cultural political economy’ approach
(Jessop, 2010), which directs attention towards mechanisms through which an anti-
welfare common-sense is formed and legitimated.

Findings from research by Shildrick and McDonald (2013) indicate that stigmatisation of
'the poor' can be intense among people who are themselves living in material hardship.
During interviews with 60 people living in churn between low-paid, insecure jobs and
unemployment in the North East of England, participants denied their own poverty and
morally condemned ‘the poor'. Shildrick and McDonald claim that this reflects long-running
stigma and shame that has been given extra force by prevailing forms of
‘scroungerphobia'. They believe that discourses around the ‘undeserving poor’ articulate a
more general contemporary prejudice against the working class in the context of de-
politicised working class consciousness: 'It is not hard to read hegemonic domination in
the accounts we gathered', they write, ‘in orthodoxy that blames “the poor” for their
poverty' (2013: 300).

These links between stigmatising discourse, welfare state retrenchment and judgement of
deservingess thus warrant brief examination of theoretical insights into the legitimation of
political power and class inequality. Marx (1846) argues that legitimacy of the ruling class
is maintained by controlling what is regarded as moral and desirable and the working class
judging themselves and others against this standard. Dissection of the relationship
between legitimation of the powerful and self-management of the less powerful became a
cornerstone of critical theory (e.g. Althusser, cited Castells, 2010). According to Bourdieu
and Passeron (1990), symbolic domination and 'symbolic violence' are tacit forms of social
and cultural domination, which create and reproduce inequalities of gender, class and
ethnicity by imposition of meaning on groups or classes in such a way that power relations
are internalised and experienced as legitimate.

Skeggs and Loveday (2012) draw on symbolic violence along with Bourdieu's concept of
capitals to connect legitimation of power with stigmatising political discourse and class de-
legitimation. They argue that 'class distance' has grown and people are increasingly asked
to 'perform' and 'defend' their worth as hegemonic discourse encourages 'moral
evaluations' as a way to, 'legitimate the position and interests of those who draw the
distance' (2012: 473). Based upon empirical evidence from focus groups involving working
class participants, they contend that subjective self-worth and denigration become more
significant when the politics of recognition go hand in hand with economic austerity. They

44
describe how participants in focus groups were angry at being subject to the 'constant
judgement' of 'the middle class gaze'. The participants were keenly aware of an injustice
of being judged and de-legitimated on the basis of class positioning that was purely 'an
accident of birth'. Skeggs and Loveday's study draws upon Bourdieu's (1989) concepts of
'capitals' and 'symbolic violence', to explicitly frame class in terms of judgement and 'de-
legitimation' within the neo-liberal socio-political context (2012: 485-7). Atkinson et al.
(2012) similarly employ symbolic violence in terms of a legitimacy/legitimation axis within
the context of neo-liberal austerity politics:

The dominated class suffer most from both economic violence born of neo-liberal
capitalist orthodoxy and the symbolic violence that accompany the means of
attaining, in however limited a way, the forms of recognition legitimated by those
with the power to legitimate (2012: 29).

Tyler makes a convincing argument that stigma, 'legitimises the reproduction and
entrenchment of inequalities and injustices' (2013: 8). She draws upon arguments by
Wacquant (2010, cited Tyler, 2013) that class inequalities have gone hand in hand with
heightened stigmatisation in neo-liberal democracies. Including working class lone
mothers among vilified groups in contemporary Britain, Tyler proposes that 'abjection' is
the key mechanism through which, 'public consent is procured' for policies that accentuate
inequalities (2013: 5). Current responses to unemployment are 'penal', in Tyler's view,
and 'citizenship is not simply a description of status, but a productive concept which pivots
on the distinction between the 'deserving' and 'undeserving' (2013: 191). Accordingly,
citizens are constantly being judged and having to prove their legitimacy with some
regarded as 'failed citizens' rather than inequality itself being challenged.

Lone mothers at the sharp end of heightened benefits stigma

Literature discussed so far indicates that a demographic shift towards greater diversity in
family forms has not necessarily been matched by improvements in the material and social
position of lone mothers. The review of historical attitudes towards lone motherhood at
the start of this chapter described how Malthus' (1988 [1798]) pronouncements on the
poor as lazy, promiscuous and lacking self-discipline were reinvigorated during underclass
debates of the early 1990s (e.g. Reekie, 1998). While a convincing case is made that
stigmatisation increased under the prevailing policy and hegemonic framework (e.g.
Taylor-Gooby, 2013), it appears that vilification of lone mothers per se may have been
subsumed by the inclusion of lone mothers under a broader range of categories of
individuals who are stigmatised for dependency on state benefits.

Within a 'discourse of deservingness' dominating political rhetoric and media coverage,

portrayals of benefit dependency in popular culture appear to position lone mothers at the
sharp end of a 'deserving' or 'undeserving' dichotomy. The proliferation of reality television
45
shows commonly targets them among people vilified for benefit dependency. The Channel
4 documentary series Benefits Street, tag-lined 'one of Britain's most benefit-dependent
streets', first aired in January 2014, prior to the start of the research and was still being
discussed in the media when the fieldwork was conducted. It is notable that the media
emphasised her lone mother status when discussing 'White Dee', one of the street's
residents who became the particular focus of their attention after the series aired (Price,
2016).

Women bringing up children alone have long been the subject of negative stereotyping in
popular culture. Lawler (2004) uses contrasting coverage of middle and working class
mothers to exemplify the media role in perpetuating negative judgement through
ascription of 'normalised' and 'pathologised' identities at the expense of attention to
structural inequalities. McRobbie (2004) combines feminist theory with Bourdieu's (1989)
concept of 'symbolic violence', or the perpetuation of inequalities through the perpetuation
of a vision of the world that is regarded as legitimate, to critique the pejorative labelling
of working class lone mothers. She describes a dynamic which, 'reiterates a specifically
feminine form of symbolic violence as a process of class differentiation' (2004: 101-2).
Tyler similarly establishes a clear association between, 'the fetishisation of the chav mum'
and reinforcement of class and gender inequalities (2008: 26). The term 'pramface'
entered mass circulation in the early 2000s as a term of abuse for a young working class
mother on benefits (Tyler, 2011). In her dissection of 'pramfaced girls and the class politics
of maternal TV', Tyler describes how the unfortunate yousng mother of social realist
documentaries such as Cathy Come Home in the 1960s 'morphed into the pramfaced girl'
depicted in more recent programmes such as Underage and Pregnant. Tyler draws on Wood
and Skeggs' (2011) argument about the role of such programmes in 'normatively
mediated' identity. She writes:

In neo-liberal Britain, poverty is not perceived or represented as a social problem

but as individual failing, and in the case of teen motherhood as a pathological
subjectivity (Tyler, 2011: 211).

Commenting on this subjectivisation, Gillies (2012) shows the downplaying of structural

economics as a cause of child poverty and accentuation of worklessness, educational
failure and 'family breakdown'. Norms concerning the 'proper family' that are articulated
in dominant discourse have remained governed by nuclear family ideals despite the
prevalence of divorce and lone parenting (Chambers, 2012). As Prime Minister, David
Cameron (2010-2016) notably equated 'Broken Britain' rhetoric with family breakdown
(Evans and Thane, 2012). Berrington (2014) points to the inclusion of the proportion of
children living with two natural parents as an indicator of 'progress' in his government's
indicators of 'progress' as evidence of privileging this family form. Moralising discourse

46
over family breakdown recalls 'underclass' discourse of the early 1990s even though such
moral panics are not substantiated with evidence, argues Savage (2012). A report entitled
'Forgotten Families' by the Centre for Social Justice (2012) also brings to mind earlier New
Right pronouncements in decrying demographic trends towards cohabitation, divorce and
lone parenthood and equating family stability with marriage. Edwards and Gillies (2011)
point out that state involvement in everyday parenting practices offers 'normative
guidelines' about how to bring up children based on middle class models of parenting. It
is unsurprising in light of this backdrop, that three out of four respondents in a poll by
single parents' organisation Gingerbread (2014) said they experience stigma.

Dermott and Pomati (2016) use UK Poverty and Social Exclusion Survey data to critique
political discourse that increasingly positions lone parents as 'deficient' parents. Based on
a sample of 2,161 couple parents and 373 lone parents, they argue that differences in
parenting practices between one and two parent families are negligible. In their view, the
two-parent married family is not only a normative ideal but explicitly supported in policies
as a model of family organisation (2016: 3). In contrast to being deemed irresponsible,
researchers found lone parents were significantly more likely than couple parents to have
cut back on expenditure in the previous year. A total of 27% reported having skimped on
food for themselves ‘often’ compared to 9% of couples, and they were three times more
likely to have bought second-hand clothes instead of new ones for themselves. Dermott
and Pomati raise an interesting question, which is taken up in the present research:

It is difficult to disentangle the degree to which it is lone parents per se who are being
targeted in political statements – which is the impression from references to ‘fractured
families’ and ‘broken homes’ – or whether lone parents are only positioned as
problematic …if they are also reliant on significant state support because of their poor
financial resources? (2016: 6-7).

Given the attention paid to lone motherhood in political rhetoric and media coverage,
especially during early 1990s 'underclass' debates, the voices of lone mothers themselves
appear strikingly absent from public discourse. Researchers have found a gulf exists
between ways in which lone mothers are portrayed and their personal perspectives.
According to Atkinson et al.:

Policy agendas, political rhetoric and news interweave to construct a definition of lone
parents which bears little resemblance to how they may see themselves (Atkinson et
al. 1998: 1).

McDermott and Graham's (2005) review of material on young mothers highlights the
absence of insights from qualitative research among mothers themselves as a means of
informing policy. The fact that debates on issues affecting lone mothers in the public
sphere rarely involve women themselves is symptomatic of their marginalisation,
according to Clavering (2010). Presentations of self and status were the focus of a
47
qualitative study by Oerton and Atkinson (1999) involving 15 non-economically active lone
mothers in South Wales. They describe lone mothers as, 'simultaneously lost and
excessively visible' within a 'complex matrix of discursive constructions' (1999: 248). They
note that stigmatising discourses provided a context for the ‘legitimate’ introduction of
policy changes by the Conservative Government at the time of their research. In a study
of New Labour's subsequent 'welfare to work' approach, Churchill (2007) also examines
lone mothers' subjective perceptions of ideology, policy and discourse. She argues that
policy plays down experiences of everyday parenting.

Conclusion

This chapter has positioned the investigation of lone mothers' experiences of stigma within
the historical and policy and discursive context. The chapter began by looking at historical
stigmatisation of non-marital birth and charting the reprisal of an il/legitimacy dichotomy
from pre-industrial times through to underclass debates of early 1990s. Where
Malinwoski's (1930) functionalist 'principle of legitimacy' prevailed upon family policy for
much of the C20th, exploring critical perspectives on the origins of legitimacy (Engels,
1988; Foucault, 1981; Millett, 1990) illustrated how material concerns and patriarchal
interests lie at the heart of reproductive il/legitimacy. These interests have been dressed
up in gendered 'moral discourses' (Song, 1996) spanning centuries. Reekie (1998) makes
a strong case that, despite the end of de jure discrimination against non-marital
reproduction, an i/llegitimacy construct has retained significance in a symbolic sense.
Carabine argues that while lone motherhood is now more accepted, it is still not awarded
the same status as the heterosexual, married two-parent family and a 'hierarchy of
maternal legitimacy' positions some lone mothers as, 'more acceptable than others' (2001:
301).

The chapter then went on to delineate how public policies affecting lone mothers are bound
up in formulations of legitimate citizenship, which are, in turn, bound up in formulations
of gender normativity. Feminist arguments (Walby, 1994; Lister, 1997) that citizenship is
profoundly 'gendered', despite being formally gender neutral, are supported by an
extensive body of work highlighting tensions between lone mothers' breadwinner and carer
roles under the prevailing 'adult worker' model, which regards employment as the route
to legitimate citizenship (e.g. Haux, 2012). The final section of this chapter provided an
overview of the political backdrop against which interviews with lone mothers involved in
this study took place. It outlined welfare reform and fiscal austerity measures and
discussed intensification of employment requirements placed upon single parents. It
showed how lone mothers are negatively positioned within discourses of 'deservingness'

48
surrounding benefit claims, whereby inequalities have become individualised as personal
failings (eg: Tyler 2013) and to be working class is to be 'judged' (Skeggs and Loveday,
2012).

'Legitimation is the key mechanism in the conversion to power', according to Skeggs

(1997: 8). In tracing the history of stigmatisation of lone mothers, this chapter has
demonstrated how legitimacy is a theme that runs from ancient legal inequity of non-
marital birth through to contemporary de-legitimation of benefit dependency. Establishing
stigmatisation of lone motherhood in terms of a legitimacy/de-legitimation dynamic also
offers a valuable resource for taking forward the research conceptually. The following
chapter positions the study in relation to key sociological debates and describes
development of 'the prism of legitimacy' as a conceptual framework through which to view
the research. The absence of the voices of lone mothers from media and policy discourses
underscores the need to counterbalance political and media depictions with women's own
subjective viewpoints, which is an aim this research seeks to fulfil. Furthermore, whereas
analysis of literature reveals that working class lone mothers tend to be misrepresented
in media and policy debates, lone mothers from more affluent areas appear to be largely
missing from academic analysis as well as popular depictions. This is an omission the
present study seeks to rectify. Whilst discussion here establishes the structural and cultural
context in which lone motherhood can be viewed as a 'de-legitimated' identity, the
following chapter focuses on lone mothers' agential mediation of stigma.

49
Chapter 3
Lone motherhood and stigma
as lived experience

Introduction

Chapter Two established the historical, discursive and political background for the
research. This chapter now situates examination of lone mothers' lived experiences of
stigma in relation to pertinent sociological debates and previous empirical studies, and
outlines its key areas of investigation. The first section relates discussions of agential
behaviour and structural conditions to perspectives on trajectories of change in family life
and establishes the need to consider the interplay of agential and structural factors when
examining lone mothers' experiences of stigma. The next section considers the significance
of class and spatial location when studying lone motherhood. In doing so, it establishes
the rationale for conducting comparative fieldwork involving women in two locations with
contrasting socio-economic profiles, drawing on feminist applications of Bourdieu's capitals
(Bourdieu, 1989; Skeggs, 1997; Gillies, 2007). Whilst literature looking specifically at lone
motherhood and stigma in the UK has tended to focus on teenage mothers or those in
deprived areas, a more rounded account of stigma is sought through involvement of
mothers in a more diverse range of situations. The final section of this chapter examines
common themes arising from previous qualitative accounts of lone mothers' agential
mediation of stigma and assesses the literature to determine specific conceptual and
practical issues to be addressed when researching lone mothers' experiences of stigma.
The chapter concludes by encapsulating key conceptual ideas in the 'prism of legitimacy'
conceptual framework, which introduces SSL as an investigative tool.

Agency, structure or both?

This section firstly examines perspectives on trajectory of change in family life and
conceptualisations of agency and structure underlying those approaches. Having
considered perspectives denoted by Gillies (2003) as 'demoralisation', 'democratisation'
and 'enduring power relations', it establishes the need to recognise both continuity and
change and consider the importance of 'diversity', rather than decline, in family life. It
then discusses ways in which the relative significance of agency and structure is addressed
in literature on lone motherhood in particular. Empirical studies are drawn on to reveal
limitations in the 'individualisation' thesis (Giddens, 1992), upon which the
'democratisation' perspective is based, when exploring lone motherhood. A tendency to
50
either over-emphasise agency, or to over-emphasise 'enduring power relations' at the
expense of recognising agency, can be discerned in policy, media and some academic
discourse. The section therefore concludes by establishing the rationale for adopting an
approach that enables the inter-play of personal agency and social structure to be
examined.

'Decline', 'democratisation' and 'diversity' in family life

Gillies characterises sociological perspectives on British family life as: 'breakdown and
demoralisation, democratisation and egalitarianism, or continuity and enduring power
relations' (2003: 15). As well as differing on the extent and desirability of change, these
perspectives differ in the emphasis they place on the role of structure and agency in
women's reproductive, partnering and parenting choices, as summarised in Table 2:
Conceptualisation of agency and structure in perspectives on change in family life (see
p.53). The 'demoralisation' perspective, articulated in underclass theories and New Right
political ideology discussed in the previous chapter (Murray, 1984; Morgan, 1995), is
associated with a belief in the value of traditional family forms and views lone parenthood
in terms of breakdown in familial commitments (Chambers, 2012). Literature discussed in
that chapter provided evidence as to material and patriarchal motivations behind such
moralising discourses on 'legitimate' reproduction (e.g. Reekie, 1998) and offered
arguments that counter a tendency to overemphasise what might be called 'negative
agency' on the part of lone mothers. In depicting 'greedy single mothers' having babies in
order to manipulate the benefits system, demoralisation discourse implies an intentionality
and anormativity that is not borne out in evidence (e.g. Dean and Taylor-Gooby, 1992).

In contrast with 'demoralisation', the 'democratisation' perspective, put forward by

Giddens (1992), Beck (1992), Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (1995; 2002) and Beck-
Gernsheim (2002) and grounded within 'individualisation' theories, is largely optimistic
about the demise of structural constraints and potential for 'de-traditionalisation' to
increase equality, increased reflexivity and intimacy in adult relationships. This emphasis
on 'the pure relationship', personal choice and 'transformation of intimacy' (Giddens,
1992), centres around changes in gender roles, separation of sex and reproduction,
greater female choice, labour market participation and the increase in non-traditional or
'elective' families. Jamieson (1998; 1999) was among the first of many sociologists who
have mounted robust challenges to the individualisation perspective. She points out that
there is little empirical evidence to support the individualisation thesis and demonstrates
how its emphasis on personal choice underestimates the significance of enduring patterns
of kinship. Critiquing inattention to gender in Giddens' (1992) portrayal of increased
equality and intimacy, Jamieson (1999) describes how personal life remains structured by
inequalities. The reflexivity of many mothers can be severely hampered, she argues, by a
51
need to concentrate on pressing practical and material demands. Having reviewed
literature and characterised perspectives on family change, Gillies' (2003) cites strong
empirical evidence for the continued importance of family ties and makes the case for a,
'largely enduring status quo, particularly in terms of gender and class dynamics'
(2003:19). Crompton (2006), furthermore, demonstrates the inter-relationship between
these class and gender inequalities.

Whilst Gillies (2003) characterises three perspectives, drawing further on literature

suggests a fourth approach is both desirable and practicable. Important insights into
trends towards divorce, cohabitation, lone parenthood, same-sex relationships and
'families of choice' (Weeks, et al., 2001) can be taken from work which views 'new'
directions in family relations (e.g. Silva and Smart, 1999; Morgan 1999; Smart and Neale,
1999) in terms of continuity and change and emphasises 'diversity' rather than 'decline'
or 'democratisation'. Rather than seeing the family as an institution, Morgan's (1999)
conceptualisation of 'family practices' has been particularly influential in enabling the
dynamism of relationships to be taken on board. Silva and Smart (1999) discuss families
in terms of diversity and changing norms, but point out that this does not mean a
dangerous decline in family life. Furthermore, Smart and Neale (1999), whose work on
divorce is influenced by 'family practices', warn that it is important not to overstate the
degree of discontinuity. As Smart puts it, families 'adapt' to divorce rather than
'disintegrating' (2007: 40). Critiquing Giddens' (1992) 'ungendered' conceptualisation of
reflexivity, Smart and Neal (1999) stress that personal choices remain connected to social
structures. May (2011a) points out that by opting for the term 'personal life' in providing
a coherent perspective on diverse intimate relationships in late modernity, Smart (2007)
avoids associations with the 'theoretical baggage' of 'individualisation'. May (2011b) also
points out that personal life is not separate from social structures and directs attention
towards sociological study of the intersection between the two.

Having briefly located lone motherhood research within broader perspectives on family
change, this research therefore aims to: recognise family diversity rather than decline;
and explore both structural continuity and transformation in family practices. Having
considered these demands in relation to broader debates in social theory, the
morphogenic/morphostatic model proposed by Archer (1996; 2012; 2014), suggests a
means of examining lone motherhood in terms of continuity and change and the value of
her theorisation of agency and structure (2000; 2003; 2007) in relation to this research
is discussed below.

52
Table 2: Conceptualisation of agency and structure in perspectives on change in family life
PERSPECTIVE DIRECTION OF CHANGE AGENCY/STRUCTURE

Demoralisation Decline Negative agency

Democratisation Diversity Positive agency

Enduring power relations Continuity Lack of agency

Continuity and change Diversity not decline Agency and structure

Agency and structure in studies of lone motherhood

Roseneil and Mann (1996) frame perspectives on lone motherhood within the context of
agency/structure debates. Whereas individualisation perspectives (Giddens, 1992; Beck;
1992; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2002) regard actors as reflexive beings dealing with
freedoms and risks, 'defenders of lone mothers have found it hard to acknowledge
women's agency,' they write (Roseneil and Mann, 1996: 207). Key sources in lone
motherhood literature (e.g. Duncan and Edwards 1999; Mitchell and Green, 2002; May,
2006; Morris, 2012) vary in the emphasis they place on agency or structure, but appear
to share the view that individualisation has limitations when applied to lone mothers' lived
experiences and research requires attention to both agential and structural factors.

Work by Duncan and Edwards (1999) has proved highly influential in lone motherhood
research. Their comprehensive research in the mid-1990s featured data analysis and
qualitative interviews to explore experiences of women from different countries (UK, USA,
Sweden and Germany), social classes, ethnicities and localities. Their investigation of lone
mothers' orientation to paid work in relation to both structural factors and participants'
subjectivity, found that 'gendered moral rationalities' governed choices and constraints,
rather than the neo-classic concept of 'individual economic rationality' (1999:2).

Duncan and Edwards state that 'both sides of the structure agency debate can be seen to
be correct' (1999: 109). Klett-Davies (2007) argues that their 'gendered moral
rationalities' argument places too much emphasis on agency and undervalues agency
however. She used narrative interviews to compare experiences of 70 state dependent
lone mothers in London and Berlin in the late 1990s. Having interviewed participants from
a range of backgrounds, including mothers who were actively pursuing 'alternative'
lifestyles without men, she stresses the diversity of their experiences. She argues for
looking at lone motherhood in a holistic way, rather than addressing it only in material
terms. Assessing the individualisation thesis, she finds value in its scope for recognising
diversity and plots 'ideal types' ('pioneers', 'copers' and 'strugglers') in terms of a

53
continuum of choice and constraints. She believes that it is possible to be 'pioneering'
despite being dependent on state benefits. A number of interviewees involved in her
research were much more positive about lone motherhood than dominant discourse
suggests and demonstrated resourcefulness and valued time with their children while not
working. In terms of the theme of legitimacy, it is interesting to note that some of Klett-
Davies' research participants saw welfare payments as 'a legitimate source of income' for
their caring role, while others used constraints, including lack of employment or adequate
childcare, to 'legitimise' full-time mothering (2007:5)

Despite many examples of her interviewees displaying agency, Klett-Davies (2007)

concludes that individualisation offers theoretical insights but is 'too narrow' and the
individualisation thesis was not borne out in her data. It does not sufficiently link mothers'
experiences to external matters of class, gender, race, poverty, employment and spatial
location, which affected women to different degrees, she concludes. She therefore believes
further attention to the role of traditional structural constraints is required and suggests a
‘new line of enquiry’ on the extent to which lone mothers' lives are still constrained by
structural factors, including gender, class and ethnicity should be pursued (Klett-Davies,
2007: 138).

Mitchell and Green's (2002) community based action research looking at young mothers'
identities and kinship networks led them to critique theories of individualisation. They
stress that, while many of the women in the study were reflexive actors, there is strong
evidence for the continuing importance of class, gender and locale. Individualism and life-
style choice tend to be dependent upon, 'practicalities such as socio-economic resources
and opportunities they did not have access to', they found (2002:10). Following research
on mothers' intimate relationships, Morris (2012) also draws attention to lack of adequate
evidence for the 'transformation of intimacy'. Drawing on Morgan's (1999) concept of
'family practices', May (2004b) shows how lone motherhood is influenced by women's
position within 'webs' of broader family relationships, personal, social and historical
context.

Duncan and Smith's analysis of family forms suggests structural factors have 'continuing
importance', with a lack of empirical evidence to show individualisation occurring and
reflexivity instead being hampered by 'lack of choice' (2006:25). Drawing on large
datasets including Census information, they contend that family form is, 'deeply influenced
by pre-existing local structural conditions' (2006: 29). They argue that this endorses
Bourdieu's belief in the 'need to integrate structure and agency in explaining social
practice' (2006:30). Furthermore, they argue that the individualisation concept, 'provides
intellectual support for neo-liberal ideology' (Duncan and Smith, 2006:31).

54
Duncan (2011) seeks to examine how people's behaviour connects agency and structure
and uses the concept of 'bricolage' to discuss how people use existing reference points to
make sense of adaptive behaviours: 'this process of conserving social energy links in with
the principle of social legitimation', he argues (2011:8). He further argues that decisions
about personal lives are largely pragmatic within given contexts. Cohabiting couples see
themselves as the same as married couples, hence 'legitimacy' appears to be socially not
legally based in Duncan's schema. Behaviours therefore appear to be, 'structured by
external social norms...in the context of local conditions and particular reference groups'
(Duncan, 2011:3). This implies that both continuity and change are occurring
simultaneously in contemporary British family life.

The case for continuity alongside change is also supported by a systematic review of
literature on young motherhood by McDermott and Graham (2005). They found that,
rather than being passive victims, young lone mothers could display reflexivity and
resilience in the face of negative discourse, but were constrained by financial hardship and
other structural factors. Common themes across studies they reviewed were: poor socio-
economic circumstances; experience of stigma and judgement when accessing health,
welfare and housing services; participants' prioritising the mother/child relationship; and
the significance of kinship relations. Despite suffering financial hardship and being
positioned outside boundaries of normative motherhood, the studies reviewed commonly
found that young mothers displayed high levels of investment in creating a 'good mother'
self-identity (McDermott and Graham, 2005). Mantovani and Thomas (2014) conducted
research among 15 young black lone mothers, who were or had been in care and are
'positioned at the intersection of social structures of disadvantage' and emphasise the need
to address structural disadvantage when exploring stigma. Mantovani and Thomas also
note however that, although facing multiple disadvantages and acutely aware of stigma,
these 16-19 year-old women exerted agency in pursuing good parenting and educational
goals and their efforts to protect their children from stigma. May (2006) argues that
reflexivity is dependent upon knowledge and material resources. She suggests that an
approach that combines 'the insights of postmodern theory while not losing sight of
structural inequalities' is required to understand 'reflexivity and non-reflexivity' (May,
2006: 6)

Exploring agency/structure interplay

The literature discussed thus far contains considerable evidence that structural inequalities
still inhibit personal freedom and that socially constructed gender norms and material
resources remain significant in lone mothers' everyday lives (Jamieson, 1998; Duncan and
Edwards, 1999; McDermott and Graham, 2005; Duncan and Smith, 2006; Duncan, 2011).
The status quo is not simply enduring however, demographic change and capacity for
55
agency cannot be overlooked. This study therefore seeks to examine ways in which roles
are both socially ingrained and actively negotiated and how this affects experiences of
stigma.

Duncan regards Giddens' structuration theory as 'heuristically valuable' but leading to 'an
explanatory impasse' and believes that Bourdieu's habitus concept comes closest to
resolving agency/structure intersections, but the problem of how exactly agents both
'follow rules and exercise agency' remains unresolved (Duncan, 2011: 6: 7). Attention is
thus required to both individual meanings and actions and societal factors and, crucially,
their inter-relationship. For the purposes of this research, the approach to
agency/structure dialectics put forward by Archer (2000; 2003; 2007) best chimes with
an aim of detailed exploration of agential mediation of structural factors. Archer draws
upon realist ontological stratification to distinguish between social agents and the cultural
and structural conditions with which they interact so as to adequately explore their inter-
connection.

While there is insufficient space to do justice to Archer's elaborate theorisation, ideas that
are most germane in considering lone mothers' experiences of stigma in relation to agency
and structure can be examined. Archer critiques paradigms which imply either, 'upwards
conflation in which the single property of rationality is held to make both human beings
and also their society' or, 'downwards conflation in which the effects of socialisation
impress themselves' on malleable beings (2000: 5). She argues that efforts by Bourdieu
(1989) and Giddens (1992) to move beyond subjectivism and objectivism result in a
'central conflation', whereby agency is collapsed into structure. To overcome this, and take
into account the temporal element of agency/structure interplay, Archer develops an
alternative 'morphogenic' approach (1998), which involves attention to both human
behaviour and social context to consider social reproduction and transformation, or
continuity and change, over time (King, 2010). Archer describes 'morphostatis' as the
reproduction of social configurations and norms; whereas 'morphogenesis' is
transformation of the status quo, with 'feedback' mechanisms encouraging either statis or
change (Archer, 2012; 2014).

Referring back to shifts in material circumstances and cultural representations of lone

motherhood discussed in Chapter Two, the 'morphogenic' perspective is relevant in being,
'not only dualistic but sequential' and time is thus accorded a role in social theory as a
theoretical variable (Archer, 1996: xxv). When applied to lone motherhood, this has
potential to help investigate women’s agency in relation to social continuity and social
change. The appeal of Archer's approach is its precision in distinguishing between Personal
Emergent Properties (PEPs), Structural Emergent Properties (SEPs) and Cultural Emergent

56
 Properties (CEPs) in order to explore their interaction (Archer, 2000: 7). PEPs are agential
powers including self-consciousness, reflection, plans, ambitions and pursuit of interests,
which 'ultimately enable people to reflex upon their social context and act reflexively
towards it' (Archer, 2000: 308). SEPs include social systems, institutions and roles and
are related to material resources and their distribution. They are acquired involuntarily
and include class, ethnicity, privilege/ underprivileged, power/powerless,
discrimination/life chances, propertied/property-less. CEPs include ideas, language,
theories, values, beliefs, norms, which derive from past chains or interaction and can,
'exercise causal efficacy over the present generation' and be either reproduced or
transformed (Archer, 2000: 216-218). SEPs and CEPs are 'mutually reinforcing', though
they remain distinct, and their increasing interconnectivity is propelling accelerated
morphogenesis (Archer, 2012; 2014).

In Archer's conceptualisation, agents have their own distinct powers and properties and
are influenced, though not determined by pre-existent structures, which have causal
powers of 'enablement' and 'constraint' (Carter and New, 2004). The strength of this
theoretical approach, according to Archer, is that it, 're-vindicates real powers for real
people who live in the real world' (2000: 10). Archer (2000) believes that embodied
encounters instil our sense of self and others. This comprises; wellbeing in the natural
order, performative achievements in the practical order and self-worth in the social order.
It is in our confrontation with these orders that social identity emerges out of personal
identity, she argues.

Lack of attention to class and gender may be considered a limitation in Archer’s

theorisation when examining those issues in this research. However, work by Sayer (2005;
2011), built upon a critical realist foundation and drawing heavily upon Bourdieu (1989)
discussed below, is an influence upon examination of class in this study.4 With regard to
gender, New suggests that realist ontic depth can serve feminist interests by affording
empirical weight to causal factors contributing to inequalities alongside the agential details
of individual women's lives (1998: 368). Clegg (2006) offers a critical realist dissection of
agency in feminism, which argues that the ontological primacy afforded by Archer offers
a promising alternative when considering actors' subjectivity. Clegg believes that concepts
such as PEPs, self-worth in social identity and internal conversations resonate with feminist
concerns. Gunnarsson et al. (2016) point to synergies between critical realism and

4
Archer (2012) discusses 'concessions' between her work and that of Bourdieu that are proposed by
other theorists (e.g. Elder Vass, 2007, cited Archer, 2012). Her reservations appear to centre chiefly
upon differences as to his emphasis on 'habitus' to describe internalised social positions in what she
sees as an increasingly morphogenic social world. However, it should be noted Bourdieu's concepts of
'capitals' (1989) and 'symbolic violence' (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1992) are drawn upon discretely in
this research.
57
increasing feminist interest in questions of ontology and materiality, which they believe
can add weight to empirical investigation of factors contributing to inequality. Given the
centrality of feminist values and theoretical insights to the exploration of lone motherhood,
a need to synthesise critical realist and feminist commitments was a topic for reflection
during data collection and analysis and this is discussed in the section on reflexive analysis
in Chapter Four.

The significance of social class and spatial location?

An ironic aside by the editor of a collection of feminist essays on lone motherhood (Silva,
1996) – that the Queen of England's six grandchildren were all living in lone mother
households at one point – is a telling comment that lone motherhood spans all social
classes. Most accounts refer only to working class mothers however, and recognising the
paucity of research involving lone mothers in diverse positions left a gap in knowledge,
which this research set about filling. Policy interventions and stigmatising discursive
constructions have targeted working class mothers (McRobbie, 2004; Tyler, 2013).
Historical sources tend to be limited almost exclusively to examining the lives of poor lone
mothers (Evans and Thane, 2012). Middle class lone mothers are not visible in policy and
media debates, according to Reekie, because they are regarded as less of a problem to
society than so called, 'reckless working class single mothers who seek assistance from
the state' (1998: 58). The need to consider the significance of social class to experiences
of stigma is therefore highly pertinent in relation to agency/structure debates outlined
above.

The socio-economics of family forms

Arguments as to the significance of enduring power relations in the stigmatisation of lone
mothers are backed up by a body of quantitative data demonstrating the relationship
between socio-economics and family forms. Multivariate analysis by McKay (2003)
identified a strong correlation between poor socio-economic background and lone
parenthood via both birth to single women and partnership breakdown. Despite teenage
pregnancy rates having reduced by the late 1990s, it has remained problematised in
discourses and policy frameworks and its incidence remains significantly higher in poor
areas (Arai, 2003). Women from poorer backgrounds are more likely to become mothers
at a younger age (Hobcraft and Kiernan, 2001). Statistically, working class women in the
UK are ten times more likely to be mothers before the age of 20 than middle class
counterparts, more likely to be unmarried and more likely to be in receipt of benefits
(McDermott and Graham, 2005). Pregnant young middle-class women are less likely to

58
continue with a pregnancy than working class women due to perceived 'opportunity costs'
to education and careers (Turner 2004, cited Perrier, 2013).

In light of discussion of historical discourses surrounding il/legitimacy in Chapter Two, the

statistical correlation between socio-economic background and marriage versus
cohabitation should be noted. Almost 47% of all babies born in 2010 were to parents who
were not in a marriage or civil partnership, compared with 46% in 2009 and 39% ten
years earlier (ONS, 2010). In exploring experiences of lone mothers during this research,
there is therefore an apparent paradox that while almost half of all births are now non-
marital and cohabitation seems to no longer carry stigma in secular UK society, lone
motherhood appears to retain negative connotations in a 'hierarchy of gendered moral
discourse' (Song, 1996).

Drawing upon quantitative data analyses underscores a view that material, rather than
cultural or personal, factors influence family forms. Analysis of birth registration by
Graham et al. (2007) makes clear the links between relationship status and socio-
economic indicators. They found that cohabiting parents tend to register their child's birth
jointly, 7% of births were sole registered, and mothers registering solely tended to be
most disadvantaged in terms of housing and education, compared with parents who are
cohabiting or married. A strong association between social class and family forms is also
found by Duncan and Smith (2006), who draw upon government data to assess socio-
economic differences in terms of routes into lone motherhood, marital status and material
deprivation, education, employment and support. Almost two thirds of children of never
married mothers live in poverty compared with half the children of divorced mothers, they
found. Never married mothers tend to be younger and have lower educational
qualifications and employment status. Cohabitation is more common for couples with lower
incomes and education.

Although moralising discourses have tended to equate lone motherhood with poor
parenting, socio-economics also have a greater influence statistically on education and
development than family form. Goodman and Greaves (2010) found that, although
children brought up with married parents show better cognitive and behavioural outcomes
than children living in other family configurations, including cohabiting families, difference
in parental income, education and housing tenure are more significant than marriage per
se. Sullivan et al. (2013) use quantitative Millennium Cohort data to interrogate the
relationship between class and early years school attainment and conclude that class
remains important.

In addition to social class influencing the likelihood of becoming a lone mother, statistics
also suggest the dissolution of a relationship has an adverse effect on living standards.

59
Brewer and Nandi (2014) examined longitudinal quantitative data from the British
Household Panel Survey, a nationally-representative sample of 5,000 households,
between 1991 and 2008 and found that one in five mothers fall into poverty following the
end of a relationship. Women and children see living standards decline by more than men,
on average, upon separation. The fall in living standards is much greater for those women
and children formerly in high-income households as the male wage is not compensated
for in maintenance, benefits and tax credits, they found.

Having outlined some telling statistics from quantitative research, qualitative studies are
crucial in understanding the lived experiences behind these statistics. Examining existing
material strongly suggests a need for further qualitative work on lone motherhood in
relation to class. Duncan and Edwards' work (1999) is especially valuable in comparing
women's diverse experiences according to social group, ethnicity and location. Interviews
conducted for their research in the mid-1990s indicated variations in mothers' orientation
towards paid work according to social and spatial location. For example, while statistics
show that black lone mothers have much higher rates of employment than other ethnic
groups, they found contrasts according to age and location as well as ethnicity.

While Klett-Davies (2007) believes that Duncan and Edwards over-emphasise structural
factors, as previously discussed, her application of the individualisation thesis to lone
motherhood concedes the importance of spatial location along with other structural
factors. She suggests a need for more focus on social class in empirical work. Local
networks were also highly important in the coping strategies of working class mothers in
Gillies' (2007) research, although her recruitment was not location-based. In response to
a shift in sociological focus towards more of a gender and cultural perspective, Rowlingson
and McKay (2005) explicitly examine lone motherhood and social class. Using a
combination of quantitative datasets and 44 in-depth interviews, they set out socio-
economic differences in terms of lone mothers' employment, benefit claims, receipt of
maintenance and re-partnering. Their findings indicate that women from working class
backgrounds are more likely to become socially and materially disadvantaged than middle
class lone mothers. They add, however, that ethnicity, disability and age are also relevant.
Class analysis has become more complex generally in recent years and is further
complicated when studying lone motherhood, Rowlingson and McKay point out, as
occupational status has been traditionally used as an indicator of class and lone mothers
are not necessarily in full-time paid employment. The approach taken in the present study
is discussed below.

60
Judgement of parenting against middle class norms
A further aspect of parenting and class that is of interest in this study arises from evidence
that middle class parenting norms are commonly articulated as aspirational standards for
all parents (Wallbank, 1998; Reay, 1998; Gillies, 2007). Though not concentrating
exclusively on lone mothers, in her study of 'marginalised mothers' Gillies contends that
working class parenting is judged for failing to reach 'normative expectations grounded in
middle class privilege' (2007:145). Based on her study of working class mothers'
involvement in their children's education, Reay found class inequalities to be, 'powerfully
internalised and played out as an integral aspect of their subjectivities' (1998:268).
Women found themselves judged by middle class, gendered norms and positioned
themselves in relation to privileged others along class-based binaries of good/bad parent.

Looking at the Labour government's policy to encourage joint birth registration in terms
of gender and power relations, Wallbank (2009) argues that governmental aspirations
contrast with actual parental experiences and stigmatise those who did not conform to an
ideal. She concludes that encouraging joint registration is based on normative
expectations that are mediated by social class. A Family and Parenting Institute publication
(Klett-Davies, 2012) asks 'Is parenting a class issue?' and the consensus among
contributors is that it is. Gillies, for example, believes a 'moral hierarchy' exists whereby
middle class parenting has been viewed by successive governments as desirable and
working class parenting as a 'deficit model' (2012: 57).

With stigma persistently associated with teenage mothers, class is also of interest in terms
of reproductive age. Perrier (2013) conducted a small, qualitative study of women who
had their first child at a particularly younger or older age than average. She found timing
of maternity to be, 'significant for the construction of classed maternal moralities' (2013:
69). Normative discourses about the 'right' time to have a baby were invoked by the
women interviewed; delayed parenting among the middle class tends to be associated
with higher educational levels, whereas earlier child bearing is typically associated with
lower socio-economic groups and regarded as disadvantaging offspring. Drawing on use
of the 'good’ mother identity as moral validation (May, 2008), Perrier maps processes by
which women internalise middle class parenting norms when they 'perform, claim, affirm,
seek validation for good mothering' (2013: 70).

Lawler's (2005) juxtaposition of class-ridden portrayals of the ‘yummy mummy’ and the
‘chav mum’ in popular culture is insightful in its analysis of maternity, class and
normativity. The former is commonly cast in the media as a white, heterosexual, middle-
class professional, responsible citizen who participates in the labour market before
planning parenthood. In contrast the latter represents, 'a thoroughly dirty and disgusting

61
ontology that operates as a constitutive limit for clean, white, middle-class, feminine
respectability’, whose pregnancy is portrayed negatively as the 'unplanned consequence
of immoral behaviour that results in welfare dependency' (Lawler, 2005: 30).

'Hidden' middle class lone mothers

While literature on lone mothers is dominated by research involving those who are young
or dependent on benefits, there is a paucity of qualitative data on middle class lone
motherhood per se and particularly in terms of middle class lone mothers and stigma. A
small study in York found that middle class lone mothers rejected the lone parent label as
representing ‘failure' (Hardey and Crow, 1991). They tended not to mix with other lone
mothers, but felt out of place with the married mothers who surrounded them in suburban
home-owning neighbourhoods. The authors report that women in Brighton who were
asked to take part did not want to be involved in a study focusing on lone mothers.

Duncan and Edwards' (1999) research involved some interviews with white middle class
lone mothers in a suburban area, who tended to be divorced and have experienced a fall
in income upon separating from partners. These women used 'othering' to separate their
identity from young teenage mothers in social housing and believed lone mothers who
were divorced or in employment were viewed as more 'acceptable'. The researchers found
these suburban middle class lone mothers tended to be more marginalised from social
capital that existed locally than lone mothers in other areas. Gosling (2008) describes
specifically gendered forms of social capital among women on a deprived inner-city estate
in the North of England. Rowlingson and McKay (2002) point out that middle class lone
mothers often experience drops in living standards as a result of separation and can be
socially isolated in areas dominated by two-parent families, which suggests stigma may
manifest in the form of their exclusion.

A small number of women interviewed by Klett-Davies (2007) for her comparison of

experiences in London and Berlin were middle class women who had chosen to parent
alone as part of an 'alternative' lifestyle. She found the middle class lone mothers she
interviewed were better at using welfare as a 'tool' to 'suit their lifestyle' (2007: 131).
Edwards and Alexander (2011) describe difficulties in recruiting middle class lone mothers
as research participants in the mid to late 1990s for the previously cited study by Duncan
and Edwards (1999). The advent of social media in the intervening years proved useful in
recruiting lone mothers living in an affluent location for this study, as discussed in the next
chapter.

Single mothers by choice

Pulkingham et al., whose work involving women in Canada was discussed in Chapter Two,
raise the issue of, 'the moral legitimacy to be able to have children in the first place' (2010:

62
285). Whereas UK studies predominantly cover young mothers' stigmatisation or poverty
among benefit dependent lone mothers, there is an absence of academic material looking
at lone motherhood as a proactive choice.

Hertz (2005) interviewed 65 women in the USA who had consciously chosen single
motherhood. These women tended to be older and from professional backgrounds, which
reinforces the need to examine lone mothers' choices in relation to class. Perceptions of
the 'legitimacy' of mothering alone as an active choice is explored in two studies from the
USA and Canada. Bock (2000) offers a feminist deconstruction of legitimacy regarding the
intentional decision by midlife independent single women in the USA to enter 'solo'
parenthood. Data collection involved interviews with 26 single mothers by choice, who
were all white, college educated, middle-to-upper-class and (in all but two cases)
heterosexual, along with participant observation of support groups. She found these 'single
mothers by choice' gave economic, moral, and religious justifications to legitimise their
decision and cited essential attributes as: age, responsibility, emotional maturity and fiscal
capability. The 'choice' label serves as a tool indicating their place 'at the top of the single-
parent hierarchy', interviews reveal (2000: 64). Bock writes:

To a large extent, discussions either praising or condemning single parenthood focus

on legitimacy: sometimes on the legitimacy of the child, at times on the legitimacy
of the mother, but more often on the legitimacy of the decision to have a child
without the presence of a father (Bock, 2000: 64).

Wiegers and Chunn (2015) look at the impact of stigmatization on 29 Canadian women
who had decided to parent alone through adoption or childbirth. Interviews showed that
perceived stigma was based on sexual history, welfare dependency, a lack of parenting
capacity and social exclusion. Coping strategies included isolation, secrecy, passing, and
attempts to minimize assumed disadvantages. The analysis largely reflects the experience
of relatively affluent, well-educated women, most of whom were white and heterosexual,
though the authors found differences in experiences aligned with participants' age, race,
sexual orientation and reliance on welfare.

Spatial and class position

While class is downplayed by 'individualisation' theorists expounding enhanced fluidity in
intimate relationships (Giddens, 1992; Beck-Gernsheim, 2002), literature on lone
motherhood outlined here suggests its continued relevance in examining lone motherhood
(e.g. Rowlingson and McKay, 2005). Arguing that individualisation arguments
underestimate the significance of class in family life, Crompton (2005), for example,
demonstrates an intricate inter-relationship between class and gender inequalities in
patterns of behaviour. Importantly, findings by Duncan and Edwards (1999) also suggest
a need to explore the significance of spatial location in lone mothers' experiences of

63
stigma. As Sayer puts it: 'The spatio-temporal situation of people and resources affects
the very nature or constitution of social phenomenon' (2000: 114).

Sayer points to an emphasis on the structuring of space in Foucault's analysis of power

(1977, cited Sayer 2000); reminding us that spatial settings are inherited, actions are
influenced by settings and disparities in spatial mobility affect social processes. He
suggests that, 'conducting qualitative research in more than one setting can be helpful in
identifying the significance of context and ways in which it influences behaviour and ways
of thinking' (2012: 402). The tendency for people in similar class positions to share
geographical space is noted by Bourdieu (1989), while Savage et al. believe localised
research can 'recharge class analysis' (2005: 96). Geographical areas can be subject to
impacts of structural economics whose cultural interpretation causes stigmatisation
(Campbell, 1984). McKenzie (2015) relates class, place and stigma in her ethnography of
a council estate in Nottingham. She depicts how being working class has become a source
of stigmatisation over the last 30 years and living on a council estate is now commonly
associated with unemployment. The relationship between class and place is increasingly
significant in the British post-industrial landscape, according to Savage, who believes that,
'subjective notions of class identity are bound up with place and location' (2015: 295).

Cross-fertilisation of feminism and Bourdieu

Crompton draws on Wright (2005, cited Crompton, 2008) to argue that a researchers'
definitions and elaborations of the concept of class should be shaped by the type of
questions they are pursuing. A feminist Bourdieusian approach (e.g. Skeggs; 1997; Reay,
1998; and Gillies, 2007) was thus deemed the most pertinent in examining lone mothers'
positions and perspectives in relation to stigma. Although occupation based stratification
has dominated official analysis in the UK, with an adapted version of the Goldthorpe Class
Scheme (1980) used by National Statistics' Socio-economic Classification (ONS, 2005),
Wright (2000) highlights contradictions in defining women's social class according to
occupation. Sociologists' objections to the lack of nuance in equating class with occupation
are well documented (Milner, 1999). Reay (1998), for example, argues that locating class
analysis within occupation fails to acknowledge the, 'complexity inherent in the
relationship between gender and social class (1999: 260). Rowlingson and McKay (2005)
raise specific problems in classifying lone mothers occupationally when objective
categorisation according to type of employment is unsuitable for exploring situations of
lone mothers, who may not work or may earn a part-time wage. Limitations of traditional
stratification, together with the relevance of subjective and symbolic manifestations of
class to the study of stigma, therefore suggested that cross fertilisation of feminist theory
with Bourdieu's concept of 'capitals' (1987; 1989; 1994), as applied by feminists (including
Skeggs; 1997; Reay, 1998; and Gillies, 2007) examining the intersection of class and
64
gender, was more compatible with the aims of this study. The operationalisation of
economic, cultural and social capital is outlined in the next chapter. Drawing on a study
involving working class women, Gosling argues that they benefitted from social capital,
that is both 'gendered' and actively maintained rather than passively possessed.
Furthermore, she distinguishes between 'bridging' and 'bonding' forms of social capital
(Putman, 2000 cited Gosling, 2008) as does Canton (2015). Different forms and
formations of capitals are recognised (Skeggs, 1997; Reay, 2004), with Reay including the
quasi-therapeutic 'emotional capital' (Nowtotny, 1981, cited Reay, 2004) as a gendered
form of social capital.

Bourdieu (1989) segregates 'dominant', 'intermediary' and 'dominated' classes and

distinguishes classes according to amounts of economic, social, cultural 'capitals',
economic being the most significant. Savage et al. (2005) see distinct advantages in
Bourdieu's multi-faceted stance for exploring class domination and legitimation of power.
Bourdieu argues that the power to produce and impose a legitimated vision of the world
lies in possession of 'symbolic capital', which is the form the other capitals, 'assume when
they are perceived and recognized as legitimate' (1989: 17). While there is not sufficient
space to critique it meaningfully here, it can be stated that Bourdieu's (1989) notion of
habitus appears too deterministic and Archer's more explicit separation of structure and
agency (2000; 2003) better meets the purposes of this research, as discussed above. His
class analysis concepts are, however, highly relevant. Wainwright (2000: 8) believes,
'realists can draw upon Bourdieu's conceptual armoury to become more effective empirical
researchers' and regards symbolic violence of particular benefit in analysing how dominant
culture, 'possesses the power to make itself legitimate' (2000: 20). Sayer (1992; 2000),
a prominent contributor on critical realism and methodology, also draws extensively upon
Bourdieu in his analysis of 'the moral significance of class' (2005). The role of 'symbolic
domination' and classed and gendered 'de-legitimation' in the 'prism of legitimacy'
conceptual framework for this study are illustrated below.

Though regarding Bourdieu's approach as the 'best available', Savage et al. (2005) are
aware it is not without shortfalls. Bourdieu's tendency to take the normative family for
granted has been noted (Silva, 2005). His failure to afford gender and ethnicity sufficient
emphasis as a result of treating them merely as aspects of cultural and symbolic capital is
also critiqued (Sayer, 2005). Devine and Savage (2005) describe how this limitation has
been addressed by feminist academics cited above, who offer a gendered stance on
capitals. Skeggs (1997), for example, found capitals useful metaphors in, 'understanding
how access, resources and legitimation contribute to class formation', when studying the
lives of young, working class women.

65
Investigating stigma in lone mothers' everyday lives

Having positioned this study in relation to broader agency/structure debates and class
inequalities, attention now turns to more detailed dissection of empirical research that
concentrates specifically on lone mothers' first-hand accounts of stigma. This section firstly
discusses mediation of stigma as agential behaviour and draws together recurrent themes
from a series of studies of lone motherhood and stigma. The literature discussed here
offers valuable insights into agential responses to stigma, but is largely confined to
experiences of young mothers or studies from North America. The paucity of empirical
research on stigma from the subjective perspectives of a more diverse range of lone
mothers in the contemporary British context is an absence which the present research
seeks to address. Having assessed existing studies of lone motherhood and stigma, this
raises the need for examination of the experience of women from diverse backgrounds in
a non-stigmatising, multifaceted way that facilitates investigation of agency/structure
dialectics.

Mediation of stigma as agential behaviour

Despite being positioned as passive 'subjects' in popular discourse (Atkinson et al., 1998)
and being significantly constrained by structural inequalities (e.g. Gillies, 2007) findings
from a series of studies demonstrate the agential qualities that lone mothers' subjective
mediation of stigmatisation can entail. Bringing together common themes from empirical
research suggests that principal tactics identified are: awareness of a need to avoid stigma
when making decisions (Duncan and Edwards, 1999; Churchill, 2007; Morris, 2012);
consumption strategies (Ponsford, 2011; Clavering, 2010; Hamilton, 2012); and
responding to adverse judgement by contrasting one's own 'good mother' identity with
stereotyped 'others' (Mitchell and Green, 2002; Ponsford, 2011; Ellis-Sloan, 2014). It is
also important to note that studies highlight how lone mothers unintentionally reproduce
stigma in their efforts to resist it (Kingfisher, 1996; McCormack, 2004; Mitchell and Green,
2002). Goffman's (1990) point that stigma lacks its sting for those who have different
values from normative society, is reiterated by Yardley (2008). Empirical evidence
reviewed here suggests, however, that lone mothers largely adopt normative values while
strenuously resisting the application of negative discourse to themselves.

Decision-making
Scambler (2009) includes 'anticipation of stigma' among its affects and a number of
studies whose ostensible focus was on another topic proved pertinent in examining how
the desire to avoid stigma influences behaviour and thought-processes in other aspects of
lone mothers’ lives. The significance attached to avoidance of stigma in decision-making
processes therefore warrants consideration. For example, although Duncan and Edwards'

66
(1999) primary focus was employment and childcare, they detail how rejection or
absorption of local and national discourses contributes towards mothers' decisions on
employment and childcare. Churchill (2007) performs a similar function in assessing policy
discourses that equate labour market participation with being a 'good' lone mother in
relation to lone mothers' childcare priorities. Interviews conducted for doctoral work by
Morris (2012) exploring 'intimacy narratives of single mothers' also includes data on
negative stereotypes in relation to sexual identities. Stigma had not been foregrounded in
her research but it emerges as a theme portrayed in terms of shame/pride narratives.

Consumption
Three pieces of work on the consumption strategies used by lone mothers (Clavering,
2010), young mothers (Ponsford, 2011) and low income single parents (Hamilton, 2012)
offer useful insights into how consumption is used as a means of responding to a
stigmatised identity. Clavering (2010) reveals differences between local 'community'
values and national discourses of 'respectable citizenship' based on her ethnographic
account of consumption among lone mothers reliant on state benefits during the
introduction of New Labour's workfare initiatives. She explores negotiation of identity
among six mothers in detail through artefacts such as clothes, hair, jewellery, tattoos,
children's clothes and home décor and argues that they use commodities as a means of
challenging negative stereotypes in the popular media.

The commercialisation of motherhood is particularly important to young mothers who are

positioned outside the boundaries of normative mothering, according to Ponsford (2011).
With reference to literature on consumer culture, Ponsford describes ways in which poor
and marginalised young mothers use consumption of designer brands to try to attain a
'respectable' image and undermine negative stereotypes and public attitudes. A focus
group and interviews with 33 young mothers in Bristol found their display of maternal
care, 'is legitimated within their own local contexts but is not comprehended more widely.'
Importantly, Ponsford's research reveals differences between values of the young women
and policy values emphasising paid work. Everyday encounters with parents, peers and
people on buses and in shops were more significant to them than media and policy
discourses, though they were acutely aware of such discourses.

Hamilton (2012) conducted qualitative interviews with 30 families living on low incomes,
25 of whom were headed by single parents, and found conspicuous consumption was a
common coping mechanism to mask poverty in an attempt to avoid stigma, with parents
making sacrifices to avoid their children being stigmatised for not having the right clothes
or shoes, for example. It is noted that this conspicuous consumption could, however,
further fuel stigmatisation based on 'chav single mother stereotypes with consumption

67
practices added to the list of undesirable traits', in what she calls a 'new version of
underclass discourse' (Hamilton, 2012:46).

Normativity and judgement

Stigmatisation of lone motherhood can be viewed in contrast with 'good mother' constructs
(Smart, 1996) and idealised heterosexual, married, two-parent family norms (Barrett and
Mackintosh, 1992; Reekie, 1998). Feminist analysis (Carabine, 1996; Wallbank, 1998) of
lone motherhood, hegemonic discourse and family norms has drawn upon Foucault's
(1977) concept of 'normalising judgement', which 'compares, differentiates, hierarchies,
homogenises, excludes' (Foucault, 1977:183). It is deemed 'normal to have a father and
a mother', according to Carabine, and normalising judgement 'establishes the measure by
which all subjects are judged to conform or not' (1996: 61). Wallbank describes how, 'a
network of discourses about the idealised two-parent family' becomes a form of 'self-
regulation' (1998:63:87).

Studies involving young lone mothers show they are especially susceptible to the adverse
effects of judgement according to a normalised/stigmatised dichotomy (e.g. Mitchell and
Green, 2002; Ponsford, 2011; Wenham, 2016). Young mothers in Wenham's longitudinal
qualitative study, for example, told of feeling their maternal capabilities were 'judged' in
relation to traditional two-parent families and 'drew on conventional norms to counteract
stigma' (2016: 141). These young women spoke of public spaces as sites in which they
felt 'particularly vulnerable to the negative judgements of others' (2016: 135).

The literature reveals that lone mothers commonly feel a need to emphasise their 'good
mother' credentials (e.g. Mitchelll and Green, 2002; Klett-Davies, 2007; May, 2008;
Mantovani and Thomas, 2014) as a self-legitimation technique in the face of normative
judgements based around two-parent ideals. May (2008) analyses how women in Finland
who were either lone mothers or had contemplated divorce present themselves in terms
of the 'good motherhood identity' in written life stories. While their 'highly moralised'
accounts emphasise efforts in putting their children first, providing a good home and
encouraging them to do well at school, an assumption that children do better in two-parent
families goes unquestioned and their retention of mainstream beliefs as to what constitutes
a 'proper family' accentuates strong social norms delineating everyday mothering practices
(2008: 480). Differences in attitudes between women's accounts according to age-group,
identified by May, might also might also be said to demonstrate adherence to generational
norms surrounding 'good' motherhood.

In analysing factors that 'neutralise or exacerbate' stigmatisation, Wenham (2016)

stresses the pressure young mothers were under to prove they were good mothers, in
opposition to the teenage parent stereotype. Women's anxiety to display their 'good

68
mother' identity features in a number of other studies in the contemporary British context
(Clavering, 2010; Ponsford, 2011; Ellis-Sloan, 2014). These studies also recognise
distancing from stereotypes as a form of agency whilst simultaneously criticising 'others'
who fall short of this normatively ascribed role. Clavering (2010), for example, points out
that her research on lone motherhood and consumption confirms Goffman's view that
people who are stigmatised 'may attach stigmatising labels to others' (1990: 130). Phoenix
remarks that during interviews with 16-19-year old mothers, they did not reject
constructions of young mothers as being problematic, but did not include themselves in
the same, stigmatised category:

The statements some women made about other welfare claimants directly fitted into
discourses that stigmatize 'teenage mothers' and 'lone mothers' even as they
distance themselves from the associated stigma (Phoenix, 1996:180).

While distancing themselves from negative accounts of teenage parenthood, a number of

participants in Ponsford's (2011) study also believed there were ‘other’ young women who
got pregnant deliberately to access social housing and benefits or were unable to cope
with the responsibility of motherhood.

Resisting and reproducing stigma

An observation from studies involving young mothers discussed above is that emphasising
their own 'good mother' identity and derogatory comparison or 'othering' (Lister, 2004)
can be two sides of the same coin. In addition to Carabine (1996) and Wallbank (1998)
applying 'normalising judgement' in discussing lone mothers' deviation from idealised
family norms, as discussed in the previous chapter, other work draws upon Foucault to
discuss the paradox that resisting stigmatisation on a personal level can mean reproducing
it socially (see, for example, Kingfisher, 1996; Mitchell and Green, 2002; McCormack,
2004). Mitchell and Green (2002) undertook community based action research examining
young mothers' identities and kinship networks. Their research with young working class
mothers, most of whom were lone mothers, in North East of England found that they
viewed attention to dress, socialising habits and supervision of children as important to
their 'respectability' in distancing their identity from people they regarded as socially
undesirable. Mitchell and Green draw upon Foucault's (1977) exposition of surveillance to
argue that their research participants were arguably exercising social control upon each
other by differentiating themselves from 'other' young mothers they perceived as less
worthy.

Two studies in the USA (Kingfisher, 1996; McCormack, 2004) apply Foucault's ideas in
considering ways in which welfare dependent lone mothers accommodate or challenge
stigmatising discourses. Kingfisher's ethnographic account points to 'every day and hidden
forms of dissent' (Kingfisher, 1996: 531). Employing Foucault's notion of 'reverse
69
discourse' as a form of resistance in her poststructuralist analysis of agency, she argues
that the women she encounters assert 'counter-hegemony' through re-constructing
deserving/undeserving binaries in a way that affirms their status (Foucault, 1980, cited
Kingfisher, 1996). The limitations of this form of resistance are not lost on Kingfisher,
however, who acknowledges lack of power to influence systemic change among the women
concerned. She furthermore concedes that, as opposed to focusing on structural
inequalities, a tendency for welfare dependent mothers to reverse discourse via
accentuating their personal difference from negative constructions can unintentionally
reproduce hegemony.

McCormack (2004) also explores tactics used by welfare reliant lone mothers in two
contrasting locations in the USA to resist negative discourse. She remarks that the power
of hegemony is such that, in their discursive tactics lone mothers unintentionally, 'echo
the judgements made against them' (2004: 359). Her interviews with 36 mothers in two
locations reveal dramatic contrasts in experiences between women living in rural small-
town communities with below average poverty rates and those living in an inner-city
location characterised by poverty. She describes negative interactions with neighbours and
internalisation of dominant imagery among women in the former area, who took steps to
distance themselves from putative welfare mother imagery. By contrast, interviewees in
the inner city were aware of dominant discourses but created meanings surrounding
welfare receipt that contest dominant constructions. McCormack's analysis also
appropriates Foucault's (1977) ideas on surveillance to argue that women occupying a
space that is remote from hegemonic discourse, as a result of being surrounded by others
who are poor, experience less stigma and are, 'more able to counter the effects of
dominant discourse' (2004:375). Her division of women's agency in resisting stigma into
'instrumental' and 'discursive' strategies is also of interest. As found in other studies that
have been cited, discursive tactics used by women she interviewed reinforced stereotypes
whilst challenging application of stereotypes to themselves.

The application of Foucauldian analysis in these studies offers insights for examining
internalisation of normative family models and Carabine (1996) points to its value in 'small
scale' settings. Whilst useful to theorising in specific cultural and historical contexts
(Wallbank, 1998), its limitations in attending to agency/structure dialectics and gender
and class inequalities must also be recognised. Where Foucault (1977) views power and
discourse as inseparable, as discussed above, this work requires analysis of relationship
between discursive and extra discursive factors (Lau and Morgan, 2014), or between
people's situations and their perspectives on those situations (Maxwell, 2012) with the aim
of more fully understanding women's absorption, resistance or rejection of normative
judgements and stigmatising discourses.
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Invocation of 'the other' runs alongside de-legitimation and judgement as recurrent
themes in Skeggs' (1997) analysis of intersecting gender and class inequalities. Although
influenced by Foucault's work on judgement, Skeggs (2005) raises a caveat that
judgement should not be regarded as only a top-down process. With reference to the focus
on class in this study, it can also be argued that Foucault's view of discourse and power
as inseparable does not yield sufficient explanatory potential in terms of the influence of
political, patriarchal and material interests upon gendered moral discourses on lone
motherhood, which were demonstrated in Chapter Two (e.g. Brodie, 1997; Song, 1996).
Lister (2004) argues that derogatory comparison or 'othering' needs to be examined in
relation to a tangible power nexus in the contemporary context, whereby stigmatisation
of benefit dependency detracts attention from structural realities. Hartstock (1987)
critiques Foucault's perspective for inattention to gender, an absence which is restated by
Smart (1992). Nor does it take into account the impact of class inequalities, which was
demonstrated earlier in this chapter (e.g. Skeggs, 1997; Raey 1998; Gillies, 2007).

Sources drawing on Bourdieu's (1989) ideas of 'symbolic domination' and 'symbolic

violence' in explicitly linking reproduction of stigmatising discourse with reproduction of
gender and class inequalities help address the aims of this research. In his application of
'symbolic domination' (Bourdieu, 1989), Sayer links 'misrecognition' with attention to
subjective experiences of class (2005). For reasons outlined here, the conceptual schema
outlined as the 'prism of legitimacy' framework below, therefore incorporates normalising
judgement along with symbolic domination and classed and gendered de-legitimation as
they have complementary value in understanding women's experiences of normativity at
a subjective level within localised settings and the wider structural and cultural context.

Research considerations: investigating subjective experiences of stigma

The foregoing discussion highlights agential strategies for the mediation of stigma, which
are discussed in empirical studies on the topic. Mining these studies for insights on ways
in which researchers have conceptualised and investigated stigma, as well as their
substantive themes, helped define key considerations to be addressed in this research.

Goffman's conceptualisation of stigma is explicitly applied in studies of lone motherhood

cited above (Yardley, 2008; Clavering 2010; Ellis-Sloan, 2014) which confirm the value of
aspects of his approach including: emphasis on relationality and normativity; recognition
that those in a stigmatised category may support wider norms to which they do not
themselves conform; and a tendency to 'stratify' others in the same category (1990: 130).
Ellis-Sloan (2014), for example, draws on Goffman in attempting to understand how
teenage mothers manage a stigmatising identity. She found that stigmatisation leaves
little space for young women to claim 'legitimacy', for an active decision to continue with

71
their pregnancy. She describes how 'impression management' was therefore evident in
ways in which the young women presented themselves to deflect judgment.

Goffman defines stigma as, 'disqualification from full social acceptance', and a stigmatised
person as, 'possessing an attribute that makes him different' and 'reduced in our minds
from a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one' (1990: 12). He paints an
abject picture of difference, exclusion and inferiority causing 'chronic feeling of the worst
sort of insecurity' (Goffman, 1990: 24). However, the literature signifies how motherhood
can be regarded as a positive experience and source of pride and fulfilment despite difficult
circumstances, and lone motherhood therefore should not be viewed simply as a 'spoilt'
identity. Examples of research involving young mothers reveal how participants emphasise
positive aspects of motherhood as well as incidences of stigma. In a qualitative study,
which comprised of interviews with 12 young mothers and local teenage pregnancy co-
ordinators, Arai (2003) found child-bearing could be presented as a positive, rational
option by women who had experienced family problems in childhood. Shea et al. (2015)
also challenge views of policy-makers who problematised teenage motherhood. Following
interviews with young mothers in Australia, they present themes that emerged in
contradiction of negative discourse: pride in motherhood; autonomy, and resilience as a
result of overcoming challenges.

It therefore needs to be recognised that lone mothers may not necessarily experience
stigma at all, or experience much more 'subtle' forms of stigma than the acute variety
conjured up by some of Goffman's more arcane language. This is linked with a priority to
develop an approach to stigma which does not risk positioning research participants as the
'pathologist other' (Oerton and Atkinson 1999: 237) or enter the field with the view of
studying stigma per se. Instead, the present research sought to explore factors affecting
diverse experiences in more rounded terms of presence or absence of stigma in first-hand
accounts. The conclusion in Link and Phelan's (2001) re-conceptualisation of Goffman that
stigma is a matter of 'degree' is thus highly germane to this study when the size, diversity
and complexity of the category under analysis is taken into account.

A key question that arose when engaging with literature on empirical research on lone
motherhood and stigma discussed above was the variety of forms stigmatisation can take.
The need for distinction between discourse, stereotyping, exclusion, discrimination and
incidences of personally directed comments and behaviour when considering stigma was
also apparent from the variety of forms exhibited in empirical work that was reviewed.
Some studies (Phoenix, 1996; Mitchell and Green, 2002) offer examples of impacts of
discourse, stereotyping, or local reputation in relation to nationally articulated agendas.
Yardley (2008) also refers to participants' examples of direct personal incidents. She

72
carried out interviews with 20 benefit dependent 16-19 years old mothers in the Midlands
about effects and ways of coping with stigma. Using Goffman's (1990) definition of being
'less desirable', 'tainted' or having a 'spoilt identity', she found stigma was manifested
through: labelling, stereotyping, separation, status loss and discrimination. In addition to
awareness of media portrayals of teenage mothers as lazy and benefit dependent,
Yardley’s participants said they had experienced disapproving looks and comments from
the general public and discriminatory attitudes from health service staff.

A further point of interest arising from the literature is the relative salience of localised
compared with meso-level discourse. Evidence from Duncan and Edwards' (1999)
comparative research, along with McCormack's (2004) analysis in two contrasting USA
locations, reveals that dominant national discourses can carry more or less weight among
lone mothers according to their locality and social and ethnic backgrounds. Mitchell and
Green (2002) also recognise multi-dimensionality of discourse and differentiate between
political, media, populist and academic tropes. Morris (1994) documents how government
rhetoric spreads through popular culture and Tyler extends Hall's (1978, cited Tyler, 2013)
explanation of how discourse relies on 'street level' repetition to social media in the
contemporary setting. This prompts questions as to the kinds of discourse picked up or
employed by research participants in the two contrasting locations. This study aims to
consider the why as well as looking at whether and how lone mothers experience stigma
and the foregoing discussion indicates a need to consider the relative significance of
agential and structural factors in the mitigation or exacerbation of stigma. Yardley (2008)
examines why some teenage mothers were better able to 'resist or absorb' stigma than
others in relation to personal circumstances. Wenham (2016) also considers factors that
'neutralise or exacerbate' young mothers' experiences of stigmatisation. The emphasis
these works place on looking at features in women's lives that make them more likely to
be adversely affected by stigmatisation suggests a promising direction for research among
mothers in diverse situations.

Notwithstanding strengths in Goffman's (1990) approach, a serious limitation for the

purposes of the present research was his lack of attention to broader social structural
matters (Bourdieu, 1989; Link and Phelan, 2009; Scambler, 2009). While viewing stigma
as a form of social control, Goffman's analysis of 'management of a spoilt identity' does
not take actors' structural position into account; he barely touches on class and does not
refer to gender at all. Omission of attention to structural factors causes Bourdieu (1989)
to note that while strategies of presentation of self are well analysed by Goffman, he
overlooks position in social space. As Scambler comments: 'It is not so much that Goffman
was wrong as that there were questions he did not ask' (2009: 441). He gives the example
of welfare-to-work policies to illustrate how stigmatisation can be infused with oppression.
73
This is highly relevant to ideas about legitimation, symbolic domination and
misrecognition, as detailed in Chapter Two. As Tyler's (2014) analysis shows, stigma needs
to be considered in terms of the effect of classification within the context of neo-liberal
'political cultural economy'. Goffman's seminal study was published in 1963 and
contemporary re-conceptualisation of this work by Link and Phelan (2001) and Scamber
(2009) places useful emphasis on the exercise of power and reproduction of inequalities
in manifestations of stigma.

With the above considerations in mind, a conceptual and practical approach was required
to fulfil several criteria. In short, a framework for investigation of lone mothers'
experiences of stigma needed to: build upon insights into characteristics of stigma offered
by Goffman (1990), Link and Phelan (2001), Scambler (2009) and Tyler, 2013); enable
analysis of agency/structure interplay as offered by Archer (2000; 2003; 2007) with
particular attention to gender and class (Skeggs, 1997; Gillies, 2007); be non-stigmatising
and not contribute towards stigmatisation; recognise 'degrees' of stigma and positive
affectivity such as maternal pride as well as negative impacts of stigmatisation; explore
how stigma manifests in different cases and locations; and in doing so consider agential
and structural factors that mitigate or exacerbate stigma in a conceptual framework which
aims to respond to these demands.

Looking at lone motherhood through 'the prism of legitimacy'

This chapter began by situating the research within sociological debates and explaining
the rationale for focusing on agency/structure interplay in exploring lone mothers'
experiences, with specific attention to social class and location. Examining existing
conceptualisations of stigma alongside specific demands for investigation of lone mothers'
first-hand accounts, as discussed above, led to the development of the 'prism of legitimacy'
as a conceptual framework, which introduces 'subjective social legitimacy' (SSL), as a tool
for analysing stigma in women's everyday lives. This section sets out the key components
of the framework. Chapter Two identified legitimacy as a central theme in discussions of
lone motherhood in history, policy and discourse. Its value as a theoretical resource lies
in its multiple meanings; law as a noun; to make legal or acceptable as a verb; and being
approved, proper and according to standards, justified or valid in its adjectival form (OED,
2014). The framework centres around examining agency and structure interplay via a de-
legitimation/subjective legitimacy dialectic.

The key elements of the 'prism' and 'SSL', and the inter-relationship between the two, are
set out in the two related diagrams which follow. Figure 1: 'The prism of legitimacy'
illustrates key ideas with can be loosely aligned with structural emergent properties or
'SEPs' and cultural emergent properties or 'CEPs' (Archer, 2000) within the prevailing

74
socio-political-discursive context. SSL is further refracted in Figure 2: 'Subjective social
legitimacy' as an investigative tool, which illustrates women's agential behaviour or people
emergent properties, or 'PEPs', within this context. Following Swedberg's (2016)
suggestion that visual sketches can be produced and discarded as an aid to theory
development, it must be noted that the diagrams presented here are the result of an
evolutionary process during the research. This iterative approach used for the refinement
of provisional conceptual ideas 'in dialogue with the data' (Layder, 1998) is outlined in the
next chapter. In particular, the significance of 'judgement' in various forms became more
prominent conceptually and explanatorily as its significance emerged empirically, as also
discussed in Chapter Four.

75
Figure 1: Lone motherhood through the 'prism of legitimacy'
Figure 2: Lone motherhood through the 'prism of legitimacy'

LONE MOTHERHOOD

SUBJECTIVE SOCIAL LEGITIMACY

structural, cultural and people

emergent powers (Archer, 2000)

76
 Figure 3: 'Subjective social legitimacy' as an analytical tool
Figure 2: 'Subjective social legitimacy' as an analytical tool
SUBJECTIVE SOCIAL LEGITIMACY

LONE MOTHERHOOD

Characteristics of stigma
(Goffman, 1990; Link and Phlean,
2001; Scambler, 2009)

77
Legitimacy, legitimation and de-legitimation
As indicated in Figure 1, legitimacy as a core theme in this study can be viewed through the
inter-related strands of: de jure legitimacy; symbolic legitimacy; legitimate citizenship;
legitimation and symbolic violence; normative judgement; 'de-legitimation' and being judged;
and, most importantly, subjective experience of social validity or stigma among lone mothers
making claims on recognition and resources within this context or 'subjective social legitimacy'
(SSL). SSL is introduced as a tool to aid exploration of lone mothers' diverse situations and
differential propensities for resistance and reproduction of stigma through attention to a de-
legitimation/personal legitimacy dialectic, in the prevailing socio-political-discursive context.
Briefly re-capping upon key theoretical insights and incorporating additional ideas that
contributed to the conceptualisation of this research helps explain the key elements of the
framework.

De jure legitimacy - Chapter Two traced stigmatisation of lone motherhood historically and
described how, until the 1980s, a child without a legally accorded father was 'the child of no-
one', a second class citizen with fewer rights (Hendrix, 1996). While C20th family policy was
undergirded by the 'principle of legitimacy' belief that a child needs a 'social father' (Malinowski,
1930), historical accounts reveal material and patriarchal motivations behind the inequity of
non-married motherhood. Evidence cited supports Engels' (1988) historical materialist and
feminist interpretations (Millett, 1990; Smart, 1992) of compulsion towards lawfully sanctioned
procreation. Examples of patriarchal interests in legislation given by Fox Harding (1996) and
Smart (1992) support MacKinnon's (1983) 'feminist jurisprudence' arguments that the law is
instrumental in subordination of women. Though formally constituted as gender neutral, she
contends that the state, 'coercively and authoritatively constitutes the social order in the
interests of men, through its legitimising norms, relation to society, and substantive policies'
(MacKinnon, 1983: 644).

Symbolic legitimacy - Crompton and Scott (2005) and Sayer (2005) emphasise the proximity
between symbolic recognition and distribution of material resources. A strong case is also made
in the literature that the vestiges of historic illegitimacy survived in a symbolic form, as argued
by Reekie (1998), through continued stigmatisation and economic disadvantage of lone
motherhood. Despite the demise of de jure illegitimacy, discrimination against extra-marital
birth persists in gendered moral discourse or a 'hierarchy of maternal legitimacy', which remains
'instrumental in legitimizing or de-legitimising state assistance', according to Song (1996: 380).
Normative family models premised upon gendered roles and middle class values serve the needs
of capitalism and patriarchy and reinforce structural inequalities, Barrett and MacIntosh (1992)
contend.

78
Legitimate citizenship - Chapter Two also delineated successive governments' formulations of
citizenship and lone mothers' ascribed roles in terms of 'meso-discourses' (Brodie, 1997). Walby
(1994) and Lister (2004) highlight the 'gendered' nature of citizenship and a series of studies
examine lone mothers' position in relation to the prevailing 'worker' citizen' model in terms of
'legitimate citizenship' (e.g. Haux, 2012; Pulkingham et al., 2010). Tyler's (2013) study of
abjection is valuable in establishing legitimacy and citizenship as axes upon which stigmatisation
turns in the context of neo-liberal 'discourses of deservingness' (Schram, 2012). Including
working class lone mothers among vilified groups, Tyler describes how people in contemporary
Britain come to be deemed 'failed citizens', rather than inequality itself being challenged because
stigmatisation, 'legitimises the reproduction and entrenchment of inequalities and injustices'
(2013: 8).

Legitimation and symbolic violence – Emphasising that he is not suggesting 'conscious

conspiracy', 'propaganda' or 'brainwashing', Bourdieu (1989) argues that 'symbolic domination'
is power to impose a vision of the world that is regarded as legitimate. Drawing upon Bourdieu
in her analysis of gender and class, Skeggs argues that 'legitimation is the key mechanism in
the conversion to power' (1997: 8). Sayer's (2005) examination of misrecognition as a form of
classed symbolic domination (Bourdieu, 1989) is pertinent in light of stigmatising cultural
representations of lone mothers (e.g. Tyler, 2008). Atkinson et al. (2012: 11) emphasise the
role of symbolic violence within the context of neo-liberal austerity politics in terms of a
legitimacy/legitimation axis.

Normative judgement – Goffman (1990) makes clear the role of normative expectations in
the stigmatisation of individuals who 'fall short' of a culturally accepted standard. In his history
of sexuality, Foucault argues that, 'the legitimate couple imposed itself as a model, enforced the
norm' (1979: 3) and his (1977) concept of 'normalising judgement' helps understand how lone
mothers internalise that norm. Carabine describes normalising judgement as a standard by
which individuals are measured according to how closely they conform, so that aspiration
towards this norm becomes a form of 'self-regulation' (1996: 63). The concept is applied in a
number of previously discussed studies of lone motherhood (e.g. Mitchell and Green, 2002) to
explain a tendency towards self-surveillance and denigration of 'other' mothers as a means of
resisting stigma.

De-legitimation and 'being judged' – Arguments by Skeggs and Loveday (2012) which frame
'de-legitimation' and feelings of 'being judged' in terms of symbolic violence (Bourdieu and
Passeron, 1990) and possession of capitals were outlined in Chapter Two and touched on in the
previous section of this chapter. This proved a key work for this study conceptually in locating
de-legitimation and the emotional effects of classed judgement or 'feeling judged' within the
prevailing socio-political-discursive context. Significantly, Skeggs and Loveday (2012) argue
that, in a climate of judgement, people are required to 'perform' or 'defend' their value in a bid

79
for legitimacy but require a cache of cultural, social and economic capitals (Bourdieu, 1989) to
do so. Where 'normalising judgement' (Foucault, 1977) entails personal pursuit of a desired
norm, 'de-legitimation' leaves those who do not possess appropriate capitals struggling against
unjust social judgement, suggesting they may be regarded for the purposes of this study in
terms of 'carrot and stick' complementarity.

Introducing 'subjective social legitimacy'

Looking at lone motherhood through the 'prism of legitimacy' helps consider women's
experiences in the context of state policies, prevailing family and citizenship norms and
hegemonic discourse, which can be described as SEPs and CEPs (Archer, 2000). Attention now
turns to PEPs, or agential mediation of these factors in women's everyday lives, which is the
crucial component of this framework for purposes of empirical investigation. As discussed above,
examining existing material on lone motherhood and stigma identified specific considerations in
studying lone mothers' experiences. SSL is introduced here as a means of responding to those
issues and addressing the research questions by analysing the role of agential and structural
factors in mitigating or exacerbating stigma. SSL aims to explore lone mothers' subjective
experience of social validity in relation to what is regarded as approved and proper standards
within the prevailing context. Being socially 'legitimate' means being approved, proper and
according to standards, justified or valid (OED, 2014).

Continuing the metaphor of the prism helps break down SSL into perceptions, experiences,
responses and outcomes. As indicated in Figure 2: 'Subjective social legitimacy' as an
investigative tool, SSL can be explored analytically as a series of over-lapping aspects which
contribute towards each participant's sense of social legitimacy or her overall 'mode' of SSL.
These are denoted as: enablements and constraints of participant's 'personal situation'; her
'perception of stigmatisation of lone motherhood generally'; her 'experience of being personally
stigmatised' or indeed not experiencing stigma; her 'sources of pride and personal legitimacy';
her agential responses in the form of 'rejection, resistance or absorption of stigma'; her
'evaluative judgement' of prevailing norms and 'what matters' personally; and use of resources
or 'deployment of capitals in mitigating stigma'. Briefly outlining the evolution of SSL, indicators
of stigma and the role of 'evaluative judgement', helps understand its application in this
research.

Social legitimacy
SSL evolved out of a review of 'social legitimacy' as a social process by Johnson et al. (2006).
Although the term is used in social psychology and organisational studies, they believe it is
under-examined sociologically. They find that accounts of legitimacy commonly emphasise,
'implicit and sometimes explicit consensual beliefs about how things should be or are typically
done' (Johnson et al., 2006: 72). They describe how legitimacy is both a social construct and a
process that can operate at different levels of analysis; regulative, normative and cognitive. They

80
draw on Bourdieu to show how the social legitimacy process creates and reinforces inequalities,
which is significant in relation to elements of the 'prism of legitimacy' previously discussed
denoting legitimation and de-legitimation. The advantages of one group enable it to be more
'influential' and thereby reinforce its status by appearing consistent with notions of 'worthy and
unworthy individuals' (2006: 61). Validation of traits that receive advantages is followed by
deference accorded to those possessing such traits and this is, in turn, followed by the social
enforcement of such patterns, according to Johnson et al. (2006). A circularity between
legitimation and legitimacy can consequently occur.

Investigating 'degrees' of stigma

SSL aims to explore lone mothers' diverse situations holistically without assuming that they feel
stigmatised and allows space for indicators of positive as well as negative affectivity to emerge
during interviews. It approaches this analytically through considering, indicators of 'degrees of
stigma' (Link and Phelan, 2001) recounted by women in different locations and class situations.
Characteristics of stigma identified by Goffman (1990) include: 'spoilt identity', shame, lack of
respect, differentness, inferiority, not being accepted equally and 'self-derogation' for 'falling
short' of normative expectations. Link and Phelan write that they, 'apply the term stigma when
elements of labelling, stereotyping, separation, status loss, and discrimination co-occur in a
power situation that allows the components of stigma to unfold' (2001: 376). Scambler defines
stigma as, 'a social process, experienced or anticipated, characterised by exclusion, rejection,
blame or devaluation that results from experience, perception or reasonable anticipation of an
adverse social judgement about a person or group' (2009: 441). Whilst characteristics cited by
these authors offer a guide to common indicators of stigma, it must be stressed that the research
seeks to analyse indicators of stigma from women's own perspectives. It is also important that
women's expressions of pride and validity and sources of what Archer terms (2003) 'legitimate
self-worth' are recognised as positive indicators of SSL.

Evaluative judgement and SSL

The following chapter will describe how 'judgement' was initially identified as an empirical
indicator of SSL and gradually emerged as a key process underlying lone mothers' absorption,
rejection or resistance of stigma. Consideration of the conceptual status of judgement was
therefore required, as per Appendix H: Analytical memo on revisiting the provisional conceptual
framework. This memo shows how the emphasis that Cooley (1902) places on judgement of
others in his 'looking glass self' analogy was among the alternatives considered. However, an
approach that can be termed 'evaluative judgement, which is built upon Archer's (2000; 2003;
2007) conceptualisation of agency discussed at the start of this chapter, was deemed more
consistent with the research aims. In particular, Archer's (2000) emphasis on individuals'
'judgement about what they find worthwhile' (Archer, 2012: 106) has potential to facilitate
understanding of the interplay of PEPs, SEPs and CEPs.

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From a critical realist stance, discourses and norms are not simply handed down
deterministically; people are, 'able to judge for themselves and adapt their perspectives and
practices' (King, 2010: 257). Archer (2007) argues that PEPs enable actors to react differently
to the same circumstances and subjectivity is therefore the 'missing link' and is the mediation
between agency and structure. Reflexivity enables agents to 'deliberate about their objective
circumstances in relation to their subjective concerns' (Archer, 2007: 28). Archer's (2000) view
of social identity, which exists in relation to status, moral evaluations and norms in the social
realm, is relevant to the investigation of lone mothers' experiences of what can be regarded as
a de-legitimated or 'spoilt' identity. She makes four points that can be closely related to SSL.
Firstly that, 'concerns about self-worth cannot be evaded in a discursive environment' (2000:
198). Secondly that, 'judgements or approbation/disapproval...are rooted in social norms'
(2000: 215). The third is the importance of probing, 'how the self-conscious human being reflects
upon his or her involuntary placement' (2000: 199). The final and crucial point is that, while our
concern about 'legitimate self-respect' is vested in, 'projects whose success or failure we take
as vindicating our worth or damaging it', Archer is clear that, 'it is our own definitions of what
constitutes our self-worth that determines which normative evaluations matter' (2000: 219).
Sayer (2011) stresses that we are 'evaluative beings', whose judgement of 'what matters'
centres around personal, subjective meanings. In his investigation of 'lay normativity', he uses
Archer's (2000) notion of 'internal conversations' to examine how people judge 'what matters'
to them personally, or what they 'invest in'.

Deployment of capitals and SSL

Skeggs (1997; 2005) and Skeggs and Loveday (2012) add a further dimension to the idea of
judgement by linking it to gender and class. Stressing that judgement is 'not just a top down
process', Skeggs draws attention to 'struggles between those who are judged and those who are
positioned to judge' (2005: 975). The theme of judgement was predominant in research by
Skeggs and Loveday, who draw on symbolic violence to demonstrate how working class research
participants were 'constantly aware of how they were judged and de-legitimated', and
importantly for the attention to agential responses in the present research, they explore 'the
struggle against unjustifiable judgement' that ensues (2012: 473). Furthermore, Skeggs and
Loveday demonstrate how, in a socio-political climate of individualisation, people lacking in
economic, cultural and social capitals (Bourdieu, 1989) can be judged as lacking in public value
and personal legitimacy. Skeggs and Loveday (2012) argue that, in this climate of judgement,
people are required to 'perform' or 'defend' their value in a bid for legitimacy but require certain
capitals in order to do so. Looking at participants' levels of capitals (as outlined above) can
therefore help to understand the impact of women's positioning and resources on the degree of
stigma they experience and their mediation of stigma.

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Conclusion

This chapter has reviewed empirical material on lone motherhood and stigma as lived
experience, which helped hone the research focus and questions and determine the theoretical
and empirical approach adopted. The first section critiqued individualisation perspectives on
family life and presented arguments that structural inequalities prevail. The status quo is not
simply enduring however; the literature reveals that lone mothers' capacity for agency should
not be under-estimated. The need for investigation into the interaction between agency and
structure in provoking or impeding stigmatisation is therefore recognised. It showed how
examination of inter-play between agential and structural factors can be facilitated using a
critical realist approach. Having examined material on lone motherhood in relation to class, the
question of the extent to which stigmatisation of lone mothers may be rooted within class
inequalities became an important point to explore. Studies of lone motherhood and stigma in
the UK have predominantly involved teenage mothers and mothers in deprived areas. The
absence of research involving mothers in more diverse circumstances and more affluent locations
provoked interest in how stigmatisation plays out according to social class and location as well
as age, route to lone motherhood and other factors. Taking a comparative approach in two
locations with contrasting socio-economic profiles enables similarities and differences between
experiences of women placed in the same taxonomic category but situated in different spatial
and social contexts to be examined.

The importance of relationality and normativity in Goffman's conceptualisation of stigma has

been established and ways in which contemporary updates complement his conceptualisation
have been outlined. Having examined studies of lone motherhood, a series of specific issues
arise for consideration when investigating the phenomena specifically in relation to its
experiential manifestation among lone mothers. These can be summarised as: the need for
caution in categorisation and a non-stigmatising approach; recognition of degrees of stigma;
differentiation between stereotyping, exclusion, discrimination, direct and indirect incidences of
stigma; and assessment of factors that contribute towards or militate against subjective
experiences of stigmatisation. Accordingly, SSL has been introduced as a tool for investigating
lone mothers' experiences which takes on board: complexity in manifestations of stigma;
agential negotiation of stigma; and factors influencing rejection of, absorption of, or resistance
to prevailing norms and discourses.

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 Chapter 4

Methodology: From meta-theory,

to practice, to knowledge

Introduction

Chapters Two and Three established the principal lines of inquiry to be pursued in this study and
set out its conceptual framework. This chapter now describes the methodological approach taken
in order to address these research questions. It is written in the first person in recognition of the
situated nature of sociological knowledge (Smith, 1990) and the importance of reflexive practice
to feminism (Harding 1987; Stanley and Wise, 1993; Letherby, 2013) and critical realism (Sayer,
2000). The research is grounded in broadly critical realist philosophical principles. This position
was determined through refinement of the research focus in conjunction with reflection upon my
personal stance, which suggested coherence with critical realism in its widest sense. 5 Although
critical realism offers a philosophical perspective rather than procedural guidelines and was not
implemented in a dogmatic fashion, making meta-level assumptions explicit helps set the
research within a coherent ontological and epistemological framework (Cruickshank, 2011). The
first section of this chapter therefore describes how key critical realist principles were put into
practice in an iterative research design. The second section documents the research process in
practice: through from choice of locations and data collection methods; to recruitment of
participants and consideration of ethical issues; and reflections on the interviews. The final
section discusses data analysis methods, which stayed close to the women's accounts initially
and gradually became more interpretive, and offers reflection upon that process.

Translating meta-theory into research design

The previous chapter explained how Archer's (2000; 2003) morphogenic model of social change
and theorisation of agency/structure inter-play were regarded as the most suitable approach in
pursuing the research aims and form the basis of the conceptual framework. Archer's theoretical
perspective is underpinned by a critical realist philosophical position. This section establishes the
key tenets of critical realist meta-theory and discusses its value in addressing the research aims
through combining realist ontology with constructionist epistemology and encouraging 'critical'

5
Whilst the realist paradigm encompasses 'subtle' (Hammersley, 1992), 'agential' (Barad, 2007) and other
forms, and variations on critical realism itself exist, the broadest principles accepted by all versions of
critical realism are adopted here, as per Maxwell (2012). This means that Bhaskar's early work conveying
its key tenets is drawn upon, although this study follows Cruickshank (2003), among others, in
divergence from his later 'transcendental dialectical' turn (2000).

84
social inquiry. In the spirit of pre-eminent critical realist Bhaskar's (1975: 2015) commitment to
philosophy as an 'under-labourer' for research, this section explains how the philosophical
assumptions adopted were translated into practicable research design. Having discussed
knowledge claims arising from the critical realist position, it goes on to show how the tenets of
the approach were enacted in an 'iterative' research cycle.

Combining realist ontology and constructionist epistemology

Cruickshank (2011) describes how critical realism has gained ground in social science philosophy
and its empirical application is increasing. With distinctions between objectivism and
subjectivism in social research broken down in recent years (Cunliffe, 2010), it claims to respond
to limitations of both, 'the materialist-physicalist reductionism of positivism and the idealist-
mentalist reductionism of hermeneutics' (Dean at al., 2006: 8). Bhaskar (2014) regards
collapsing ontology into epistemology as the 'epistemic fallacy'. This distinction between
ontology and epistemology is a fundamental principle of critical realism, which is more concerned
with ontology than epistemology and thus methodologically pluralistic (Danermark et al., 2001).
In distinguishing between the 'intransitive' domain – of 'real' structures and mechanisms – and
the 'transitive' domain – of knowledge acquired, discourses and theories, Bhaskar (1975; 2014)
draws a line between questions about the nature of social reality and our knowledge of that
reality. According to this 'depth ontology', social phenomena, 'exist and act independently of
descriptions, but we can only know them under particular descriptions' (1975: 250).

Whereas constructionism is of value in exploring stigma and lone motherhood, a limitation for
the specific purposes of this research can be lack of sufficient attention to questions such as,
'what precisely a construct is, who is doing the constructing, how or what sustains it?’, according
to Fleetwood (2005: 202). He believes critical realism aids attempts to look behind constructions:
in this case those constructions encoded in discourse surrounding lone motherhood. As Chapter
Three concludes, the 'prism of legitimacy' conceptual framework and 'subjective social
legitimacy' (SSL) have been developed to help explore how extra-discursive factors (including
material resources, enablements and constraints and spatial location) affect how lone mothers
position themselves in relation to hegemonic discourse, which symbolically de-legitimatises non-
normative family forms. A differentiation between discursive and extra-discursive factors is
stressed by Lau and Morgan (2014) in their discussion of attempts by realists and
constructionists to assimilate each other’s positions epistemologically. While believing that
discourse can exert real effects, these authors persuasively contrast discursive with non-
discursive factors and argue that the relative importance of these factors varies in different
situations.

For the purposes of this study, the relative significance of discursive and extra-discursive factors
is of interest in investigating ways in which lone mothers' subjectivity and agential powers
interplay with 'external ideational and material ones' (Iosifides, 2011: 15). On this point, it is

85
useful to remember that there are two parts to the research questions. The first part asks if and
how lone mothers experience stigmatisation in the current UK context and requires a descriptive
answer as to their subjective perspective. The second part asks why in exploring elements in
their personal situation or the wider social context which might mitigate or exacerbate
stigmatisation. Critical realist meta-theory is applicable in regarding hermeneutics as a means
to rather than end of knowledge (Wainright, 2000). Archer sums up neatly: 'There are always
two stories to tell, one explanatory, the other interpretive' (2000: 30).

Critical social enquiry

The literature review traced material concerns and patriarchal interests underlying gendered
'moral discourses' on lone motherhood (Song, 1996) and provided insights into unequal power
relations through which stigmatisation of lone mothers is perpetuated (e.g. Tyler, 2008). It also
offered evidence that the individualisation thesis (Giddens, 1992) is largely unfounded (Duncan,
2011) and class and gender inequalities endure in the lives of lone mothers, despite their
enactment of agency (e.g. Klett-Davies, 2007). The critical aspect of critical realism is therefore
pertinent to investigation of the inter-relationship between lone mothers' subjective experiences
of stigma and wider contextual and socio-cultural factors. This critical position entails a
commitment to looking for ways of explaining beliefs and critiquing normative social practices to
'reduce illusion' about those practices (Sayer 2000: 10).

The value of feminist perspectives on lone motherhood was established in Chapter Two. Walby
et al. (2012) believe critical realism can help overcome some current dilemmas when looking at
the intersection of inequalities resulting from factors including gender, class and ethnicity. In
their view, it can reflect complexity, offer 'new ways of thinking about ontological depth' and
allow analysis to take place on both a micro and a macro level (2012: 225). A 'dual systems'
approach helps address overlaps between a patriarchal social system and capitalist economic
system affecting lone mothers' experiences (Walby, 1990). The previous chapter discussed how
feminist synthesis of Bourdieu's concepts of capitals and symbolic violence (e.g. Skeggs, 1997;
Gillies 2007) has been drawn on in considering gender and class in lone mothers' lives. Feminism
also provides ethical guidance for conducting research that is 'for' not just 'on' women (Harding,
1987). Potential tensions and synergies between feminist and critical realist commitments
required attention however, as discussed in the final section of this chapter.

Critical realist knowledge claims

Cunliffe highlights the importance of understanding, 'how our philosophical commitments
influence the logic behind our research methods and knowledge claims' (2010: 648). Without
scope to do justice to the nuances of Bhaskar's deliberations, it can be loosely stated that the
foundation for his mode of argumentation is based upon the Kantian 'coherence' theory of truth
founded upon rationality, rather than a Humean 'correspondence' theory, which rests upon
constant conjunction (Bhaskar, 2014). Critical realism accepts 'weak' constructionism (Sayer,
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1992). It does not accept extreme relativism however, as this 'delegitimises knowledge claims'
(Cruickshank, 2011:13) and implies there are no grounds for adjudicating between
interpretations or forms of knowledge (Sayer, 2000:202). Instead, this 'middle way' (Sayer,
2000:46) responds to my personal acceptance of the view that knowledge is socially situated
and fallible but, 'not all knowledge is equally fallible' (Danermark et al, 2001:15). It claims to
reconcile 'ontological realism' with 'epistemological relativism' while retaining 'judgemental
rationality' (Archer et al., 1998: xi, cited in Danermark et al., 2001: 10).

The inherent order of things is mind-independent in this schema (Meyer and Lunnay, 2012),
which does not share the 'naive' realist belief that reality can be directly accessed and regards
ontology as open, complex and comprising, 'strata that are not directly observable or
comprehensible' (Iosifides, 2001:9). Archer's (2000) morphogenic approach also emphasises
the temporality of social structures. Without being idiographic in the extreme relativist sense,
critical realism therefore does not seek regularities or generalisability in the positivist or
deductive sense (Sayer, 2000; Danermark et al, 2001; Maxwell, 2010). Its focus is on processes
that lie beneath correlations that can be observed empirically (Cruickshank, 2003). The
'intensive' research questions (Sayer 2000) posed in this study explore process underlying lone
mothers’ experiences of stigma in a limited number of cases.

Whilst critical realist literature refers to 'causality', it must be stressed that this is limited to
specific contexts and that processes are considered in a local rather a generalisable way (Pawson
and Tilley, 1997). This is facilitated in the present study via a comparative approach involving
women in two locations, which enables examination of situations that are alike in some way yet
differ in others (Bryman, 2012), as explained in discussion of data collection in the section which
follows.

Positioning myself in the research

Having established the view of knowledge as provisional and partial – in the sense of being both
partisan and incomplete – it is important to situate myself as researcher within the research
process. Harding (1987) is among feminist scholars who have unmasked how white, male,
middle-class, western, heterosexual bias can masquerade as objectivism. Harding's quest for
'strong objectivity' demands that 'subjective' elements of 'class, race, culture and gender
assumptions, beliefs, and behaviours of the researcher' are brought into the analytical frame the
enhance research objectivity, as opposed to claims of 'objectivism' which hide such information
(1987:9). Letherby (2013) makes a good case for preferring the term 'theorised subjectivity' on
the grounds that Harding's phrase implies that objectivity can be redefined. She believes that
reality may be 'out there', but traditionally defined objectivity is impossible and subjectivity
should therefore be taken as a starting point and drawn upon as a resource. The term 'theorised
subjectivity' best reflects my own understanding of my position in relation to research
participants and my hopes of furthering knowledge of lone mothers’ experiences of stigma.

87
Theorised subjectivity requires 'critical interrogation' of the influence our personal and
intellectual position has upon knowledge production (Letherby, 2013: 80).

Reflexivity is a central tenet of both feminist (Harding, 1987) and critical realist (Sayer, 1992)
research and reflexive practice helped critically assess decisions and outcomes throughout the
research journey. Feminist researchers have led the way in epistemological and empirical
approaches that call upon the researcher to be as transparent as possible. Demonstrating how
the 'process' affects the 'product' is essential for accountable knowledge, according to Stanley
and Wise (1993). Reflexivity is also central to critical realism, with Sayer urging researchers to
examine their own standpoint reflexively, 'so as to guard against forms of projection and
selection which misrepresent' (Sayer, 2000: 53).

King and Horrocks (2010), who describe conceptualisation of the role of the researcher as part
of the reflexive process, believe that documenting reflexivity aids accountability and judgement
of research quality. In line with Mills' (2000) suggestion, a Research Diary recorded
methodological issues along with personal impressions during the fieldwork and analysis. Matters
covered in the Research Diary are referred to as appropriate in this chapter. Analytic Memos
documented thought-processes during data analysis, as suggested by Maxwell (2012) and
Layder (1996), and selected examples are referred to as relevant and available as appendices.

Lone motherhood research as an iterative cycle

Critical realist philosophy endorses a wide range of methods in the belief that methods are best
dictated by the aims of a particular project. While not specifying methods, 'careful
conceptualisation', 'retroduction' and 'abduction' tend to be used as tools in what Sayer (1992)
describes as 'iterative' approaches. This facilitates, 'a dialogue between ideas and evidence'
when developing theory (Meyer and Lunnay, 2013: 5). Guidance on methodological implications
of critical realist philosophy by Sayer (1992; 2000), Danermark et al (2001) and Maxwell (2012)
proved valuable when considering the design of this research. The research designed for this
study, which was developed with reference to these sources, is depicted in Figure 3: Lone
motherhood research as an iterative cycle, below.

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Figure 3: Lone motherhood research as an iterative cycle

Provisional conceptual framework - Because the world can only be known under
descriptions, social phenomena are 'concept dependent' and 'careful conceptualisation' is
therefore an important facet of this approach (Sayer, 2000: 2: 19). If we accept that social
phenomena including power relations, class and patriarchy, existing independently of concepts,
discourses and beliefs used to identify them, the sociologist's role is to 'tease out' that
identification (Fleetwood, 2005). Taking an 'abductive' stance meant articulating concepts on a
provisional basis at the outset, but allowing sufficient scope for relationships between concepts
to freely emerge during the study (Robson, 2011). Legitimacy emerged as a central theme
during the literature review (as discussed in Chapter Two) and was therefore used as a starting
point in considering lone mothers' experiences within the prevailing normative context. The idea
of SSL also emerged as an investigative tool in attempting to capture women's experiences,
values and perspectives. Together with Archer's conceptualisation of agency/structure dynamics,
these formed a priori theoretical and conceptual approaches, which were set out in a 'Provisional
Conceptual Framework'. A provisional framework establishes what the researcher believes they
know but leaves the way open to charter what is unknown (Maxwell, 2012). Hart et al. (2004)
warn of potential for the use of a priori concepts to be falsely misinterpreted as illicit

89
hypothesising. To this end, it must be emphasised that there was neither a notion of what
empirical findings might reveal nor any preconceived theories at this point.

Data collection and analysis - The comparative, place-based approach in this study is
consistent with critical realist emphasis on investigating causality in the local context (Sayer,
1992). Details of how locations were selected, the interview topic guide, and participant
recruitment are elaborated upon in the next section. The final section of this chapter discusses
the compatibility of the Framework Analysis method with the comparative nature of the study
and indicates how data analysis moved from low inference description to increasing higher levels
of interpretation and abstraction (Spencer et al., 2014a; 2014b).

Abduction - Lay accounts form the grounding for knowledge, but at the same time, 'must be
surpassed and surveyed in a theoretical form' if new knowledge is to be created (Danermark at
al 2001: 37). Following initial analysis of the data, abduction was applied to support 'theoretical
re-description' (Sayer, 1992). This enabled the Provisional Conceptual Framework to be adapted
and refined and new ideas to be introduced in light of new evidence that emerged. Refining the
conceptual ideas 'in dialogue with the data' (Layder, 1998) over the course of the study resulted
in final version of the 'prism of legitimacy' and 'SSL' framework, which is set out at the end of
Chapter Three (see Figures 1 and 2 pp.76-77).

Retroduction – Retroduction involves working backwards from empirical observations to

determine underlying processes or mechanisms, according to Bhaskar (2015), who views it as
central to theory construction. Having identified the most pertinent features and patterns in lone
mothers' accounts, this meant investigating possible mechanisms underlying their subjective
experiences of stigmatisation. Archer describes a mechanism simply as, 'what makes something
work' (2014: 94). Comparative analysis can facilitate retroductive inference by, 'describing
conditions that make a phenomenon what it is' (Danermark et al., 2001: 45). Sayer (1992) also
recommends investigating 'candidate mechanisms' to determine which have the strongest
explanatory powers.

Theory development - The conceptual framework helps to: provide a bridge between research
strategy and conceptual ideas; create a context for interpretation of data; and show how the
findings contribute to existing knowledge (Leshem and Trafford, 2007). Casanave and Li
differentiate between the fluidity of the 'conceptual' framework and development of 'theory',
which 'makes clear how the concepts are related' (2015: 107). Using the 'prism of legitimacy'
helped bring together key concepts in a fluid framework whilst a theoretical 'model' with a 'series
of connected propositions that specify a number of components and the relations among them'
(Miles and Huberman, 1994: 145) was developed at the end of the analysis. While critical realists
stress that all knowledge is fallible, researchers can apply judgemental rationality to discriminate
between explanations, aiming for 'the most satisfactory explanations within their situated
understanding' (Danermark et al., 2001: 148).
90
Evaluation – Reflexive evaluation of the research can be viewed as a further stage of its design.
Quality criteria offered by Silverman (2011) were deemed the most appropriate in relation to
the meta-theoretical perspective and research aims. The specific ‘checklist’ criteria and their use
in evaluating the quality of the research and its contribution to knowledge are discussed in the
Conclusion chapter.

Participant recruitment and data collection

Having outlined the philosophical grounding and research design for this study, this section now
moves on to describe participant recruitment and data collection. It discusses: data collection
methods; sampling and participant recruitment strategy; and practical and ethical considerations
entailed in carrying out semi-structured interviews with 26 lone mothers. It also includes
reflexive commentary on the research interview process.

Sampling strategy
The role of qualitative sampling is to elucidate rather than generalise and uncover 'depth, nuance
and complexity' (Mason, 2002: 121). Selecting particular spatial locations from which to recruit
meant taking a 'purposive' stratified approach (Bryman, 2012). The participants all shared
taxonomic status but locational sub-groups were recruited to meet the research aim of exploring
factors that might exacerbate or inhibit stigmatisation. When Baker and Edwards (2012) posed
the question ‘how many qualitative interviews is enough’ to eminent methodologists, they
responded that the answer depends upon matters including; time and resources, access to
participants, the research problem being considered, epistemological approach; quality of
explanation; reaching data saturation and producing sufficient depth and range of detail on the
phenomena of interest. For this research, the number of respondents was determined according
to access to participants, reaching a point of data saturation, and providing sufficient richness
to allow quality analysis without being overwhelmed by quantity of data. I was keen to interview
an equal number of women from each location to balance the sample, which totalled 26
participants. Bryman (2012) suggests 20-30 as a minimum sample size for publication of findings
from an interview-based qualitative study.

Chapter Three explained the unsuitability of employment-based class stratification (e.g.

Goldthorpe, 1980) for a study involving lone mothers and related the rationale for a place-based
comparison to exploration of stigma in terms of social class. While there is obviously diversity in
participants' situations and experiences, people who are close in geographical space are more
likely to share material and social circumstances, according to Bourdieu (1989). So, taking a
place-based approach by recruiting lone mothers in areas with contrasting socio-economic
profiles made it more likely that women in contrasting class situations would be included. A
place-based approach was also more practical than attempting to define social class in terms of
income brackets or employment and recruit according to that schema. Moreover, asking women
91
 in the study to self-identify their social class helped avoid imposing an externally-defined
classification upon them. This was important in investigating their subjectivities in relation to
discursive and material factors, in order to make clear both the lived experience of class and
external features contributing towards it. Purposive sampling, 'illustrates sub-groups and
enables comparison' (Cresswell, 2007: 127). In this study it meant strategic selection (Mason,
2002) of particular locations from which to recruit.

Choice of locations
The locations chosen were within the same sub-region to allow consistency in a macro-economic
sense, but had contrasting socio-economic profiles to enable comparison at a localised level. The
anonymised locations were chosen using quantitative data from: Office of National Statistics
Census Data (ONS, 2012a), Department for Communities and Location Government Indices of
Multiple Deprivation (DCLG, 2012) and local authority ward profile data (ONS, 2012b). This
provided information in terms of area deprivation, average income, housing tenure, proportion
of lone mothers in the population and ethnic composition of residents. Locations in the North of
England were chosen so as to be more readily accessible for fieldwork and enable familiarisation,
building contacts and frequent visits at the convenience of participants.

Location A is a local authority electoral ward in a city which falls within the top 50 local authority
areas for proportion of lone mothers according to latest Census data (ONS, 2012a). It is
predominantly comprised of a large estate of local authority owned houses and some low-rise
flats, with some housing association owned and privately rented properties on its outskirts. More
than 14.5% of households in this area are headed by lone mothers (ONS, 2012a). Almost 70%
of its population falls within the most deprived Local Authority Super Output Areas (DCLG, 2012).
The mean gross annual income is £26,700, a total of 36% of residents live in socially rented
housing and almost 16% in privately rented housing6. Crime rates are relatively high in
comparison with national averages and a low proportion of schools have favourable Ofsted
ratings. Approximately 93.6% of the population are White British and a 6.5% Black and Minority
Ethnic population is comprised of approximately 2.6% people describing themselves as Mixed,
2.1% Asian or Asian British, 1.5% Black or Black British and 0.4% Other Ethnic Groups (ONS,
2011; 2012b).

Location B was selected because of its proximity to A along with its contrasting socio-economic
characteristics. The original area chosen is a single small town within the same local authority
boundary as Location A, which borders it. Data indicates that 4.1% of households there are
headed by lone mothers (ONS, 2012a). None of the population are in the most deprived Local
Authority Super Output Areas (DCLG, 2012). The mean gross annual income is £45,000, there

6
Figures on average income and housing provided are from individual local authority statistical sources,
full referencing of which would identify the locations, the anonymity of which was promised to
participants.
92
 is a predominance of owner occupied properties and only 6% are socially rented7. Owing to the
low proportion of lone mothers from which to recruit, lack of progress in engaging gatekeepers
there and the existence of a social media group for single parents in a nearby town with very
similar characteristics, the geographical boundary was expanded into the neighbouring borough,
from which a further four participants were recruited. Data shows 2.1% of households there are
headed by lone mothers (ONS, 2012a). The average income is £42,000 and the majority of
residents live in owner occupied properties8. Both towns have low unemployment and crime
rates compared with national averages and a high proportion of schools with favourable Ofsted
ratings. According to statistics, aggregated across the location, approximately 98% of the
population are White British, with a BME population of approximately 2% spread largely evenly
between Mixed, Asian or Asian British, Black or Black British, Chinese or Other Ethnic Groups
(ONS, 2011; 2012b).

Recruitment of participants
The first step in participant recruitment was producing the detailed Participant Information Sheet
and recruitment leaflets, which summarised information in a more succinct and engaging format
(see Appendix B: Participant recruitment information leaflet and Appendix C: Participant
recruitment information sheet). The matter of payment was looked at within the dynamics of
the researcher/participant relationship (King and Horrocks, 2010). Participants were offered £20
vouchers as a 'thank you gift' to ensure their time and input was valued. This sum was considered
sufficient to help incentivise participation and reciprocate their investment of time, effort and
expense without being enough to encourage them to take part in something they were
uncomfortable with.

Desk-based research identified professionals or community leaders at community-based

organisations, venues, groups, projects or services who may have been able to assist in
recruitment. 'Gatekeepers' with, 'power to grant or withhold access,' to participants (Burgess,
1993: 48) were approached by phone and/or email with information about the research and sent
copies of the recruitment information. Much communication went unanswered and some
organisations expressed initial interest but had not assisted in any tangible way after several
meetings. Budget reductions meant cuts in public services were apparent in Location A as the
library, youth club and community centre were in the process of closing down. While meetings
with a local authority community development officer took place, he was unable to offer
assistance as he was working out a redundancy notice. Ultimately, professionals in two
organisations in this location proved invaluable in helping identify and recruit research
participants. The director at the local Children's Centre helped recruit the majority of participants
by asking her staff to distribute information, broker introductions and they also set up meetings
in some cases. (Two members of staff who were lone mothers offered to take part in interviews).

7
Ibid.
8
Ibid.
93
Staff who run a parent and toddler group at a local church allowed me to come along to their
group, from which I recruited five further participants.

Approaches to a range of community organisations in Location B went unanswered. The local

Children's Centre did not engage but displayed a recruitment leaflet, which resulted in
recruitment of one participant. There was no response to leaflets displayed at community venues
and other public notice boards in the area. A decision was therefore taken to try social media,
which was more fruitful. Recruitment of participants using a local social media platform and a
social media group specifically for single parents proved a successful recruitment tool. The
administrator of this group said she was happy to post information about the research because
she would welcome any counterbalance to media and policy emphasis on lone mothers on
benefits. It is not possible to estimate the impact that using social media as opposed to third
party organisations had on the study, but it allowed scope to establish a rapport with women
who contacted me in the run-up to interviews. For instance, despite there being no reference to
stigma in recruitment material, some participants referred to it immediately during these initial
phone conversations.

Choice of semi-structured interviews

Face to face interviews were carried out with 26 women over an eighteen-month period in total,
concentrating on repeated visits to Location A and then Location B. The people who took part in
interviews are referred to here as research 'participants' as this reflects a more active role than
the terms 'subjects' or 'interviewees' imply (Edwards and Holland, 2013). The interviews lasted
just over an hour in most cases and the longest was two and half hours. In-depth, semi-
structured interviews were chosen as the means of collecting primary data for this study because
this allows the researcher to learn about participants' experiences and views first hand and
'capture people's individual lives and stories' (Robson, 2011: 110). While the design of the
research was fixed to enable comparison across sites, semi-structured interviews can strike a
balance between comparability (as the same topics were addressed with all participants) and
flexibility (as the perspective of participants was able to emerge through more fluid ordering and
wording of questions). This enabled participants' perspectives to emerge and questions to flow
naturally instead of taking a mechanistic approach. As Edwards and Holland write, these
interviews 'allow space for interviewees to answer on their own terms' but also 'provide some
structure for comparison across interviewees in a study by covering the same topics' (Edwards
and Holland, 2013:29).

Ethical and practical considerations

An application to the University of Huddersfield's School of Human and Health Science Research
Ethics Panel was approved following its satisfaction that research would be carried out in an
ethical manner. Interviews were conducted with informed consent and in accordance with the

94
principles of: not harming participants; safeguarding their interests; integrity; trust; accuracy;
transparency; reciprocity; and respect for equality and diversity (BSA, 2004: ESRC, 2012).

Participants were given the Information Sheet to read and fully briefed verbally before the
interviews got under way. They were told how long to expect the interview to last, what its
purpose was, what would happen to the information and how it would be used. I assured them
that information provided would be confidential and anonymised. As well as pseudonyms being
used so no one other than myself knows participants' identities, any locations or other identifying
information was removed from transcripts. This included explaining how matters that might be
disclosed during the research which could bring confidentiality into question would be dealt with
(as covered in the Information Sheet). I made sure that they understood the nature of informed
consent and knew they could withdraw at any point without giving a reason. Participants were
told that they did not need to answer any question they were not comfortable answering. The
Consent Form (Appendix D: Consent form) covered these matters. Digital voice recording was
used with participants' permission and some notes were taken.

The question of how much to tell participants prior to the interview arose because I wanted to
be as open as possible without prejudicing the findings and this matter is elaborated upon in the
'reflections on interviews' section which follows. The word 'stigma' was not used in the
recruitment flyer or information sheet, nor in interviews unless and until participants raised it,
which was justified both in the name of sociological enquiry and in not assuming participants
should be the subject of stigma. Similarly, class was not mentioned until towards the end of
interviews unless raised by participants beforehand. Participants were made aware, however,
that the research was being conducted in locations with different profiles. A number of
participants in both locations commented that they were pleased that the study was not only
focused on a deprived area.

I sought interview venues which were convenient for participants, where they would feel safe
and comfortable, where there was sufficient privacy and interruptions would be minimised
(Edwards and Holland, 2013). The interviews in Location A took place either in a meeting room
at the Children's Centre, a room at the church or in the homes of four women. Interviews took
place mainly at participants' homes in location B, with two taking place at quiet cafes. I sensed
a more relaxed dynamic during interviews arranged directly or where I went to participants’
homes or met them in public places than those at the Children's Centre. Children were at home
in some cases and either asleep or playing in another room, but a child waking up meant one
interview ended a little sooner than I would have preferred. A slight drawback of meeting at
their homes was that in two cases participants seemed eager to regard the meeting as more of
a social occasion, so boundaries were in danger of becoming somewhat blurred. Having
subsequently read Oakley's (2016) position on the false dichotomy between the formal and

95
informal, I pondered whether this anxiety over boundaries was more of a personal concern than
a drawback for the research itself.

I was aware of power and emotional dynamics that can exist in the interview situation (Stanley
and Wise, 1990; Standing, 1998). I aimed to establish a rapport with participants, made every
effort to ensure they were put at ease and was as sensitive and empathetic as possible. I took
care to minimise a sense of anxiety among participants. The topic guide was applied in a flexible
way so as to reflect participants' priorities. This meant sometimes covering points that were not
of direct relevance to the research questions as it seemed more respectful to attend to issues
that were important to them. I also made sure sufficient opportunities were included to ask if
there was anything the women wished to raise or add.

I checked that participants were comfortable with the questions mid-way through the interviews
and that they had not been upset in any way at the end. Participants were debriefed at the end
of the interviews. They were offered a sheet with contact information for national and local
support organisations covering a range of issues, should they find it useful. I asked how they
had found the interview. None of the women said it had been a negative experience. Some said
they enjoyed it and a few said they found it beneficial to have an opportunity to talk and reflect.
One woman became tearful when discussing the stress of working full-time while being a lone
mother, but soon rallied and was happy to continue the interview. Some related painful historic
situations involving relationship break-up, illness or domestic abuse but did not become upset
as these events appeared to be in their past. Only one woman seemed still in the midst of a
currently emotionally distressing situation. Emma was awaiting a Decree Absolute following a 20
year marriage that was emotionally and physically abusive and ruminated constantly on her ex-
husband's behaviour and she became upset towards the end of the interview. I responded as
sensitively as possible, ascertained that she had support from her mother, friends and her doctor
and gave contact information for relevant support organisations. Although she said talking to
me had been beneficial and I was aware that I neither had counselling training nor was this
appropriate for a research interview, I remained concerned and a lengthy Research Diary entry
records feelings and dilemmas from a personal perspective. In research terms, Emma's constant
rumination on the abuse she had suffered also indicated the impact upon reflexivity that may
occur for someone who may still be experiencing trauma, as Archer suggests (2000), as
discussed in Chapter Seven.

The participants
The criteria for taking part in interviews was that participants should be female and be living
alone with a child or children under 16, be their primary carer or have joint custody and have
them resident some or all of the time. The majority of participants were the sole or main carers
for their children the majority of the time, with some children staying with their fathers for one
or two nights a week. Participants could be never-married, divorced, widowed or have previously

96
cohabited. Five had formed 'new' relationships with non-resident males but none were
cohabiting.

A total of 13 women from each location took part in the study. Participants are listed in the
following Tables 3 and 4: Participant Information for Location A and B, by pseudonym with
information on: the number, ages and gender of their children; route to lone motherhood and
current relationships; paternal input; housing tenure; employment; education; and their self-
identified social class. The women in the study were aged between 19 and 54, with most in their
20s-30s. They had 1.5 children on average, the youngest of whom was eight months old, the
majority were aged under 8 years and the oldest was aged 15.

It should be noted that whilst the intersection of ethnicity, sexuality, gender, class and disability
is well-documented (e.g. Taylor, 2010), the specific focus of this study was on gender and class.
Although the sample reflects the average proportion of women from black and minority ethnic
background in the areas covered, at 6.6% and 2% respectively, which is relatively low level in
both areas in comparison with national average (ONS, 2011; 2012b). One participant in Location
A was from an African-Caribbean background and one from a British Asian background, while
one was from Germany and her children's father was Nigerian. One participant in Location B was
from an African-Caribbean background. Ethnicity is discussed in the findings chapters in relation
to points raised by participants. Women in the study were not specifically asked about their
sexuality. All participants referred to previous male partners and some to current non-resident
male partners and none gave indication that they identified as lesbian or bi-sexual. None
identified as disabled. Whilst the focus was on the intersection of gender and class, due to the
complexity of these two factors alone in relation to the project scope, work examining ethnicity
and sexuality and lone motherhood could be interesting for future study.

The results of responses when participants were asked to self-identify their social class are
summarised as part of the Table of Participants, along with basic information on their housing
tenure, education level and employment. This indicates that participants in Location A identified
themselves mainly as 'working class' or 'none' and those in Location B were more likely to identify
themselves as 'middle class' or 'mixed'. Responses when asking participants to self-identify
reflect the complexity of lone mothers' situations and produced valuable empirical data. A
tendency to not want to be categorised as working class is documented in a series of studies
(e.g. Skeggs, 1997; Savage, 2015). Distinction between class and class identification made by
Sayer (2005) and Tyler (2013) thus proved pertinent in analysing comments that were prompted
by asking the women to self-identify their class, as detailed in Chapter Five.

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Table 3: Participant information – Location A
PSEUDONYM AGE CHILDREN RELATIONSHIPS PATERNAL INPUT HOUSING EMPLOYMENT EDUCATION IDENTIFIED
CONTACT/FINANCIAL CLASS
BELLA 36 Twin girls 8 Divorced Regular contact and Private tenant Unemployed Secondary None
financial
CARRIE 44 Girl 4, Never married or None Council tenant FT family support Secondary Working class
Boy 23 - left cohabited worker
CLARE 32 Girl 4, Boy 5, Previously No financial and regular Private tenant Unemployed Secondary None
Girl 8 cohabited contact
DEBBIE 22 Girl 1 Never married or No contact, limited Council tenant Unemployed Secondary None
cohabited financial
GEMMA 24 Boy 2 Never married or None Private tenant PT nursery Secondary None
cohabited assistant

GINA 31 Boy 8 Previously None Owner occupier FT hair salon Secondary None
cohabited proprietor
JULIE 27 Boy 18 Never married or None Council tenant Unemployed Starting Access None
months cohabited course
KATHRYN 35 Girl 7 Previously Regular contact and Private tenant PT self-employed A'Levels Working class
cohabited financial caterer
LUCY 25 Girl 3, Boy 4, Previously Daughter's father Council tenant Unemployed Secondary None
pregnant cohabited contact, not son's
MARTA 40 Girls 3 and 8 Divorced No contact, limited Council tenant Unemployed Secondary None
financial
NADIRAH 19 Boy 10 Never married or None Social housing Unemployed Secondary None
months cohabited tenant
SHEILA 54 Boys 15, 17 Divorced None Council tenant PT warehouse Secondary None
worker
THERESA 22 Boy 3 Previously None Council tenant Unemployed Secondary None
cohabited

Note Full time employment classed as more than 28 hours per week. Contact with children's fathers was reported to be erratic in some cases, but is based
here on the situation at time of interview

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Table 4: Participant information – Location B
PSEUDONYM AGE CHILDREN RELATIONSHIPS PATERNAL INPUT HOUSING EMPLOYMENT EDUCATION CLASS IDENTITY

ALISON 45 4 children 6, Divorced Very limited contact, Owner Unemployed Degree None
8, 10, 11 regular financial occupier
CIARA 33 Girl 3 Boy 5, Divorced - In non- Regular contact, no Owner FT family Taking None
Boy 7 cohabiting relationship financial occupier development degree
manager modules
DELLA 33 Boy 5 Divorced Regular contact and Private FT sales manager A'Level Mixed
financial tenant
EMMA 43 Boys 8, 11, 15 Separated – In non- Regular contact and Owner PT teacher Degree Mixed
cohabiting relationship financial occupier
HANNAH 23 Girl 4 Previously cohabited None Private PT family support Studying for Mixed
tenant officer degree
JASMINE 36 Boy 12 , Girl Divorced - Has non- Regular contact and Owner FT teacher A'Level and Mixed
13 cohabiting 'boyfriend' financial occupier vocational
qual.
JOANNE 35 Boy 4 Divorced (Abroad) Very limited Private FT operations Degree and Middle class
contact tenant manager post-grad.
LAURA 36 Boy 9, Boy 13 Divorced - In Regular contact and Private FT university Degree Mixed
relationship and financial tenant administrator
considering cohabiting
MANDY 25 Girl 11 Never married or Daughter's father – Private Unemployed – Starting Mixed
months, cohabited supervised contact tenant starting university degree
Boy 6 Son's father - none
MENA 32 Girl 8 months Never married or (Abroad) Occasional Rents from PT bank clerk Degree Mixed
cohabited contact her parents
MOIRA 34 Girl 5, Boy 8 Divorced (Abroad) No contact or Private FT librarian PhD Middle class
financial tenant
SONIA 35 Boys 2, 4, Girl Previously cohabited - Contact, no financial Private FT psychologist Degree and Middle class
6 In relationship tenant post-grad.
VALERIE 35 Girls 2 and 4 Separated Regular contact and Private PT social worker Degree and Mixed
financial tenant post-grad.

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The interview topic guide
The topic guide set out broad topics whilst providing flexibility as to order and wording of
questions (King and Horrocks, 2010: Bryman, 2012). An initial guide was piloted on friends and
colleagues who are lone mothers and honed during early interviews with participants until a final
version was arrived at (see Appendix E). This was referred to occasionally during interviews,
mainly towards the end to ensure principal issues had been addressed. While flexibility was
retained over order and wording of questions, this tended to become more similar in light of
what elicited the most pertinent and comprehensive responses as more interviews were
conducted.

Questions were 'open' and a mixture of factual, 'grand tours' and 'topical probes' (Robson, 2011:
Edwards and Holland, 2013). Asking participants to tell me about an average day or weekend
seemed to work well in finding out about employment, kinship and social networks. Prompts
such as: 'can you give me any examples of that?', 'how did you feel' and 'what was going on in
your head at the time?' drew out details of incidents and though-processes. In particular, probing
who was being referred to when the word 'they' was used helped in unpicking the reality of
stigmatising experiences and attempting to differentiate between external events and internal
affects.

The general order of questions in the topic guide began with the participants' personal situation,
span out to perspective on the local area and moved on to views on media portrayals of lone
mothers and national policies. Women often spoke about stigma or media portrayals
spontaneously when answering other questions, so this natural flow was followed. The interview
structure was intended to encourage 'warm up' by asking general factual questions about
number and ages of children etc., then move into potentially more emotive issues, and finish
with a 'cool off' (Robson, 2011).

Operationalising key concepts

Moving from abstract ideas of 'subjective social legitimacy' (SSL), class and citizenship to
researchable human experience (White, 2008) involved breaking these key concepts down into
components and thinking through how to translate them into indicators and everyday language
that was meaningful to research participants, without being patronising.

Chapter Three discussed points that prompted the development of SSL as an exploratory tool.
Research Diary notes indicate how the idea was introduced with the intention of beginning
fieldwork without assuming participants felt stigmatised and facilitating more fine-grained
distinctions than a 'spoilt identity' (Goffman, 1990) implies. SSL aims to explore participants’
sense of social validity. Operationalisation sought to determine what participants believe
normative expectations of individuals, families and citizens to be in order for them to be
considered ‘valid’ or ‘proper’; how they think themselves, their family form or situation are
100
regarded socially; and how they feel about this and respond to it subjectively. The interviews
did not foreground stigma but sought to asked ask women about different aspects of their lives
and to help gain a holistic account of experiences in different contexts and understand interaction
between situations and perceptions. The Topic Guide aimed to gain a picture of women's
'personal emergent properties' in relation to 'structural' and 'cultural' emergent properties
(Archer, 2003), as detailed in Chapter Three. Lines of questioning tried to determine sources of
stigma and weight assigned to various sources and participants' sense of ability to mediate these
sources. These matters became 'researchable' in relation to points covered in the topic guide
and manifested through dilemmas and incidents the women recounted. Research Diary notes
record a sensation of knowing when interviews were getting to the nub of the research topic
when feelings, and thought-processes concerning status and stigma, or indeed pride were
revealed.

Feminist application of Bourdieu's conceptualisation of class (e.g. Skeggs, 1997) was in keeping
with theoretical and empirical priorities of the study, as discussed in Chapter Three.
Operationalisation of class involved: recruiting women in contrasting locations; asking them to
self-identify their social class; and seeking indicators of economic, cultural and social capital.
Whilst the first two aspects proved relatively straightforward, operationalisation of capitals is
more complex. Bourdieu regards concepts as ‘polymorphic, supple and adaptive, rather than
defined calibrated and used rigidly’ (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992: 23). Silva and Edwards
(2004) note a difference between using capitals in a generic or specifically defined way and the
former was the case in the present study. They suggest capitals can be broken down into broad
components. During interviews with lone mothers this involved: asking about housing tenure,
employment and financial situation to denote economic capital; education, leisure pursuits and
media consumption to denote cultural capital; and social life and networks to inquire about social
capital. Asking women about how they were doing financially proved more fruitful than asking
their income, which could give an inaccurate impression of the research focus and potentially
undermine other aspects of the interview. Furthermore, sources of income could be a complex
and fluctuating mix of salary, benefits, maintenance. Asking instead about covering basics (food
and bills), clothes and treats/outing, then luxuries such as holidays as indicators opened up a
rich source of information on attitudes to money and lack of money.

Citizenship is a prominent concept in literature on lone motherhood, but Research Diary notes
record attempts to use it sounded 'forced' and generally fell on stony ground. It either lacked
meaning amidst more practical concerns or was met with an 'exclusionary' (Lister, 1997)
understanding in terms of migration in some cases. Considering relationships with the state in
terms of relative state and parental responsibilities for children was more apt as was asking
about political engagement, including whether they voted.

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Research Diary entries indicate that being led by participants' priorities and gaining a holistic
overview of individual circumstances and perspectives was sometimes at the expense of
systematic operationalising specific concepts in a trade-off required to keep interviews within a
reasonable time-frame. Also, as Edwards and Gillies (2011) argue, concepts are 'relational'. In
practice, this meant that overlap between SSL, class, citizenship was inevitable during
interviews, but the concepts were explored more discretely when analysing the data. Inter-
relationships between, for example, personal priorities and structural constraints or factors
affecting resistance to stigma (Yardley, 2008; McCormack 2004), were explored during analysis.

Reflections on conducting the interviews

Entries in the Research Diary concerning interactions with women who took part in the research
were extensive and offered a valuable means of processing my own feelings as well as recording
ideas and impressions following interviews. These reflections can be broadly grouped into three
types: thoughts on the utility of interview style in eliciting pertinent data; ways in which my own
biography and subjectivity may have influenced exchanges; and ways in which meeting the
women affected me personally.

Feminists (e.g. Stanely and Wise, 1990; 1993; Standing, 1998) have highlighted potential power
imbalances between researchers and participants and a wish to minimise such imbalances had
a bearing on how I approached the interviews. When setting up interviews and during face to
face interactions I was also conscious that participants were potentially able to impair the
research through deciding to: not take part; cancel or not turn up (which happened in a small
number of cases); withhold information (though not necessarily consciously); or withdraw from
the research. With these delicate dynamics in mind, interviews were centred around participants'
priorities, with empathy and natural conversational flow taking precedence over following a set
formula for questions. A positive outcome of this approach was that women often segued
spontaneously into relevant subjects via connections I might not have envisaged.

When I reviewed initial interviews however, I found they had produced a high volume of material
that was superfluous to the research focus and the tone seemed overly informal and the lines of
questioning less consistent than I may have preferred. While Oakley suggests that moving
beyond false dichotomies between formal and informal interview stances can assist in fuller
understanding of the 'interactional politics of research' (2016: 197), I needed to balance an
empathetic manner with addressing research aims. Questions thus became more formulaic in
light of what worked well, as detailed in a discussion of reconciling feminist and critical realist
commitments in the next section. The interviews became increasingly standardised as the
research progressed due to: sharper focus on the nub of the research; increasing confidence
and enhanced skills as interviewing experience grew; and a better sense of how to phrase
questions to provoke detailed responses.

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As discussed at the start of this chapter, recognition of the inevitability of researcher subjectivity
as a valuable starting point for research is central to both feminist (Harding, 1987; Smith, 1990;
Stanley and Wise, 1993; Letherby, 2013) and critical realist (Sayer, 2000) perspectives. My
feminist perspective and interest in the research topic grew out of coming from three generations
of women who brought up children without fathers. Whilst acknowledging the inevitable biases
this engendered, I was aware that researchers should attempt to make questions non-leading
(King and Horrocks, 2010). Reflection following the earliest interviews registered a tendency to
unwittingly 'lead' the participants upon occasion, for example unintentionally communicating
negative assumptions about paternal behaviour or being too garrulous when trying to illicit
information from a participant who was reticent. Following this, I made an effort to appear more
neutral and keep questions more open-ended and leave gaps in speech to see if participants
elaborated, even if it felt uncomfortable.

Also, rather than my views influencing participants' responses, it was more the case that during
some interviews participants expressed views which contrasted with my own. Whilst I felt
genuinely respectful of the women who shared their stories and do not believe I behaved in any
outwardly judgemental way, I found it troubling upon certain occasions when participants voiced
critical opinions about: matters such as lone mothers' parenting, appearance, smoking and
drinking; or about migrants to the UK claiming benefits. In these situations, I remained
impassive as challenging them was inappropriate under the circumstances and doing so would
have prevented me from listening to their lines of thought. Whilst no comments were made that
could be considered overtly racist, I found it frustrating when women were simultaneously
annoyed by being stereotyped yet stereotyped others, especially when I asked about sources of
information upon which opinions were based and this appeared vague or unsubstantiated.

Research Diary notes indicate that some participants in A appeared reticent. During these
interviews, I tended to repeat questions in different ways to 'draw them out' and was concerned
that this might come across as patronising. I noted however that asking participants to relate
examples of specific events offered insights into situations through stories told in a 'she said/I
said' format. Sheila (A), for example, did not identify with a social class but told of how she felt
when people she worked with talked about buying their children things she could not afford for
her own. This reflects Smith's (1990) point that women often possess tacit knowledge which is
unarticulated and unacknowledged, or Alvesson's view that participants can be 'knowing' without
being able to be 'telling' (2011: 30).

Interviews in Location B seemed to generally flow more smoothly than some in A. The greater
fluency was partly due to having learned what wording elicited the most pertinent responses by
the time fieldwork began in the second location. I was also aware that participants in B tended
to have had more formal education, the majority having been in higher education, and were
more vocal and confident and generally gave the impression of being more au fait with the

103
interview situation. There were a number of instances when I asked questions they said they
had reflected upon previously, such as what term they preferred to use to describe their situation
and why. Alvesson (2011) notes that people with less education may have more trouble
communicating their feelings and thoughts and that those who are better educated and more
accustomed to using certain kinds of language can be more voluble in interviews. Although
women in Location B were on the whole more talkative, I ensured that all participants' views
were given equal weight during analysis. Where some participants are quoted more frequently
or extensively than others, it is because they either spoke at length on particular topics or spoke
about a wider range of topics that affected them.

Reciprocity is an aspect of both feminist approaches to interviewing women (Oakley, 2016) and
ethical behaviour generally. I was happy to share information about myself, related to
participants with an open and friendly demeanour and responded fully when asked questions. I
was aware how infrequently I was asked about myself however. This may have been because
this did not arise naturally as my personal situation was different to participants' or more possibly
because time did not allow it, with most interviews only around an hour long and focus was very
much on the participants.

While the participants were all very pleasant, I felt guilty in some cases as I was conscious that
they were doing me a favour in giving up their time and sharing private feelings and thoughts
when some were in difficult situations. Although I told them I hoped the research would help to
influence perceptions and policies, I was aware of a lack of tangible benefit to them. Letherby
(2002) suggests that being involved in research can increase reflexivity among some
respondents. One woman remarked that it had made her think about things she had not
considered and thought that a good thing. Another discussed a dilemma she had been facing
and said that speaking about it had helped her “clarify” things.

Participants were all offered transcripts of their interview and seven said they would like this.
Debriefing took place with the 'gatekeepers' and I suggested an event to feed initial findings
from the interviews back to participants, but they thought this would place additional demands
on the women. Feedback to participants in Location B took the form of a short post for social
media used for recruitment and outlining findings at a group for lone mothers followed by a
discussion, as referred to in the concluding chapter.

Reflexive analysis: from data to knowledge

This section documents how data from the interviews was analysed and new knowledge was
developed. This aspect of the research is elaborated upon in detail in order to facilitate
transparency in distinguishing between the participants' and the researcher's standpoints
(Mauthner and Doucet, 2003) and as a quality check in documenting links between empirical

104
observation and theorisation (Horrocks and King, 2010). The section begins by addressing
reflexivity in analysis (Mauthner and Doucet, 2003), which became increasingly importunate
during the research journey. The compatibility of the Framework Analysis method (Spencer et
al., 2014a; 2014b) with the aims and comparative nature of the study is established. This section
also outlines how elements of the Provisional Conceptual Framework and SSL proved useful in
understanding the interplay of agential and structural factors in lone mothers' experiences of
stigma but 'orienting' concepts were also adapted, abandoned and extended during a 'dialogue'
between data and theory (Layder, 1998) to develop theoretical understandings of the data.
Analytical Memos, which aided this 're-shuffling and re-thinking' process (Layder, 1998: 61) are
referred to as appropriate.

Reflexivity and data analysis

Mauthner and Doucet (2003) point out that reflexivity has been widely debated in relation to
theory, epistemology and the data collection stage of qualitative inquiry but consideration of
reflexivity in qualitative data analysis has been much more limited. In approaching the analysis
of interview data, I found their view that reflexivity in data analysis is underestimated highly
salient. Whilst aiming to be reflexive about the personal biases I was bringing to the research,
how my lines of questioning and my own demographic characteristics and demeanour might
influence the outcome (Harding, 1987), I found that interpretation of the data was the most
demanding aspect of the research in terms of researcher reflexivity. I needed to reconstitute
data in a theoretically meaningful way in order to move from data to knowledge and produce
'legitimate' social research, but at this point I became highly conscious of the 'power balance'
between researcher and participants (Stanley and Wise, 1990). I was especially concerned not
to contribute towards 'judgement' as this was a prominent theme in participants' accounts and
I was uneasy that I might present their stories in ways they might not approve of. Finding a way
beyond this was a crucial point in my research 'journey', which was resolved in a practical way
by adopting an analytical strategy which took distinct steps in moving from descriptive towards
more interpretive analysis. These dilemmas formed recurrent entries in my Research Diary and
it is useful to briefly address a series of inter-related issues that were of analytical significance
before moving on to discuss data analysis. These can be summarised as: the reconciliation of
feminist and critical realist priorities; balancing the standpoint of research participants with that
of the researcher; and the role of interviews as a site for 'impression management'.

Reconciling feminist and critical realist priorities

The value of feminist perspectives on lone motherhood and on social class have been referred
to above and discussed in previous chapters. The potential for cross-fertilisation between
feminist and critical realist research was debated in a series of articles by Lawson (1999; 2003)
and Harding (1999; 2003). In response to arguments by Lawson (1999) on the compatibility of
feminist epistemological insights and realist ontological insights, Harding (1999) conceded that
rejection of judgmental relativism in favour of a judgmental rationality could enable ontological
105
realism and epistemological relativism to be combined. Harding (2003) later stated however that
ontology itself is located in the social structure of time and place and critical realism therefore
pays too little attention to cultural aspects of knowledge production. Put briefly due to lack of
space, the first part of this statement might be countered by reiterating arguments around
'epistemic fallacy' (Bhaskar, 2015) and an example from New (2005) in which she parses sex
and gender in terms of ontological and epistemological separation; and the second by the view
that the critical aspect of critical realism suggests potential for inveighing against prevailing
cultural norms (Sayer, 1992). Pointing out that realism recognises the historicity of knowledge
claims in the 'transitive' dimension (Bhaskar, 2014), New (1998) employs the idea of ontic depth
to suggest that feminist interests can be served by affording empirical weight to the agential
details of women's individual lives while attending to causal mechanisms contributing to
inequalities at the 'real' level (1998: 368). Synthesis between feminism and critical realism was
addressed more recently in a series of articles considering ontological, epistemological and
empirical synergies and challenges (Gunnarson et al., 2016).

Whilst these points suggest potential bridges between feminism and critical realism at an
intellectual level, the Research Diary records deliberations concerning practical and ethical
implications. The research topic and the focus were motivated by feminist concerns. Ethical and
sensitive measures, as recommended by Stanley and Wise (1990), such as listening attentively,
came as second nature during interviews, and the semi-structured format enabled women's
priorities to be accommodated flexibly. A practical point was that reflecting the diversity of
participant's priorities gave less control over interviews and resulted in less consistency, which
made comparative analysis more challenging, although the interviews became more systematic,
as previously indicated. Dilemmas also arose around presenting women's stories respectfully,
whist also theorising about their lives in a way that was consistent with a critical realist emphasis
on abstraction and explanation. I could relate to Parr's anxiety about 'data raid' (Wandsworth
1984, cited Parr, 2015) and warnings about avoiding 'sociological imperialism' (Meyer and
Lunnay, 2012).

Balancing standpoints
Addressing dilemmas around 'sociological imperialism' centred upon seeking an appropriate
balance between the 'standpoint' of research participants and my own as a researcher. Original
feminist standpoint theory stresses the epistemic advantage of women as the experts on their
own lives (Harding, 1987). However, Smith (1990), rightly, recognises multiple standpoints from
which knowledge is constructed. Furthermore, poststructuralist feminists (e.g. Butler, 1990)
point out challenges in arriving at a definitive feminist stance when shared gender does not
equate with a homogenous group regardless of factors such as class, ethnicity, age, physical
ability and sexuality.

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The extent to which the standpoint of the 'most oppressed' should be regarded unquestioningly
as the 'most real' source of knowledge also requires consideration (Letherby, 2013: 85). While
recognising the achievement of standpoint theory in centring knowledge production around
women's experience, Skeggs (1997) cautions against its risk of collapsing being into knowing.
From a social realist perspective, Sayer believes that hearing previously unheard voices can lead
to new knowledge, but that epistemic privilege should be given to the standpoint most able to
answer the research question. In his view, Haraway's emphasis on situated knowledge is
compatible with critical realist conceptual selectivity (1991, cited Sayer, 2000). Archer claims it
is possible to present participants' narratives with 'a first-person authority, whilst avoiding the
excessive claims that have been made about first-person epistemic authority' (2007: 26).

Walby (1990) commends qualitative feminist techniques for capturing women's voices as
faithfully as possible, while adhering to the view that underlying social structures with emergent
properties exist but are not immediately knowable. She believes it is necessary to be systematic
and theoretical in order to elucidate structures underlying social life, which are outside lay
experience. Parr (2015) also combines feminist and critical realist concerns during her research
involving mothers receiving intensive family support. I found Parr's approach instructive in my
work involving lone mothers. Like her, I used prior theoretical ideas to guide interview questions
but worked flexibly during interviews to prioritise respect and empathy. As with Parr (2015), I
applied the topic guide flexibly and allowed space for women's own perspectives to emerge and
remained focused on the participants and data at this stage, which meant critical realist meta-
theory was revisited once again during analysis.

Interviews as 'impression management'

Alvesson points out that interviews may be more about 'role-playing and adapting to social
standards in the name of impression management' (2011: 3). This view that interviews can be
an opportunity to defend and/or repair self-identity was pertinent in examining stigmatisation of
lone mothers. A tendency for young mothers to distance themselves from others in the category
rather than regarding the construct itself as problematic is reported frequently in the literature
(e.g. Phoenix 1996; Ponsford, 2011). This appeared to be the case during some interviews I
conducted, when certain participants made moralistic and 'classist' distinctions between
themselves and other lone mothers or economic migrants with reference to stigmatising
stereotypes while simultaneously voicing anger at stereotypes. The Research Diary notes
dilemmas on how to discuss such impression management techniques in a way that does not
portray participants negatively, but is at the same time true to what they said. I noted
ambivalence in that even participants who identified themselves as 'feminists' distanced
themselves from lone mother stereotypes whilst at the same time being acutely aware of the
unjust, gendered and classed nature of such stereotypes.

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The extent to which research participants were telling me what they really thought, what they
wanted me to hear, or what they thought I wanted to hear was a further Research Diary topic.
May (2008) contends that analytical interest in moralistic narratives does not necessarily lie in
whether the image that people are presenting is fully authentic, but in how social norms are
being negotiated. She argues that this is not taking a cynical stance towards mothers' motives
but is more analytically productive than questioning the authenticity of actors' accounts of
morality. Impression management might therefore be studied as a manifestation of
stigmatisation. This can be witnessed in Ribbens McCarthy et al.'s (2003) attention to
participants 'moral tales' in presentations of their conduct in accounts of step-parenting.
Alvesson also believes impression management can be less of a problem for researchers if it is
taken as indicative of pressures posed by prevailing social norms and a desire to produce 'morally
adequate accounts' (2011: 17). I ultimately needed to accept what people said at face value,
while analysing their accounts from my own standpoint and aiming to transparently distinguish
between the two.

Data analysis methods

In order to make clear the demarcation between participants' standpoints and my own 'theorised
subjectivity' (Letherby, 2013) as a researcher, I followed an analytic path which began with close
examination of participants' emic accounts and progressively became more interpretive and
theoretical. This also helped to ensure that theoretical understandings were firmly rooted in
empirical data (Spencer et al., 2014a).

Thematic coding and framework display

To prepare the data for systematic analysis, recordings of the interviews were transcribed with
identifying material removed to preserve anonymity and format standardised (as set out in Flick,
2014). Basic information about participants was collated to enable an overview of similarities
and disparities between women's situations in the two locations. This comparative overview is
presented in the form of tables in the three chapters that follow. Organisational coding was then
undertaken, which involved reviewing transcripts to establish broad categories, which loosely
reflected subjects covered in the Interview Topic Guide but did not replicate them. The data was
then coded descriptively, which involved assigning codes to passages and sentences based on
recurring words, phrases, ideas, views or metaphors. NVivo software was used during thematic
coding for purposes of speed, ease and consistency (Spencer et al., 2014a). Versions of coding
lists were captured as codes were expanded, refined, merged and deleted and transcripts were
revisited to ensure relevant material was incorporated into a final coding scheme. (For further
details see Appendix F).

Having coded the transcripts according to descriptive themes, Framework Analysis (Spencer et
al., 2014a; 2014b) was deemed the best way of managing, organising and displaying the data
in a coherent fashion. Data was arranged in matrices comprising a row for each participant and

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columns denoting themes and sub-themes. This enables examination within and across cases
and between locations. Working with the data in this 'cross-sectional' way provides a 'systematic
overview' and helps develop conceptual categories, make comparisons and identify connections,
according to Spencer et al. (2014a: 272-3). In light of King and Horrocks' emphasis on the
importance of 'auditability' for demonstrating quality (2010: 152), the framework approach also
aids transparency by making 'analytical building blocks' accessible (Spencer et al., 2014a: 280).

Data that had been 'descriptively' coded using NVivo software was arranged in a series of A3-
sized Context Matrices according to topic, themes and sub-themes with each matrix divided by
location. The matrices contain direct extracts from transcripts to retain the voice of participants
as far as practicable, with summaries to reduce data volume where appropriate. Although
producing matrix summaries was necessary for discerning trends and relationships in the data,
I was aware when doing so of reducing people's situations to single phrases and boxing complex
opinions into neat columns. Several iterations were tried out before arriving at the most coherent
arrangement of substantive themes in relation to the research questions in nine matrices. These
situated participants' descriptively coded comments according to contextual factors. Thinking
through relationships between themes and deciding which were most logically related was a
fruitful aspect of analysis. A summary of each contextual matrix was created to reduce the bulk
of the data in order to discern emerging trends. This enabled broad patterns in situations,
locations and perspectives to be identified (Miles and Huberman, 1994). The most significant
themes and points of comparison from these Context Matrices were summarised in a table (see
Appendix G: Summary of Context Matrices).

Interpreting the data

As Bryman notes, to make sense of the data once it has been broken down it needs to be
reconstituted to provide, 'a basis for theoretical understanding of the data that can make a
theoretical contribution to literature' (2012: 580). Returning to the Iterative Research Cycle (see
Figure 3 above), ‘abduction’ was used to bring together descriptively coded data with existing
sociological knowledge, while ‘retroduction’ was used to help unearth processes underlying
empirical observations (Sayer, 1992; Danermark et el., 2001). Analysis does not follow a linear
path (Spencer et al., 2014; 2014b) and abductive and retroductive aspects of the cycle became
highly inter-dependent during the practice of analysis.

The preceding discussion stressed the need for reflexivity in balancing participants' and
researcher's standpoints and transparently distinguishing between the two (Mauthner and
Doucet, 2003; Lau and Morgan, 2014). This was supported by arranging descriptively coded
data into Context Matrices before undertaking interpretive analysis, as described above.
Silverman (2011) notes the importance of striking a balance between sticking too rigidly to 'in
vivo' language and jumping too quickly to academic concepts. The Research Diary recorded
deliberations over the point at which etic analysis became necessary. While participants are

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obviously the best 'experts' on lone motherhood, researchers' insights come from accessing
multiple standpoints and sociological knowledge (Bygstand and Munvold, 2011). Starting to use
my own phrases to summarise trends along with academic terms where their value was apparent
was part of the gradual return to existing knowledge and theoretical ideas (Spencer et al., 2014a;
2014b). It allowed analysis to move, 'beyond empirical information and engage with the general
organising principles of social reality' (Layder, 2013: 133), thereby starting to address the 'why'
of stigma as well as 'how' lone mothers' experience it.

Revisiting the provisional conceptual framework

Following organisational and descriptive categorisation, the next element of the iterative
research design was 'theoretical categorisation' (Maxwell, 2012) or 'conceptual re-description'
(Sayer, 1992). An abductive approach meant that participants' accounts were re-examined with
reference to the original 'orienting' concepts (Layder, 1998). Having the coded data arranged in
the nine Context Matrices made it readily accessible for moving back and forth between: the
concrete and abstract and the concepts and empirical observations they indicate (Danermark et
al, 2001; Layder, 1998). While a priori theoretical ideas encapsulated in a Provisional Conceptual
Framework helped to guide analysis and SSL was a useful investigative tool, I was conscious
that theoretical understandings should arise from lived experience rather than being forced to
fit with preconceived ideas (Skeggs, 1997; Layder, 2013). Relevant elements of the provisional
framework were therefore expanded or supplemented whilst those that did not withstand
confrontation with empirical evidence were abandoned and replaced until the versions of the
conceptual framework used in this thesis were arrived at (see Figures 1 and 2, Chapter Three).
This process is outlined in Appendix H.

Using case dynamics analysis to determine 'modes' of SSL

The interviews uncovered women's perceptions, attitudes and responses to stigma in relation to
a wide range of factors including their age, route to lone motherhood, employment, finances,
family support and social networks. Having revisited the provisional conceptual framework,
'theoretical categorisation' (Maxwell, 2012) involved returning to the data and focusing in on
women's accounts in relation to indicators of SSL, class identity and capitals and analysing
relationships between factors and outcomes in individual cases. Miles and Hubberman
recommend creating a case dynamics matrix as a means marrying 'story' with 'concept'
approaches (Ragin, 1987, cited Miles and Hubberman, 1994). Producing Case Dynamics Matrices
helped narrow focus and map comments in relation to key concepts for each participant and to
seek out relationships between factors. By preserving in-case coherence, this also addressed a
risk that the narrative flow from interviews can be fragmented during thematic analysis, as
raised by Bryman (2012).

Having explored the propensity for rejection, resistance or absorption of stigma in each
participant's case, the data suggested outcomes could be loosely grouped under headings to

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reflect women's overall 'mode' of SSL; namely 'positive', 'negative', 'performative', 'defensive'
and 'transformative'. The use of 'positive' SSL where women expressed pride, autonomy and
displayed little or no degree of being affected by stigma and 'negative' SSL where they expressed
a high degree of absorption of stigma is self-explanatory. The other types of SSL require
definition. The 'performative' designation grew out of observation of cases where women
believed theirs was a stigmatised family form but displayed personal legitimacy through
performing to normative expectations of citizenship through employment and compensating for
coupled parenthood. Goffman refers to cases where people have 'a record of having corrected a
particular blemish' (1990: 20) and this could serve as a description of 'performative' SSL.

Skeggs and Loveday stress the importance of 'performing' and 'defending' in making one's stake
for value and legitimacy (2012: 472-3). Where some participants emphasised their performative
achievements in relation to dominant norms, the 'defensive' designation grew out of observation
of cases where women created meanings to defend their position against dominant discourse.
These participants were aware of stigmatisation due to having children at a young age and
claiming benefits, but centred their SSL around their own mothers and their maternal role.
Participants whose mode of SSL was defensive overall tended to state that they were “not
bothered” about other people's opinions and deflected criticism onto other mothers or migrants,
who they regarded as being poor mothers or not deserving of benefits. SSL was deemed
'transformative' where women described a journey from which they emerged with a new
perspective after a period of adjustment when their relationships ended and grew to value their
independence. Participants' perception of stigma, their agential responses to it, along with
indicators of personal legitimacy and indicators their 'mode' of SSL were summarised and set
out in matrices. (See Appendix I: Excerpts from SSL Case Dynamics Matrix Summary).

I was aware of having picked up on non-verbal information during the interviews, which were
noted and influenced my interpretation of participants' SSL. Embodied expression of feelings in
voice, expressions and gestures can be lost during research (Skeggs, 1997). Yet, as Smart
(2009) points out, non-verbal communication is not to be underestimated. Sheila, for instance,
was not talkative but made a gesture that spoke a thousand words about the end of her
relationship with her ex-husband; simultaneously miming raising a glass to her lips to indicate
his drinking, rolling her eyes to imply her annoyance and shuddering with relief that he was
gone. Non-verbal cues could be indicative of individual participants' expression of SSL. For
instance, Clare's expression appeared downcast and she indicated negative perceptions of
herself as well as her situation, whereas Ciara's demeanour was confident and she voiced positive
comments throughout the interview.

Identifying 'judgement of judgement' as a process underlying SSL

Swedberg (2014; 2016) believes a typology can be a heuristic device but that it should be linked
to explanation where possible. He suggests that reflexive theorising should move from a central

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concept, to a typology and towards an explanatory model based around social processes. I
ultimately decided that women's 'mode' of SSL was beneficial as an aid to further analysis rather
than developing a firm typology as an end in itself. Investigation from a critical realist perspective
aims to move 'from manifest phenomena to generative structure' (Bhaskar, 2015: 129), as
discussed at the start of this chapter. Women's comments on 'adverse social judgement',
(Scambler, 2009) were highly evident in the data. Focusing on 'clusters of meaning' (Spencer et
al., 2014a: 271) allowed points of coalescence between women's structural positions and their
agential responses to stigma to be grouped. As ‘judgement’ was such a prominent theme in
participants' accounts, its value as a mechanism in promoting or impeding lone mothers' sense
of stigmatisation was investigated. Judgement bears a metaphorical relationship to legitimacy
and also has resonance in the evaluative sense of decision-making and value judgments.
Judgement in its entirety was found to be too general a mechanism for explanatory purposes
however. Analysis of the data found that judgement could better explain stigma when broken
down into constituents. Further case dynamics matrices were used to summarise: indicators of
participants' modes of SSL; their propensity to feel judged, judge others and internalise
judgement; their levels of capitals and perceived class position; and other significant
enablements and constraints (see Appendix J for excerpts from Judgement and SSL Case
Dynamics Matrix Summary). Further attention to the conceptual status of judgement was also
required. As previously detailed, this work is informed by Archer's (2000) theorisation of
agency/structure interplay. Archer argues that social identity is bound up in decisions as to
'which normative evaluations matter' to individuals' self-worth (2000: 219).

Exploration of the process of judgement in participants' experiences of SSL required

comprehension of variations in women situations and perspective. Retroduction helps clarify
processes responsible for observed trends (Bryman 2012) through, 'postulating mechanisms
capable of producing them' (Sayer, 1992: 107). Layder (1998) cautions that retroduction is
conjectural however. Looking backwards from the manifestation of modes of SSL suggested that
a process of 'judgement of judgement' seemed to be a pivotal mechanism around which
interaction between women's personal situation, norms and resources and stigma turned.
‘Candidate mechanisms’ (Sayer, 1992) were also considered but did not offer sufficient ‘practical
adequacy’ (Sayer, 2000), as noted in Appendix H: Analytical note on revisiting the provisional
conceptual framework. Retroductive reasoning suggested that a process of 'judgement of
judgement' was central to subjective experiences of stigma among lone mothers in this study.
The chapters which follow provide extracts from the data, which support this interpretation. The
principal characteristics of the modes of SSL identified from this analysis are presented in Table
5: 'Judging the judgement' as a process underlying modes of SSL. The theoretical model is
presented in the concluding chapter.

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Table 5: 'Judgement of judgment' as a process underlying modes of SSL

Context 'Positive' SSL 'Performative' SSL 'Defensive' SSL 'Negative' SSL 'Transformative' SSL

Awareness of lone Aware Highly aware Aware but 'don't care' Highly aware Previously highly aware
motherhood stigma
Personal attitude to Rejects it as not Resists by demonstrating Resists by defending Absorbs stigma Has moved beyond it
stigma applicable her performative herself and criticising
achievements others
Aware of stereotyping Very conscious of Conscious of stereotyping Negatively affected by Formerly very conscious of
but does not regard it as stereotyping, but critiques but defends stereotyping labelling and stereotyping
personally relevant and distances through deservingness and
performative deflects judgement
achievements
Employment and Pride in job Believes having a job is Believes she deserves Frustrated work Previously worked but
benefits necessary to avoid stigma benefits but some others orientation and highly believes benefits are
do not conscious of benefits deserved where necessary
stigma
Normative family Minimal investment in Invested in the two parent Strong 'good mother' Investment in a two Family ideal was 'spoilt'
models the two parent model. model and identity without having parent family ideal and has been repaired
overcompensates to invested in the two which has been
ensure children are not parent model. 'spoilt'.
disadvantaged
Social life Active or adequate and Some exclusion or No social life or very Limited social life, Excluded from previous
attributes limitations to prioritises demands of limited but not concerned isolated or excluded social network and now
lack of time rather than career, children and home has a new one.
exclusion
Sphere of mobility Limited in A Extensive Confined to extended Limited Extensive
and reference Extensive in B family. Close relationship
with own mother
'Judgement of Minimal negative Judges self and Defends herself Internalises Judges self by a
judgement' judgement performs to the standard against judgement judgement new standard

Capitals High social capital in A. High cultural and social Low economic, cultural Low economic, cultural High cultural and social
High cultural, social, capital and adequate capital, high 'bonding' and social capital. capital, adequate
adequate economic in B. economic capital. forms of social capital. economic

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Conclusion

This chapter has discussed the research methodology in three sections covering stages of the
research. The first section established the philosophical underpinnings of the study and described
how central tenets of critical realism were translated into practicable research design. The second
section described how participants were recruited, included a table showing participants'
situations and characteristics, and established the rationale for using semi-structured interviews
in two locations. It also offered reflections on conducting interviews with 26 women in a range
of situations. The final section described an analytical path that began with descriptive coding
and became increasingly more interpretive. It discussed compatibility of the framework analysis
method with the research aims and explained how Context and Case Dynamics Matrices were
used to aid abduction and retroduction. The final section of this chapter suggested that a process
of 'judging the judgement' can play a significant role in lone mothers' mediation of stigma.

Whilst the 'messiness' of research in the 'open system' of the social world (Sayer, 1992) means
inevitable overlaps, attempts have been made to abstract factors out where practicable in order
to attend to the research questions. In summary, these concern the how of lone mothers'
experiences of stigma and the why of the relative significance of different agential and structural
elements in promoting and impeding stigma. The need to simultaneously reflect thematic trends
in the data, commonalities and differences between locations, individual case dynamics and
underlying processes when presenting the findings and analysis was a challenge arising from the
comparative nature of the study. In discussing the research findings, each of the following
chapters begins by setting out commonalities in women's accounts regardless of their geographic
location or personal situation, before comparing experiences both between and within locations.
The next three chapters are organised in a way that responds to the research questions by
exploring lone mothers' agency in relation to discursive, material and socio-spatial contexts. The
value of 'judgement of judgement' as a mechanism underpinning women's mediation of stigma
has been set out here and forms analytical thread throughout the chapters that follow. This core
theme is explored relation to SSL and in terms of locational and class comparators and
agency/structure dialectics at key points in each chapter. Excerpts from interviews are quoted
to evidence themes and interpretations. Although some participants' accounts are used
extensively where they are representative or offer contrastive illustrations of particular points,
the voices of all of the mothers were taken on board during interviews and analysis. Miles and
Hubberman (1994) distinguish between different purposes in case analysis and my principal aim
was exploration of associations between circumstances and attitudes. This enabled a theoretical
'model' to be developed, which is presented in the concluding chapter of the thesis and draws
upon evidence and arguments put forward in the three chapters which now follow.

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Chapter 5

Negotiating the “single mum stereotype”

Introduction

Chapter Two established the discursive context in which the research was conducted. This
chapter examines participants’ agential negotiation of what they overwhelmingly regarded as
stigmatising media depictions of the “single mum stereotype” within this context. Negative
language and images in newspapers and television programmes, and their circulation via social
media, were regarded as the principal source of 'adverse social judgement' (Scambler, 2009)
among lone mothers involved in this study, regardless of their location or personal situation. The
first section of the chapter illustrates reluctance among most of the women to identify with what
they viewed as a de-legitimated category. Asking participants about their preferred terminology
automatically prompted associations with media misrepresentation and comments on ‘labelling'
and 'stereotyping' (Goffman 1990; Link and Phelan 2001) and feeling unfairly “judged”.
Examples of women’s tendency to reproduce the ‘teenage mother who became deliberately
pregnant to live on benefits’ stereotype whilst distancing themselves from such portrayals are
provided, which support the argument that media misrecognition of lone motherhood is a
damaging form of 'symbolic violence' (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990).

The second section shows how participants commonly positioned themselves in a 'hierarchy of
maternal legitimacy' (Song, 1996) according to age, route to lone motherhood and sexual
morality. Comparing women’s responses to media misrepresentation across and within the two
locations illustrates how their objective situations did not necessarily translate into subjective
impacts of stigma however. Participants’ mediation of cultural constructs can be described as
inter-play between 'personal emergent properties' and 'cultural emergent properties' (Archer,
2000; 2003). The previous chapter detailed how ‘judgement of judgement’ was identified as a
key mechanism underlying participants’ 'modes' of SSL. This chapter provides examples of SSL
case dynamics analysis to argue that the women’s propensity to reject, resist or absorb discourse
depended upon their self-judgement and judgement of others. Savage claims that 'single
motherhood is a proxy for class,' (2015: 378) and feminists have used symbolic violence to
explain the reproduction of class and gender inequalities (Lawler, 2005). Whilst most women in
Location A were reluctant to discuss class, those in Location B tended to deploy ‘cultural capital’
(Bourdieu, 1989) as a means of dis-identifying from classed lone mother stereotypes. The final
section thus explores participants’ SSL in terms of their ability to disregard, ‘perform’ or ‘defend’
themselves against the media’s ‘middle-class gaze' (Skeggs and Loveday, 2012), showing how
those who judged themselves by standards they could not reach experienced ‘negative’ SSL.
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Labelling and misrepresentation

This section presents excerpts from the data which illustrate that, despite vast diversity in their
circumstances, the majority of women across locations A and B had ambivalent reactions to
classification in what they commonly viewed as a negative category. The question of terminology
almost invariably led to comments on derogatory media stereotyping. Indeed, stigma and
stereotyping appeared to be regarded as one and the same thing by many women in the study.
The women's tendency to reproduce negative stereotypes in their anxiety to distance themselves
from them was consistent with a number of previous studies (e.g. Phoenix, 1996; Kingfisher,
1998; Mitchell and Green, 2002; McCormack, 2004; Clavering, 2010). 'Judgement' was a
common theme when women spoke about stereotyping and applying SSL as an analytical tool
using case examples helps explore the relationship between judgement and their rejection,
resistance or absorption of media misrepresentation.

Mothers' views on terminology

The ages of women who took part in this study ranged between 19 and 54 and they come from
a wide variety of backgrounds and are in a broad range of situations (See Tables 4 and 5:
Participant Information). Capturing women's individual agential responses to homogenising
categorisation that overlooks the diversity and dynamism and of family life (May, 2010) was the
first step in opening up the ‘closed box’ category of lone motherhood (Duncan and Edwards,
1999). Concerns surrounding classification of women in terms with which they may not identify
(Crow and Hardey, 1992; Song, 1996; Duncan and Edwards, 1999; May, 2006; 2010) were
outlined at the start of this thesis, along with reasons for using 'lone mother' to reflect structural
commonalities. Discussion here focuses on participants' personal reactions to phraseology in
interrogating the effects the categorisation on women's lives, 'situated self-understanding' and
'connection to a group' (May, 2010: 435). Simply asking participants their preferred term at the
start of interviews prompted a rich vein of thoughts and feelings about how they believe they
are regarded socially. Importantly, it provoked comments on how they did not want to be
regarded. The word 'stigma' was used recurrently and typical comments from women in the two
locations associating terminology with negative representation include:

“It's a label.” Gina (A)

“It's got a stigma attached to it.” Katherine (A)

''Single mum's the stereotype, typical council estate, spends every weekend going out
drinking.” Clare (A)

“You're typecast.” Jasmine (B)

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 “There is that image of single mothers, like you've somehow failed or you've gone wrong
somewhere.” Valerie (B)

Opinions expressed by women in both locations aligned with literature revealing ambivalence
surrounding categorisation (Crow and Hardy, 1992; Song, 1996; Duncan and Edwards, 1999;
May, 2006; 2010). Two women emphatically did not want to be distinguished from mothers in
other family configurations:

“I'm not a single mum. I've got my family, I'm not on my own...I'm just a mum. End of.”
Debbie (A)

“I'm a mum. I wouldn't refer to any of my married friends as 'married mums' or 'cohabiting
mums' or you wouldn't call someone a 'lesbian mum' because they were in a lesbian
relationship, but it's ok to call me a single mum or a single parent. And I'm not, I'm just a
mum.” Mena (B)

The majority of participants distinguished theirs from a two parent family but voiced ambivalence
about phraseology. Some preferred 'single parent' and stated the pragmatic reason that this
included fathers. Ciara (B), for example, regarded it as “more inclusive”. Jasmine (B) preferred
the emphasis on parenting alone it implied. Notwithstanding these points, the most commonly
cited reason by those preferring single parent was the negative connotations of 'single mother'
or 'single mum'. Mandy (B) generally did not like any categorisation but used 'single parent'
where necessary:

“I would never ever, ever, ever describe myself as a 'single mum'...If I'm ever speaking
about it, I always say 'it's just us three' and don't go into any more details than that.”
Mandy (B)

Use of the term 'single mum' was as ubiquitous as it was unpopular in both locations however.
A number of participants stated that they do not like the term and yet used it frequently when
referring to themselves and mothers in similar situations. The complexity of the category (May,
2006) was also underlined by the same women using a range of terms to refer to themselves
and others interchangeably throughout the interview in an apparently subconscious way. This
underscores May's point (2010) about categorisation being simultaneously unwelcome yet
difficult to abandon. Categorisation seemed to occur as a practicality in many cases despite
symbolic objections to it.

When participants were asked what they thought about the term 'lone mother', although some
said it was “better” and it was generally regarded as “less stigmatising” than other alternatives,
it was not perceived positively either. The words, “depressing”, “sad” and “lonely” were the most
frequent assigned to it, with Sheila (A) saying it sounded, “like you've got no-one, you're
desperate”. The lack of any satisfactory term was apparent when women asked if there was any

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 alternative they would prefer and only two women made suggestions. Gina (A) jokingly said she
thought “survivor” was the most apt description. Valerie (B) thought “solo mother” the best way
to describe her parenting situation, “as that's more positive than single mother”. While several
women in Location A commented that they had not previously considered terminology, women
in Location B were more likely to have contemplated the matter. Interestingly however, Emma
(B), who was awaiting finalisation of her divorce, had not thought about terminology until she
saw recruitment information on social media for this research.

Participants were asked about who, when and how they might tell of their family situation. 9
Taylor's attention to differences between lone motherhood as an externally imposed 'totalising'
categorical identity and an 'ontological identity' providing a 'coherent sense of self' proved
valuable in analysing responses (1998: 340). Only four women stated categorically that they
would tell people they first met their family situation. The majority of mothers across both
locations said that they were unlikely to tell people they met in a social context. For example,
Clare (A), who formerly cohabited and has three children under 8, said she would not tell anyone
as it was “none of their business”. Significantly, given Taylor's (1998) point about external and
internal identity, a number of women from both locations said they identified themselves
privately as a “single mum” or “single mother”, but would not propagate this externally. This
suggests they self-identified without wishing to be externally categorised, which concurs with
observations made by Goffman (1990) on 'disclosure etiquette' among stigmatised groups. While
no-one in the sample practiced 'concealment', a number of mothers used what he calls
'information control', as the following comments illustrate:

“Being a single parent is a massive part of me, but I don't go round and say that's what I
am.” Ciara (B)

“If I were to go out there and openly say to everybody 'I am a single parent', then I think
I'm already helping them to put a label on me and I don't approve of labels.” Della (B).

Although she would not use the term externally, Sonia (B) said she used 'single mother' internally
to give her “strength” and as “validation” for having found courage to end an abusive
relationship:

Nicola: “In what way?”

Sonia: “Because of the sort of relationship I'd come out of, it was like 'I'm doing this by
myself' kind of thing...I was actually quite proud that I wasn't in that situation any more,
although I wouldn't go and explain my circumstances to anybody else.”

9
Examples of scenarios such as social events, job interviews and going on a first date were used. Most of the
women would not tell people they met in a social situation or prospective employers they were lone mothers
as they thought this would create a prejudice. However, they would tell a prospective new partner
immediately.
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 For a number of women, dislike of terminology was closely linked to lack of choice over their
situation (which is discussed below). Some mothers also described how they found the
terminology less jarring as they became more accustomed to their new situation and personal
‘journeys’ taken by certain participants over time are explored in detail in Chapter Seven. Alison
(B), for example, found labelling “painful” initially because her husband left her with four young
children to be with someone else, but describes developing a “thicker skin” over the years. She
said her motivation for taking part in the research was the exclusion of people in her situation
from popular depictions of lone motherhood:

“You always read it as if 'you got yourself pregnant because you wanted a council flat and
you wanted your benefits so you didn't have to go out to work', that's how it always seems
to be portrayed in the media...[At first] it was just horrendous. It just turned my stomach
to think I was a single mum because it was so not what I wanted to be. I was very aware
that I was in this situation and that was how it was portrayed.” Alison (B)

Pervasiveness of media stereotyping

The well-documented role of the media in fuelling the demonisation of single mothers and
benefits stigma (e.g. Roseneil and Mann, 1996; Tyler, 2013) was discussed in Chapter Two. It
is therefore unsurprising that participants in diverse situations across both locations unanimously
viewed contemporary media depictions as problematic. Fieldwork for this research started in
Location A in the same year after the broadcasting of Benefits Street10, which came to epitomise
the 'poverty porn' television genre and spawned extensive debate in national newspapers and
on social media (e.g. Price, 2014). Against this background, some participants commented on
stigmatising media portrayals of lone motherhood before interviews had even begun and women
all referred to the media spontaneously when asked about terminology. “There's a huge stigma
to women on their own with children,” was an assertion by Mena (B), for example, which she
immediately followed with, “they get negative press.” Characteristics of the archetype described
by participants were: benefit dependency, sexual promiscuity, laziness, scruffy appearance,
swearing, smoking, drug and alcohol use and inadequate parenting. Women in both Location A
and Location B spoke overwhelmingly of annoyance at media representations and used the
phrases such as “unfair”, “focusing on the negatives”, “lumping us all together” and “tarred with
the same brush” repeatedly.

In addition to expressing anger at what is covered, a number of women raised objections to

cultural representations of lone motherhood in terms of what is not covered in the mainstream
media. Mothers in this study pointed out that “they only show one side” and “success stories”
are seldom, if ever, featured in the media, confirming Tyler's (2011) point that first-hand
testimonies are missing from highly editorialised 'maternal TV' productions. Laura (B), for

10
The documentary series Benefits Street made by Love Productions was filmed in James Turner Street,
Birmingham and the first series was first broadcast on Channel 4 in 2014.
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 example, said there were no examples in the media of lone mothers who are, “strong and holding
it all together and working a triple shift”.

Circulation of discourse
Mitchell and Green (2002) draw attention to the multi-dimensionality of discourse and
differentiate between political, media, populist and academic discourses. Media representation
was the type of discourse that was invariably cited when participants were asked to clarify what
they meant by 'stereotypes'. Some alluded non-specifically to “the media” or “the press” and
others named specific television programmes and newspaper articles. Reality television
programmes were most frequently referred to as the source of 'judgement'. Benefits Street was
the most frequently named programme, followed by the Jeremy Kyle Show11. “Tabloids”, “the
press” and “newspapers” were mentioned but The Daily Mail12 was the newspaper named
specifically in promoting an association between lone motherhood and benefit dependency. While
“the media” was spoken about in general terms, when participants were asked about their media
personal consumption it was generally low among mothers in both locations. A number of women
in Location A said they regularly watched soap operas and a character called Lola, a troubled
16-year old lone mother on Eastenders13, was referred to several times. Several women across
both locations said that they purposefully did not watch certain television programmes because
of the way lone mothers are depicted.

Comments made by a number of women in this study suggest that circulation of negative
stereotyping via Facebook and other social media had heightened their awareness of
stigmatisation. This corresponds with Tyler's (2013) comments on circulation of discourse via
social media in the contemporary setting replacing the 'street talk' of previous generations (Hall
et al., 1978 cited Tyler, 2013). Katherine (A) for example linked television programmes with
social media repetition and a perception of “judgement”:

“If there's anything like that on TV, I won't watch it because I feel as if there's nothing I
can do. I just feel at the bottom of the pile...I see nasty things about single mums being
scroungers spread after they've been on TV, like on Facebook for instance people post
comments and I just think 'how can you comment on somebody else's situation just from
something you've seen in a programme'. So there's a judgment there definitely.” Kathryn
(A)

Women frequently referred to “people” making “judgements” and, when sources were
probed, rooted such judgements in media depictions. Bella (A) typifies an intrinsic

11
The Jeremy Kyle Show is a daytime talk show produced by ITV Studios and broadcast on ITV since 2005.
12
With a circulation of circa 1,440,000, The Daily Mail is the UK's most widely read national daily
newspaper, according to the Audit Bureau of Circulations.
13
The fictional character Lola Pearce appeared in the BBC soap opera Eastenders and story lines featured
her teenage pregnancy and battle to keep her daughter out of care.
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 conjunction of media stereotypes with complaints about being “judged” in a number of
women's accounts:

"I think we get judged a lot being on our own. By the media and that. I think that's
portrayed badly. People are judged because they are seen as having kids so they don't
have to work and things like that." Bella (A)

Media mis-recognition, judgement and SSL

Participants in both locations connected unflattering images originating from television and
newspapers with prejudice in literal terms of pre-judgement. Case dynamics assisted in
analysing the propensity to feel 'judged' in relation to reactions to stereotyping and women's
individual SSL matrices, as discussed in the previous chapter. Skeggs (1997) regards the media
as an instrument of ‘symbolic violence’ (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990), whereby the status quo
is legitimised through internalisation of dominant ideology. Analysis of the data suggests the
salience of the concept, as outlined in the ‘prism of legitimacy’ framework, in understanding
participants’ responses to media depictions of lone motherhood. Examples of women’s
absorption of judgement stemming from the media, and its impact on their ‘mode’ of SSL,
discussed here support the argument that the media is culpable in perpetuating ‘symbolic
violence’ upon lone mothers

Location A
Women who displayed 'positive' SSL when discussing their work, social networks and other
issues during interviews tended not to use the term 'judgement' and, whilst aware of
stereotypes, showed no signs of being affected by them personally. In Location A, Carrie for
example indicated 'positive' SSL and spoke cheerfully about her experiences of raising a five
years-old daughter whilst doing a job she enjoys. However, as a 44 year-old woman who had
previously brought up a now grown up son alone whilst on benefits, she provided an interesting
perspective on stigma in different eras and personal situations. She referred to her experience
working at the Children's Centre to refute myths about lone mothers emanating from the media
saying: “I see lots of them doing a fantastic job”. Whilst stating that media portrayals can make
single parents “paranoid”, she believes there is less stigma than 20 years ago and did not seem
to regard the stereotype as applicable personally now she is older and employed. Her 'positive'
mode of SSL appeared to result from both being further from the stereotype and also
unconcerned about other people's opinions:

“I don't care now [laughing]. I just get on with it. It's like 'so what'.” Carrie (A)

Unsurprisingly, the sense of 'feeling judged' was strongest among women in both locations who
indicated 'negative' SSL. These women were most prone to viewing media representations in
terms of 'judgement' and appeared most severely affected by adverse social judgements. For
instance, Julie referred repeatedly to stereotypes and indicated 'negative' SSL during her

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interview. Media images might be said to offer a distorted 'looking glass' on lone motherhood
and, in her 'imagined judgments of the other mind' (Cooley, 1902: 152-3), Julie believed that
the population generally bases their assumptions about lone mothers on such images. She
insisted that “people believe what they see” and when asked who “people” were replied
“everyone”. Her frustration with stereotyping illustrates what Skeggs and Loveday describe as,
'engagement in a struggle against unjustifiable judgement' (2012: 472):

“They shouldn't stereotype people the way they do...I think everybody gets judged the
same and it's not fair. People think us single mums just sit on our bums all day...When
people look at you and think 'there's another single mum' but they don't know the story
behind it, it doesn't help, even though you know it's not true.” Julie (A)

Although Julie had not had any incidents of stigma at an interpersonal level, like many other
women in the study, she appeared compelled to repeat negative discourse in order to refute
these assumptions. She pointed to having known her son's father for many years, being shocked
when he left after she became pregnant and having worked “solidly” before being on benefits.
Bourdieu (1989) argues that symbolic domination is most effective when internalised; and
damage to SSL from internalisation of negative representations was evident in Julie's case. She
appeared visibly upset as she connected prejudice with self-judgement, saying she “blamed”
herself for her situation despite knowing it was not her “fault” and expressed powerlessness in
the face of negative attitudes since she was not able to work (which is discussed in the next
chapter).

Location B
The previous chapter described how 'judgement' emerged as both an empirical theme and an
'underlying process' (Sayer, 1992; 2000; Danermark et al., 2001) in agential mediation of
stigma. In a number of cases in Location B, women indicated a strong sense of 'being judged',
but a process of bolstering their SSL through demonstrating their achievements could be also
discerned. While very conscious of stereotypes, women whose SSL could be deemed
'performative' went to great lengths in their 'discursive' and 'instrumental' tactics (McCormack,
2004) to resist application to them personally. The word “judgement” was used frequently by
Hannah, for instance, who indicated 'performative' SSL throughout her interview. Hannah was
especially sensitive to stigmatising of young parents, having had her daughter when she was 19,
and her comments suggest 'information control' (Goffman, 1990):

“I'm happy to call myself a single mum and wouldn't say I'm ashamed, but...I wouldn't
want people to know necessarily. Obviously, my friends and people know but I don't think
it's something I would broadcast really.” Hannah (B)

Discourse relies on repetition, according to Hall (1997) and, like most mothers in this study,
Hannah conjured the 'chav mum' caricature (Tyler, 2008) of lone motherhood from popular

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culture whilst also being critical of, “the way the they edit [programmes] and make them look
bad”. She was studying part-time for a degree, had an interest in social issues and
commented that media representations are “aggravated by all the political arguments.” She
was concerned about the impact of misrepresentation on people's 'judgement' of herself
nonetheless. Hannah's resistance of stereotyping by emphasising that she is working is
characteristic of her 'performative' mode of SSL:

“That sort of thing definitely gives single mums more of a stigma. It's quite upsetting
really...I think everybody gets judged the same and it's not fair. Like you've just gone and
had a baby to have an easy life on benefits or something. I think people do have that
judgement...Before they know your circumstances, that you are working and that you are
providing the same for her as she would have otherwise, then they can judge. It made me
want to build a better life and people see I'm not that sort of person.” Hannah (B)

Judgement was an extremely prominent theme throughout the interview with Laura, who offers
another example of 'performative' SSL in her response to media portrayals. Self-judgement and
media stereotyping are interconnected in Laura's account, as the following excerpt illustrates:

“I fell into the whole stigma of broken families and I punished myself about that. I felt
judged, massively judged...I was judging myself but I was judging myself because I'd
listened to the opinions out there in society.”
Nicola: “What do you mean when you say, 'out there in society'?”
Laura: “The media, hugely the media. Policies as well at government level I think, but
hugely the media.”

In accordance with Skeggs' (2005) point that judgement is not just a top down process, Laura
was among the women who were critical of the stereotype itself however. Giving an example of
a programme she had recently watched, she pointed out that, “the attack was all on the mum”
left “literally holding the baby” with no mention of the father and commented:

“At the government level they create policies to demonise the 'broken family'...The media
incorporates benefit dependency and single parenthood as one thing. They use a really
small sample group to negatively reinforce stigma and then everyone suffers for that
stigma.” Laura (B)

Laura's 'performative' SSL was evident throughout her interview. She cited numerous actions in
her efforts to resist stigmatisation following her divorce, including embarking upon a degree (as
explored below). She showed insight into her internalisation of dominant symbolism, describing
in an ironic tone how, in her efforts to avoid the stereotype, she was “still doomed by these
stigmas and stereotypes”.

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 Judgement in a 'hierarchy of maternal legitimacy'

The insidiousness of the '17 year-old on a council estate who deliberately became pregnant to
live off benefits' trope was evident in almost visceral reactions to media stereotyping among
women in this study. Analysis of the data suggests that agential negotiation of stigmatising
representations can be understood relationally in a 'hierarchy' of maternal legitimacy, as denoted
in analyses by Song (1998), Carabine (1996; 2001) and Pulkingham et al. (2010). With the
commonly conjured “single mum stereotype” positioned firmly at the bottom of a 'legitimacy
ladder' (Bock, 2000), participants tended to assert their moral legitimacy through emphasising
their: work ethic;14 lack of choice over family situation; relationship history; and age. However
interviewing women in a more diverse range of situations revealed more complex relationality
than implied in previous studies involving only young mothers, which equate distancing with
denigrative 'othering' (e.g. Ponsford, 2011; Wenham, 2016). Attention to 'clusters of meaning'
(Spencer et al., 2014a: 271) in participants' modes of SSL reveals nuanced patterns in women's
sense of being 'judged' personally, their 'mode' of SSL and their attitudes towards 'other' lone
mothers, as exemplified here through case studies.

Legitimacy and lack of choice

Chapter Two discussed ways in which 'legitimate' reproduction served patriarchal and material
interests (Engels, 1988; Millett 1990) and lone motherhood has been constructed as 'socially
illegitimate' (Reekie, 1998). Such arguments are supported by the continued conjunction of
sexual morality and demands upon resources in participants' comments in the contemporary
context. For almost every woman in the study, insistence that she did not consciously opt for
lone motherhood appeared key to legitimising her situation. Use of phrases such as “popping
kids out so they don't need to work” when describing media representations indicated that
participants believed lone motherhood is generally regarded as less 'deserving' of moral
approbation and public resources if it is intentional.

The anxiety of most of the women to differentiate from the stereotype by stressing lack of choice
demonstrates their internalisation of symbolic domination (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990). For
instance, although Alison (B) said going through tough times during her divorce had made her
“more compassionate”, she still distinguished between the intentionality of women who, “got
themselves in that position because they wanted the council flat”, and those such as herself,
“who were married but just found themselves in this position”, with the latter being, “through
no fault of their own”. Such statements support arguments by Pulkingham et al. (2010), who
found that lone mothers, particularly those who are reliant on public welfare, have to defend

14
Negative stereotypes almost universally link lone motherhood with stigmatisation of benefit dependency
and it can be difficult to extricate the two. While difficult to disentangle, this chapter focuses on women’s
reactions to cultural depictions and material circumstances and policy impacts are the focus of Chapter
Six.
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their 'moral legitimacy' to have children in the first place' (2010: 285). Most participants detailed
how their former partners' behaviour precipitated a situation over which they had little or no
control, as found by Morris (2012), which is typified in the following comments:

"The only reason I'm in the situation I'm in now is because his dad left us...I didn't choose
to be a single mum like some people think.” Julie (A)

“I feel bitter that I had no control because it was her dad that left and then people are
judging.” Katherine (A)

Klett-Davies notes that whereas Giddens (1997, cited Klett-Davies, 2007) divides lone mothers
'by choice' and those 'in poverty', situations are more complex in reality. None of the women
involved in this study had consciously set out to be sole parents and thus none defined
themselves or could be defined as 'single mother by choice'. Whereas the image of irresponsible
underclass fecundity (Osgood and Allen, 2009; Jensen and Tyler, 2015) was ubiquitous, only
two women referred to an alternative incarnation of lone motherhood as agential behaviour, or
'lifestyle change' discourse (Duncan and Edwards, 1999). Studies show that 'single mother by
choice' are likely to be older, middle class professionals (Bock 2000; Klett-Davies, 2007).
Jasmine (B) and Joanne (B) both referred to this as an agential counterpoint to their own
situation:

“Some people are single parents through choice who decide 'I'm going to have a child'
and that's fine. But I wasn't a single parent by choice...I kept thinking 'I don't want to be
a single mum'.” Jasmine (B)

“When we decided to start a family, it was more a sort of bringing us together sort of
thing. I did not sign up for this. I did not get pregnant to be a single mother. I don't think
anybody does apart from those women who have the artificial insemination and more
power to them.” Joanne (B)

In repeatedly using the words “no choice” and “lack of control”, there is an irony that participants
arguably help de-legitimate lone motherhood socially when seeking approbation personally.
Participants tended to underplay the agency involved in leaving relationships in order to protect
themselves and their children, which may be in response to desperate situations but is agential
nonetheless. Bella (A), for example, left her husband when her twins were babies following
domestic violence. Sheila (A) divorced her ex-husband due to his drinking. It is telling that, as
the only participant who spoke of initiating her divorce in terms of agential behaviour, Ciara (B)
underscored how she had “tried” to stay in the relationship for “the sake of the kids” and
commented:

“It's taken quite a bit to think 'my own happiness and views are kind of valid'.” Ciara (B)

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Mena, whose eight-month old daughter was born following a “fling” with an ex-partner, was the
only woman in the sample who voiced a belief that, though unplanned, her decision to continue
her pregnancy at the age of 32 was active. In the following comment, she simultaneously takes
responsibility for her actions and positions previously married mothers hierarchically as more
worthy of sympathy than herself:

“The last thing I wanted to be was a single mother. But at the end of the day, it was my
choice to have my child on my own. So I can't then go and whinge...because mothers who
are married and are then on their own have every right to say how hard it is...because
that's not what they bought into.” Mena (B)

Indeed, Mena's point about what mothers had “bought into” was iterated by a number women
who had been in relationships that had broken down and investment in the 'two parent ideal'
(Barrett and MacIntosh, 1992) is pursued fully in Chapter Seven.

Route to lone motherhood

While mothers in both locations stressed absence of choice over their family form, a key
comparative point was that more fathers in Location A had ended relationships during the
pregnancy, whereas mothers in Location B were more likely to have been bringing children up
in a relationship that broke down subsequently, as indicated in Table 6: Factors in route to lone
motherhood by location. Carabine (2001) argues that some forms of lone motherhood are
commonly ranked as more socially and morally 'acceptable' than others. This point is supported
by a tendency for women in this study recount their relationship history as a means of
demonstrating sexual morality in reaction to promiscuity suggested by 'single mother'
caricatures, which was evident among women in both locations.

Table 6: Factors in route to lone motherhood by location

Location Unplanned Relationship Relationship Domestic Divorce Mother

pregnancy ended broke down due violence/ prompted initiated
during to arguing abuse by male divorce
pregnancy infidelity
A 7 7 3 2 0 1
B 10 3 9 2 2 0

Location A
In Location A, three women had been married previously; five had formerly cohabited and five
had never married or cohabited. More than half of the participants in Location A had become
mothers as the result of unplanned pregnancies. In speaking about lack of choice over their
situation these women indicated that termination had either not been an option or had not been
seriously contemplated. These qualitative accounts reflect statistical evidence that while young
women from all backgrounds are as likely to become pregnant, abortion is less common among

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those from less affluent backgrounds (Turner, 2004, cited Perrier, 2013; Rowlingson and McKay;
2005). Lucy was pregnant with her third child at the time of the interview, saying of her children's
fathers that she had experienced “domestic violence all the way through with all three of them”.
Although she did not find out about her current pregnancy until it was too late for termination,
Lucy said she never considered the option during her pregnancies:

“It would be alright if everybody was sterilised at birth but they're not and it happens...I
wouldn't change it myself.” Lucy (A)

Whereas young women in A who had become unintentionally pregnant told of how their parents
were shocked initially but supportive once they became accustomed to the idea (as found by
Wenham, 2016), Nadirah became estranged from her Muslim Pakistani family as a result of an
unplanned pregnancy at 18. She set out her view on termination:

“It's like some of the people I've known they'd rather have abortions than have a baby
because of what their family would say, but the way I think of it is you shouldn't punish a
child for your own mistakes.” Nadirah (A)

Whether their pregnancies had been planned or not, participants in Location A all cited their
relationship history as a means of distancing themselves from the promiscuity implied by media
portrayals. While marriage per se was not necessarily vaunted in Location A as in B (and this
contrast will be fully explored in Chapter Seven), women who had been in long-term relationships
emphasised this fact. Statements used to illustrate their own sexual morality in opposition to
stereotypes include:

“It's one thing I've always been proud of is that my three have all got the same dad.” Clare
(A)

“I refuse to watch Jeremy Kyle coz he gets me so mad and he does put single mums like
that, who don't know who their kids' dads are, in the same category as us that do.” Lucy
(A)

“I don't think it's right that children should be growing up like that. Relationships should
happen first. I was with his dad for eight years before he was born.” Gina (A)

Location B
Nine out of 13 women in Location B had been married and were divorced or separated at the
time of their interview and two had previously cohabited. Three women Location B spoke of
becoming lone mothers as the result of unplanned pregnancies, compared with six in Location
A. When Hannah became pregnant at 19 whilst co-habiting, she did not find out until it was too
late for an abortion. Despite it being “a complete surprise”, she became “excited” when she
found out, but the relationship “went downhill” after her partner lost his job and became mentally
ill. In contrast with women in Location A, whose parents had not advocated termination, Mandy
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described how her “very middle class” parents had encouraged her to have an abortion when
she became pregnant at 18 while studying for ‘A’ Levels.

There was a stronger equation of motherhood marriage in Location B than A and Chapter Seven
pursues the consequences of this distinction. The language and tone used by certain participants
in B when relating their relationship histories held remnants of a historical hierarchy situating
widows most sympathetically, followed by divorcees, with never married mothers lowest in the
hierarchy (Adair, 1996; Song, 1996; Carabine, 2001; Evans and Thane, 2012). For example
Joanne, whose marriage ended whilst she was pregnant due to her husband's infidelity, spoke
of her anxiety to demarcate her situation from conception outside of a marriage, while Della
believes her divorcee status elevates her above negative categorisation:

“Back in the day it was 'unwed mothers' and that's why I always used to take the time to
explain to people 'my ex-husband' or 'I'm divorced' because in the back of my mind I
wanted them to know that my son hadn't been some sort of, erm, the product of a one-
night stand.” Joanne (B)

"I don't like people to just put me in a pigeon hole because that's about a 17 year-old girl
who got pregnant on purpose for a council house. I don't want people to think that of me
because I was married. They're disgusting.” Della (B)

Maternal age
Young motherhood features prominently in media stereotypes and almost all literature on lone
motherhood and stigma concentrates on young mothers (e.g. Mitchell and Green, 2002; Yardley,
2008; Ponsford, 2011). Associations between teenage motherhood and stigma were made
repeatedly by mothers in this research. Women who had their first child while in their late teens
or early 20s and spoke about stigmatisation in relation to age, whilst older mothers used their
age as a hierarchical device in distancing themselves from stereotypes.

Perrier (2013) makes a point that timing of maternity is part of a classed construction of
gendered morality. According to Ellis-Sloan (2014), stigmatisation leaves little opportunity for
young mothers to claim 'legitimacy' for their decision to have their baby. Women in more affluent
Location B were generally older when they had their first baby than those in Location A, which
concurs with statistics on maternal age and socio-economic background (McDermott and
Graham, 2005). However, while this sample makes no claims to be statistically representative,
participants' age profiles were more evenly spread than the commonly portrayed image might
suggest, as Table 7: Mother's age when first child was born by location shows.

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Table 7: Mother's age when first child was born by location

Location Under 20 20-25 25-30 Over 30

A 2 5 5 1
B 2 3 4 4

Location A
While women in Location A had their first child at a younger age overall than those in B, a general
view that young parenthood is less socially acceptable could be identified. Clare, for example
compared her own experience of having her first child when she was 24 with her sister being
'judged' negatively:

“Teenage parents are judged. My sister had her daughter when she was 15 and she was
judged, my step-mum was judged and there was a lot of trouble about it.” Clare (A)

There were some echoes of Malthusian (1988) arguments that reproduction should occur when
parents are old enough to provide for children in comments which coupled age with financial
stability. Julie, for example, brought her age together with material considerations, stressing
that she had worked and was financially established before becoming pregnant:

“I was a decent age and I was more than providing for myself when I had him and I
could afford to have a baby...I wasn't 16 or 17 and wanting to be a single mum pushing
a pram.” Julie (A)

Marta was the only mother in Location A who was over thirty when she had her first child and
believed this brought greater parental stability. Carrie, whose daughter was the result of an
unplanned pregnancy following a brief reconciliation with a former partner at 38, gave a
perspective on lone motherhood at different life stages, having previously brought up her son
alone in her twenties:

“There's no right time to have a child, but I think as you get older, you know what you
want and you can become a little bit more financially stable, so it's better in that sense.”
Carrie (A)

Although mothers generally cited maternal age as facet of hierarchisation, analysis of SSL
case dynamics, which follows, shows how relative age was a factor in the accounts of some
participants in Location A, and two women in this location emphasised the positives of having
had their children whilst young.

Location B
Eight women in Location B were over the age of 25 when they had their first child. In contrast
with the experiences of participants in Location A, participants in Location B identified a

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tendency among women in their affluent neighbourhood to have children at a later age. This
supports the argument by Wilson and Huntington (2006) that delayed childbearing has
become normalised as a result of middle class expectations for women to enter higher
education and pursue careers. Mena confirmed that age was a crucial factor when she found
out about her unplanned pregnancy:

“If I'd have been any younger I wouldn't have [continued with her pregnancy], because
I wouldn't have coped, I wouldn't have been strong enough. But I was over 30.” Mena
(B)

Those participants in Location B who had become mothers at a younger age commented that it
was uncommon in their area. Hannah said that being young, “adds to the stigma”. Jasmine,
who was 22 when her daughter was born, told an anecdote about people assuming she was
the nanny when she first took her to nursery. Mandy was especially conscious of her age as
she became pregnant while taking A'levels at a prestigious school in Location B. Her
description of her middle class parents' disappointment reflects a well-documented tendency of
such parents to engender values of academic achievement and delayed motherhood to
reproduce middle class status (Allen and Osgood, 2009). Now in her mid-20s, she attributes
her determination to continue the pregnancy to “sheer stubbornness”. Speaking about how her
bank manager father had become embarrassed when she took her new baby into his bank, she
commented:

“Being a teenage parent is not the done thing in this town. Although I did go to that school
here and I got pregnant at 18, but I was one of very few...So, I don't know, I think it's
mainly fear why it doesn't happen to a lot of girls.”
Nicola: “What do you mean 'fear'?”
Mandy: “Fear of what people will say, whereas in some areas it's just the done thing so
nobody would bat an eyelid if a 16-year old girl got pregnant. Here if that happens it would
an absolute scandal and I don't think anyone would want to put themselves in the centre
of that.”

Imagery and actuality

May (2010) suggests exploring lone mother categorisation in terms of 'connection to a group' as
well as self-understanding. Women's comments on terminology outlined above reflect arguments
(e.g. Taylor, 1998; May, 2004; 2010) that lone motherhood does not appear to be a unified
category. Evidence of Goffman's (1990) assertion that people do not want to belong to a
stigmatised group was apparent in some cases, as indicated above. To some extent, however,
lack of group identity may also be attributable to the size and diversity of the 'group' in question
and friendships with mothers in the 'same situation' are explored in Chapter Seven.

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Previous studies, predominantly involving young mothers (e.g. Mitchell and Green, 2002;
Ponsford, 2011) and welfare recipients (e.g. McCormack, 2004), have coupled distancing with
'othering', which is defined by Sayer as derogatorily 'contrasting one's identity with a stigmatised
other' (2005:54-55). Accounts from the diverse sample in this study suggest a more nuanced
picture than straightforward derogation might suggest however. Goffman's point that stigma is
directed at the image rather than the person (Goffman, 1990: 82) proved helpful in attempting
to unravel complex and sometimes contradictory attitudes towards women in the same
taxonomic category. Analysis therefore attempted to separate participants', often overlapping,
tactics of: distancing from stereotypes, legitimising their position through hierarchising and
derogatory othering (as outlined in Appendix K: Analytical memo on attitudes to 'others').

Incidences of out and out denigration were, in fact, limited. The relationship between individual
participants' SSL and their attitudes towards 'other' lone mothers is explored using case
examples below. A broad trend could be observed in that those participants who knew lone
mothers in a range of circumstances, either personally or through their professional role,
generally tended to express less harsh judgements of them. As a 54 year-old divorcee, Sheila,
for example was aware of discourse on "kids having kids" but pointed to a 17 year-old mother
living in a flat nearby, whom she thought was a very good mother and said, “sometimes the
younger ones make better parents.” Emma said her attitude towards other mothers had changed
since her circumstances had changed:

“I've judged single mothers and I've used that label [in the past]. I've presumed that they
didn't want to be in a relationship...and judged them because they'd chosen not to.” Emma
(B)

Analysis of the data revealed that some women drew on 'social problem' discourses (Duncan
and Edwards, 1999) when discussing other lone mothers. Katherine (A) said she, “tries not to
judge really because there's so many other people judging them”. Jasmine (B), who had
developed "alternative ideas" since her divorce and attends a women's group, made reference
to gender inequalities throughout her interview and attributed the “scapegoating” of lone
mothers to “living in patriarchal, capitalist society”. She questioned, “this social lie that it's a
huge drain on our resources with these young girls getting pregnant so they don't have to get a
job”. She pointed out that, “having a baby's a big deal” and “it would actually be easier to get
a job”.

Whereas the majority of participants denied the veracity of media representations, the antipathy
towards 'other' lone mothers expressed by Gina (A) and Della (B) was rare were among the
sample. Their views on the prevalence of exploitation of the benefits system could be read in
terms of 'social threat' discourse (Duncan and Edwards, 1999) and deservingness of benefits is
discussed in the next chapter. Gina (A) was highly critical of women on the estate she saw
claiming benefits, whilst she worked hard. Della (B) insisted that, “most single parents in this
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town are hard-working" and was aggrieved that mothers portrayed on television give those such
as herself “a bad name”, whereas older, employed, divorcees are absent from popular discourse.
However, when asked whether she thought the media exaggerates the propensity of lone
mothers on benefits, she replied forcefully: “Oh they exist alright”.

SSL and judgement of self and others

As discussed above, analysis of the data established that distancing and positioning in relation
to stereotypical imagery did not necessarily mean negative judgement of 'other' lone mothers in
actuality. Attention to 'clusters of meaning' (Spencer et al., 2014a: 271) in participants' modes
of SSL reveals patterns in women's sense of being 'judged' personally and attitudes towards
other lone mothers15, as exemplified here through case studies.

Location A
Participants whose overall SSL could be grouped as 'positive' generally did not speak about
feeing judged and they did not express negative judgments of others. In Location A, Gemma,
for example, frequently said that she was content with her situation and appeared to gain
legitimacy from her job and her extended family and friendship network (which are discussed in
chapters to follow). Her positive SSL was underscored by her assertion that she is “proud” to be
managing well on her own:

“I am a single mum I don't mind that. I don't care. I just think 'we're happy so I'm not
bothered'.” Gemma (A)

Having become a mother at the age of 21, Gemma positioned herself in relation to women
she knows who had children at a younger age and are not working, but did so without showing
signs of 'othering' as denigration (Lister, 2004):

“My friends from school, they've all got five year-olds. It seems to be a normal kind of
thing now.” Gemma (A)

While the sense of 'feeling judged' was most prevalent among women who displayed 'negative'
SSL when speaking about their personal or work situation during their interviews, these women
tended to absorb that judgement without deflecting it onto other lone mothers. Nadirah was
highly conscious of stigma as she had left home at 18 without telling her parents she was
pregnant for fear their reputation in their Muslim community would be “ruined by gossip”, which
contributed towards her 'negative' SSL. She associated media coverage of young parents with
child neglect. She described how she had related to a television character from Hollyoaks16,
whose well-founded concerns over her baby's health were ignored by doctors due to her age.

15
Case dynamics matrices assisted in considering participants' propensity to 'feel judged', 'judge others'
in relation to their individual SSL. (See Appendix J for excerpts from summary matrices).
16
Hollyoaks, a soap opera aimed at young adults, airs on Channel 4.
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Her comments echo studies of young mothers who feel their parenting capabilities are judged
(e.g. Wenham, 2016):

“They point their nose up at you and don't value you as much as someone who's older and
in a stable relationship.” Nadirah (A)

Nadirah's attitudes towards lone mothers had changed since becoming one herself, saying
she had “judged single parents on benefits” previously but now sees it, “from the other side”:

“I used to look at young parents and never thought that would be me...But now I kind of
get when they go on these Jeremy Kyle shows and they're kind of struggling and stuff like
that I kind of feel for them more.” Nadirah (A)

In contrast with Nadirah, the two other younger mothers in Location A, Debbie and Theresa,
indicated 'defensive' SSL during their interviews. These women forcefully defended themselves
against negative stereotypes, rather than internalising them, and stated their lack of concern for
other people's opinions. Their accounts reflect empirical studies which have uncovered positive
aspects of young parenting that are at odds with assumptions of the press and policy-makers
(e.g. Arai 2003; McDermott and Graham, 2005; Wilson and Huntington; 2006). Debbie instantly
ascribed the word “judgemental” when speaking about attitudes towards young lone mothers
but spoke of the fulfilment gained from her maternal role, as with research involving young
parents (e.g. Aria, 2003; Ponsford, 2011). She did not refer to other lone mothers at all, but
deflected judgement for benefits dependency onto migrants (which is discussed in the next
chapter). She defended her decision to have her daughter whilst young insisting that, "it’s made
me grow up a lot faster".

Like Debbie, Theresa did not appear to internalise negative stereotypes. She appeared inured
to stigma and spoke defensively throughout her interview about being a young parent and
her reliance on benefits. Also like Debbie, she did not mention other lone mothers but
deflected criticism of benefit dependency onto migrants. She took issue with critical posts on
social media after programmes about single parents on benefits had aired. Insisting that she
did not take on board other people's judgements, she displayed a 'defensive' stance while
stressing benefits of young parenthood:

“Some people can be really, really nasty and slate young mums to the ground...But my
personal opinion is that I'd rather have the kid young because then you've got the rest of
your life to live then. I've got a kid, so what. If people don't like that it's tough. I tell
people straight away. I really don't care to be honest. I'm not bothered.” Theresa (A)

Whereas participants displaying 'positive' and 'negative' SSL in a range of other ways tended to
have neutral or non-judgmental views of lone mothers generally and those displaying
'performative' SSL commonly deployed 'social problem' discourses when speaking about them,
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Lucy invoked 'social threat' discourses (Duncan and Edwards, 1999) in ways that could be
deemed to indicate 'defensive' SSL. As a 25-year old mother with children from three ex-partners
who relies on benefits, Lucy (A) was conscious of judgement and used the word frequently. She
indicated 'defensive' SSL by saying throughout the interview that she did not care what people
thought of her and was concerned only about her children. She gave examples of brushing off
criticism and took pride in her 'good’ mother identity (May, 2006) as self-legitimisation (as
explored in more detail in Chapter Seven). Lucy could also be said to show agency in 'meaning-
making' by deflecting judgement, as the following excerpt shows. The 'fantasy' of the 'other' can
become 'part of the construction of self' (Skeggs, 1997: 90) as she defends her own sexual
morality, maternal age, deservingness of benefits and, above all, her dedication to her children
and legitimises her position through criticism of 'other' lone mothers:

“We get judged because there's little lasses out there in their teens wanting to go out
partying and not even bother with their kids...The majority of the single mums, there's
several potential fathers...that doesn't make single life any easier, all these single mums,
because then it all goes into one category with those that don't know who the kids' dads
are....I love me kids to bits, but there is a lot of people out there that think of the money
and not the kids. One of my friends...she just has kid after kid after kid and y'know don't
bother with them. She's never worked in her life.” Lucy (A)

Location B
In Location B, Ciara provides an example of a mother who gave clear indicators of 'positive' SSL
throughout her interview and expressed empathy towards lone mothers whom she regarded as
being in less fortunate situations. Ciara's demeanour was cheerful and confident during her
interview and she spoke of self-esteem from her career achievements, kinship network and social
life. Working with families in different situations in her job as a family development manager in
Location A, Ciara recognised she was “lucky' to have support from her parents and her ex-
husband and showed an understanding attitude towards mothers in more difficult situations:

“I sometimes go out and see people and they might have three kids and I'll think, 'how on
earth can you manage, how do you do it, day in, day out on your own and they might not
even get a break when kids go to their dad's either'. So I do have a lot of time and empathy
for the single parents who do have to do that.” Ciara (B)

Women whose accounts indicated that they “felt judged” but believed themselves to be fulfilling
the demands of the standard against which they were being judged were deemed to have
'performative' SSL. These women tended to cite criteria by which they distanced themselves
from the stereotype hierarchically without necessarily expressing moral judgements about other
lone mothers. In accordance with Skeggs' (2005) point that judgement is not just a top down
process, however, they also tended to be critical of the stereotyping itself. Women who displayed
'performative' SSL in other parts of their interviews were most likely to draw upon a 'social
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problem' discourse (Duncan and Edwards, 1999) and the relationship between SSL and 'cultural
capital' (Bourdieu, 1989) is discussed below.

Judgement was a prominent theme during Valerie's interview and she associated the term 'single
mother' with, “those connotations that link with those feelings you want to distance yourself
from really, because you don't identify with that yourself". Valerie's 'performative' mode of SSL
is evident in her view that she is less stigmatised due to being in work and previously married.
Her description of “different levels of judgement” reflects the 'hierarchy of maternal legitimacy'
(Song, 1996). When making the following comment and positioning herself in relation to her
friend, she used a reflective rather than a critical tone and had, in fact, founded a supportive
group for lone mothers locally (and relationships with friends in 'the same situation' will be
discussed in Chapter Seven):

“I think you do get judged anyway but I think there's a different level of judgement if
you're erm, there's different levels of judgement for everything, 'are your kids to different
men' and all that kind of thing...you still do feel that kind of you know, that thing of failure.
I mean, I don't because I feel like I'm an educated person and I'm working and everything,
I feel like I'm somewhat cushioned from the stigma. I think if I wasn't working it would be
more. I've got a friend and she's a single mother who hasn't been married and she's got
two children to two different men and she's on benefits and I feel that if I was in her
position I would feel a lot more judged." Valerie (B)

Mena (B) had chosen to work part-time so as not to be fully reliant on benefits and this was
among the indicators of 'performative' SSL displayed during her interview. Reflecting Goffman's
(1990) point that stigma is directed at the image, not at the person, she related her stance on
media coverage to her experiences of self-judgement and judgement of other lone mothers the
following way:

“I'd judge somebody I read about in a magazine but then when I've met somebody in
that situation I haven't judged them. So you think you would judge somebody that's a
single parent on benefits in the situation I'm in with her dad. But then, actually, when
that person is in front of me then I don't judge them. So I don't know why I think
[people] are going to judge me.” Mena (B)

Dis-identifying from classed stereotypes

This section describes how certain participants in this study dis-identified from portrayals of lone
mothers in terms of social class, in addition to the hierarchising criteria outlined in the previous
section. Faced with symbolic domination which de-legitimates lone motherhood, these women
used what cultural resources they possess to legitimate themselves by underlining their lack of
resemblance to classed caricatures (Tyler, 2008; 2011). Contrasts in self-identity of class and
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 levels of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1989) between women in Location A and Location B are
outlined here. Drawing on case study examples, SSL is used to consider the relationship between
participants' class identification and their deployment of cultural capital 17.. Analysis of case
dynamics elucidates the role of 'judgement' as a pivotal mechanism in participants' negotiation
of stigmatising discourses, which are both gendered and classed (Lawler, 2005).

Class identification, cultural capital and SSL

Although Goffman is critiqued for inattention to class position in his dissection of stigma
(Bourdieu, 1989; Scambler, 2009), he briefly states that 'social valuations' are based upon 'a
virtual middle class ideal' (Goffman, 1990: 173). Stigma is predicated upon 'tribal' affiliations,
'blemishes of character' or physical 'abominations', he writes (Goffman, 1990: 14). Participants'
employment and housing situations and educational qualifications are summarised in Tables 3
and 4: Participant Information Location A and B, along with the social class with which they
identified. Discussion here concentrates on women's comments on their education, clothes and
other aspects of 'taste' (Bourdieu, 1984).18 When participants were asked what social class, if
any, they would identify with, a striking contrast was that women in Location B generally
appeared much more comfortable talking about the topic than those in A. Table 8: Participants'
self-identification of social class by location summarises their responses. Nine out of 13 women
in A did not identify with a social class, compared with two in B. This is consistent with Savage's
(2015) point about people's willingness to engage in discussions about class being largely
dictated by their position in their class position.

Table 8: Participants' self-identification of social class by location

Location Working class Middle class Mixed None

A 2 0 2 9
B 1 3 7 2

Savage draws attention to, 'judgements of others based on values and morals associated with
the dominant class' (2015: 367), while Sayer (2005) argues that culture is used to misrepresent
class as morality. Moral judgement and misrepresentation can be witnessed clearly in the
imbrication of class in derogatory media stereotypes of lone motherhood (Tyler, 2011: Skeggs
and Wood, 2011) through emphasis on appearance, public comportment and 'taste' (Bourdieu,
1984) as well as reproductive behaviour. Analysis of data from the present study revealed that
certain women drew upon their cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1989) in response to such stereotypes.

17
Whilst not always easy to separate out (Savage et al., 2013), 'cultural capital' (Bourdieu, 1989) is
pertinent to the current discussion, while the 'economic capital' is used in the next chapter to consider
the relationship between class and stigma in the material-structural context.
18
These aspects of cultural capital are focused on here as they are most relevant to negotiation of
stereotypes. Cultural products were only referred to occasionally and leisure activities, where relevant,
are discussed in Chapter Seven.
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Sayer believes that people have 'remarkably sensitive class antennae even if they cannot always
articulate the distinctions they make' (2005: 15). References to class during interviews were not
necessarily explicit and analysis of data uncovered numerous examples of mothers in B deploying
their background, education, accent, home décor, appearance and 'values' as markers of middle
class cultural capital. Examples of 'dis-identifiers' from associations of lone motherhood with
'underclass' culture (Tyler, 2008) were also revealed. Comments on how not to behave centered
on; not smoking, not shouting or swearing, not drinking or going out partying. In addition to
references to matters such as presenting themselves and their children in a clean and tidy way
and household cleanliness, women cited indicators of appropriate 'feminine' behaviour, which
Skeggs' (1997) encompasses under the umbrella of 'respectability'.

For women in Location A, displaying 'what they were not' (Skeggs, 1997), was largely inter-
laced with previously discussed allusions to sexual morality, or 'good' motherhood, which is
explored fully in Chapter Seven. Perceptions of class signifiers in stereotypes and deployment of
cultural capital as a distancing device were much more prominent in the accounts of mothers in
Location B. They often used words such as “rough”, “chavvy” or “uneducated” as a counterpoint
to “a good upbringing”, “the right values”, “nice” and “proper”. Some participants appeared to
be unconsciously reproducing class-ridden stereotypes to distance themselves from
unfavourable representations, whilst others were aware that they were repeating sentiments
associated with class prejudice. This is demonstrated for example, by Laura prefacing her
remarks with “I'm embarrassed to say”, Mena with “I'm not being funny” and Mandy noticing
that her comments sounded, “incredibly stuck up”. Sonia thought “single mother” sounded more
“proper” and “less downtrodden than single mum”. Explaining that she made a subconscious
association with the terms being used by working and middle classes respectively, she added
with an embarrassed laugh, “but that sounds really judgemental”.

While women in B were more likely to draw upon their cultural capital to dismiss or challenge
stereotypes than those in A, differences in perspectives within as well as between locations were
identified. It is therefore useful to look at participants' class identification in order to more
systematically examine their use of class dis-identification to refute cultural misrepresentation
and reinforce their SSL. Investigation of 'distribution of perspectives' (Flick, 2014) revealed that
deployment of cultural capital was most pronounced among those participants whose self-
identified class was ‘mixed’. Case examples show how these women also tended to indicate a
strong sense of 'being judged' but were able to display certain attainments against this standard,
resulting in 'performative' SSL.

Location A
In Location A, only two women identified themselves firmly as belonging to a particular social
class. When asked about class affiliation, Carrie and Julie stated instantly and clearly that they
were “working class”. Both of these women had lived in council owned properties on the estate

137
for most of their lives. Both had a long history of employment, which they cited to reinforce their
class identity. Carrie said she was “working class and proud of it”. Comments by Julie concurred
with Skeggs' (1997) point that loyalty and not aspiring to be middle class are valued in some
settings:

“I'm working class. I wouldn't ever pretend to be something I'm not. I just wouldn't do
that. I do live on a council estate. If I got the opportunity for a job or something I might
move, but not because I'm a snob or anything.” Julie (A)

Barring these two participants, there was little evidence of class attachment in Location A. Most
participants in this location appeared to find class, to use Skeggs' terms, 'ambiguous, vague and
embarrassing' (1997: 76). Savage argues that working class people do not wish to engage with
discussions of class, with sensitivity to negative classification arising from experience of being,
'on the receiving end of its judgements' (2015). The women's reluctance to discuss class
extended into reticence when asked about reasons for not identifying with a class. Conjectures
that this might be because they were not working or because working class identity has been
re-engineered as underclass discourse (Atkinson et al., 2012; Savage, 2015) were therefore
difficult to explore. The majority of participants in A were strongly resistant to the idea of
classification. Marta, for instance, expressed derision of those who, “try to make a class system”,
whereby “some people try to be posh and some people try not to be posh.” Comments by Debbie
and Sheila were also representative of a distain of classification witnessed among women in this
location:

“I'm just me. Take me as I am.” Debbie (A)

“I don't take an interest. I am who I am and if they don't like it, well [trails off].” Sheila
(A)

When participants in A staunchly declined to identify with a particular social class, attempts were
made to tease out their views by asking whether they believed there was a “class system” most
replied affirmatively. Katherine, for instance, did not think she belonged in any class and resisted
pursuit of the matter on personal terms. But she also stated that she “definitely” thought a class
system existed in the UK and equated this with negative media depictions. Her comments
suggest being 'knowing' without being confident of possessing language through which to be
'telling' (Alvesson, 2011):

Nicola: “So, if you think there's a class system, how do you think that shows itself?”
Kathryn: “I don't really know how to answer. I just think there's a certain class that gets
picked on all the time and gets portrayed negatively.”

Writing of difficulties in denoting categories in her influential study of gender and class, which
employed a Bourdieusian capitals approach, Skeggs found it 'easier to identify the young women
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by what they were not' (1997: 81). She concludes that they were 'not middle class as identified
culturally and economically', nor were they, borrowing Bourdieu's words, 'in a position to
construct distances from necessity' (1997: 81, Bourdieu, 1984: 6). This could also be said of
most women in Location A, whose levels of economic or cultural capital were almost invariably
low. From their scant comments on class, women in A generally regarded it in terms of the
presence or absence of money and their perspectives on financial positions are discussed in the
next chapter, which examines economic capital.

While women in A generally did not refer to cultural signifiers of class, Nadirah and Clare
were the exceptions. Both of these women appeared conscious of class, though seeming
ambiguous in understandings of it, and attempted dissociation. Both also displayed 'negative'
SSL during their interviews. Nadirah was dressed very smartly when she came to the research
interview with immaculate hair and make-up. When complimented on this, her reply indicated
it was a means of 'impression management' (Goffman, 1990):

"I make an effort to look smart because I feel like if people see me in tracksuit bottoms
and pushing a pushchair the first thing they'll think in their head is, 'she's a single mum
and she's scrounging on benefits'.” Nadirah (A)

Equating being working class with having a job, she explained that she wanted to “look like a
working class mum, like I've got a job”. She became upset however that she had, in reality,
struggled on benefits since having a baby alone at 18, as she went on to explain. Her sense
of 'negative' SSL was visible in her distress that she had not been able to fulfil her intention
to, "have a career first”.

Clare spoke of having a “middle class upbringing with the best of everything and two holidays a
year”. However she also spoke of not completing her education due to suffering from depression
and conveyed signs of 'negative' SSL throughout the interview, predominantly through speaking
about her 'low self-esteem' and admonishing herself for depending on benefits, as elaborated
upon in the next chapter. Having lived in a council house on the estate but been conscious of
“not fitting in” and being “judged as a snob”, she had moved to a privately rented property in
what she called a “lower middle class area” on its outskirts. She conceded that she was “very
judgemental” of those she referred to as “estate people”, whom she described as “scruffy
looking”, “swearing a lot”, going out drinking and not keeping their homes clean. She offered
insight into her attempts to establish distance and how this could backfire as she was unable to
find work or fulfil the expectations her middle class childhood had engendered. At one point
during the interview for example, whilst criticising the appearance of people on the estate, she
gestured towards her own clothes sneeringly and said, “but then, who am I to talk”. Clare offered
valuable insight into a process of turning judgement inwards:

“You just pick up on what you see and how you judge somebody else, erm. So, you've got

139
 the flip the table. If you think that somebody else must as well.” Clare (A)

Location B
Unlike the 'evasiveness and embarrassment' (Sayer, 2005) that tended to arise when the topic
of class was broached in Location A, the majority of participants in Location B spoke at length
about social class and how they would position themselves. The ease with which most women in
B talked about class in this analytical way could be regarded as indicating a certain level of
cultural capital in itself (Savage, 2015). Several participants pondered upon whether class is
determined by “background, education, salary or postcode”, as one put it, and explained why
they did not place themselves firmly in any particular class.

Gillies believes that possessing middle class cultural capital enables people to 'attach value to
themselves' through 'particular identifications and dis-identifications' (2007: 35). Tellingly,
acceptance of middle class taste as the legitimate and aspirational standard (Atkinson et al.,
2012) could be found in the accounts of those participants in Location B who appeared most
eager to distance themselves from classed assumptions surrounding lone motherhood. While
some could be seen to deploy cultural capital in the form of education and knowledge as a
resource in resisting or challenging stereotypes, a tension was evident, particularly in the cases
of Laura and Jasmine for instance, who simultaneously dis-identified from classed elements of
stereotyping whilst also critiquing stereotypes.

Only three participants in this study identified themselves unambiguously as “middle class”;
Joanne, Moira and Sonia, all of whom lived in Location B. Their comments indicate that their
sense of being middle class was based on their family background, university education and
what they termed “values”, as well as being “comfortable” or “privileged” materially. They also
indicated that they saw their middle-class identity as attributable largely to cultural rather than
economic factors. Moira's class attachment was evident when she explained that she had
continued to regard herself as middle class during the period when she was living on benefits
because her parents were “terminally middle class” and this was “deeply ingrained”:

“I think my class is obvious from I don't know, I've got [pause] I think it's cultural things
and values'. Moira (A)

Having deliberated upon whether class is determined by income, education or “mentality”, Sonia
concluded:

“I was brought up middle class so I suppose that's what I would identify with really. I
certainly don't think that life's a struggle and I'm educated to a certain level. I guess it's
to do with my aspirations and things like that.” Sonia (B)

Significantly, Moira and Sonia were untypical in that they barely referred to negative
stereotyping and did not voice feelings of being affected by it or appear to have internalised

140
 negative discourse. They appeared indifferent to media portrayals and did not exhibit a need to
distance themselves personally from them. Moira said she used the term "single mum" to
describe herself and, unusually in the sample, was "happy with it as an identity". Moira dismissed
reality television as “exploitative” and Sonia said she avoided “the gutter press”. Both women
had considerably higher levels of cultural, economic and social capital than most mothers in this
study, including having post-graduate qualifications, being in employment and being members
of organised single parents' groups. They both consistently expressed indicators of 'positive' SSL
throughout their interviews and factors which appeared to influence this, such as pride in career
achievements, are referred to as appropriate in the chapters that follow.

Moira and Sonia's disinterest in stereotypes suggests their formal cultural capital in the shape of
educational qualifications, along with embodied dispositions of accent and appearance led them
to deem themselves far enough from stereotypes as to render such depictions irrelevant. While
most participants reproduced stigmatising discourse, Sonia and Moira both drew upon wider
cultural resources. Sonia set out political arguments to challenge the “demonisation of single
parent families”. Moira, who described herself as “quite a big feminist”, was proactive in setting
up a local single parents' group, has a doctorate and was a member of a choir. She said she
described herself as a “single mum” when she met people and on social media, “even though
that's probably the most stigmatising term”. She was the only woman in the sample who fixed
upon a positive single mother figure from the media, author J.K.Rowling, rather than
concentrating on negative stereotyping:

“J.K. Rowling is a sort of single parent hero because she pulled off an amazing success
from being a really poor single mother and it's nice to see role models, both for us and
for our children, to see women being strong and doing stuff. I can say [to the children]
'the lady who wrote Harry Potter19, she's a single mum' and I like to be able to say that.”
Moira (B)

Joanne (B) was the third mother in the study who identified herself unequivocally as “middle
class”. She spelled out factors to which she attributed this identity as: her father being a senior
civil servant; her “privileged” upbringing; her educational attainment; and her managerial
career. Referring to her African-Caribbean background, Joanne also described what she sees as
dual “single mother ethnic minority pressure” however. She was highly conscious of not wanting
to conform to that stereotype. Joanne articulated a process of internalisation of adverse social
judgement in explaining that she believed media representations prejudiced people's opinions,
even though has never personally experienced any negative incidents:

“Perhaps that's not what they're thinking at all, but you think 'that's what they're

19
J.K.Rowling, author of the series of books featuring fictional character Harry Potter has told of her life as
a single parent on benefits prior to becoming a best-selling author in numerous media interviews.
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 thinking about me'... in my head I think, 'I don't want them to look at me like that'.”
Joanne (B)

Joanne said that she had sought out novels and films about lone mothers rebuilding their lives
after relationship break-ups when she was going through her divorce, which had provided
comforting perspectives. Where Moira and Sonia, the other two women identifying clearly as
middle class, appeared to consider the stereotype so far removed from themselves as to be
personally irrelevant, Joanne used the word 'judgement' frequently during her interview and
gave indicators to suggest her SSL could be deemed 'performative'. In addition to taking pride
in being “a successful person” in balancing a demanding full-time job with parenting, which is
discussed fully in Chapter Six, she signified her cultural capital as a means of distancing from
stereotypes:

“I do sometimes think 'I want you to understand that I'm not that stereotype'. Now I think
if you spend five minutes talking to me you'll realise that I'm not an uneducated single
mother.” Joanne (B)

In stark contrast to Location A, the majority of participants in Location B spoke extensively about
class and most referred to combinations of middle and working class identities, which is denoted
as 'mixed' in Table 8, above. This complexity was due to a stated lack of clarity over how class
in itself is defined and, more crucially, to ambiguity surrounding their specific class position. In
most cases their mixed class identity arose from coming from what they saw as a 'working class'
family background and their subsequent education, employment and neighbourhood being more
'middle class'. Significantly, those women indicating “mixed” or “complex” class identity also
appeared to be the most conscious of the classed-infused nature of stigmatising cultural
representations of lone mothers and gave strong indications of a desire to 'perform' against
standards required of 'middle class motherhood' (Gillies, 2007). In addition to Joanne's case
discussed above, analysis of the case dynamics of Hannah, Laura, Mena and Valerie could all be
said to indicate 'performative' SSL. These women all used the word 'judgement' or 'judged'
frequently and were highly attuned to adverse social judgement. Importantly in the context of
negative media stereotyping, they deployed their cultural capital as a means of distinguishing
themselves from class-ridden cultural stereotypes of lone motherhood. Examples of pride in
career achievements and maternal credentials by which they evaluated themselves are cited as
relevant in further chapters of this thesis.

Savage (2015) points out that boundaries between the middle and working classes have
historically been the most permeable and consequently the most assiduously defended. Analysis
of case dynamics underpinning Laura's narrative demonstrate the relationship between: 'mixed'
social class identity; her sensitivity to stigma; internalisation of judgment; and use cultural
capital in reaction to dominant discourse as 'performative' SSL. Taking these points in turn, firstly

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 Laura spelled out her pre-occupation with class along with her uncertainty over her positioning:

“I don't know where I'd place myself if I'm honest. I still see myself as working class, but
the fact that I've been into higher education, got a degree and I'm working at a uni means
I've moved forward a little bit. I do place a lot of emphasis and recognition upon class and
looking at where I fit in if I'm honest.” Laura (B)

Secondly, when asked about positive role models, Laura referred to what she called “feminist
pop anthems” by Christina Aguilera20, but stressed that this was an exception in the media.
Thirdly, and crucially, judgement was a prominent theme throughout Laura's interview and
the first section of this chapter details how she related this to negative media representations.
Fourthly, Laura offered prescient insight into tensions between her intellectual perspective on
correlations between state policies and media representations, gained from her social science
degree, and her subjective responses to mis-recognition. In the following passage, she
appears to feel the need to 'legitimise' her situation in reaction to perceived 'judgement' and
uses her cultural capital to do so, in a way that is suggestive of 'knowing how to display one's
subjectivity properly’ (Skeggs, 2005: 973):

“I've gone to a doctor because there's something wrong with the children or something, I
never felt [pause]. Because I'm kind of well-educated and I've got a good family backing
and I've kept a nice home, I never felt judged because I felt I could always articulate
myself well.” Laura (B)

Valerie made repeated reference to 'judgement' throughout her interview. In addition to her
'performative' SSL in positioning of herself according to “levels of judgement”, described
above, she also drew on cultural capital in referring to books and her knowledge of psychology
and parenting styles. She viewed her class identity as complex and she attributed this to
being brought up “in a working class way” then going to university, being a social worker and
living in a middle class area. She commented:

“I would consider myself to be middle class in the sense of who I mix with and where I
live, but I still would feel a little bit like I'm not fully middle class...there's some things,
like the unwritten rules of classes, so I don't really feel like I fit in fully.” Valerie (B)

A pattern of mixed class identity, awareness of judgement and assertion of cultural capital as an
aspect of 'performative' SSL could also be observed in the case of Mena. She described herself
as “somewhere between working and middle class” and explained that her father had been in
the police force and she had been to university but neither she nor her parents were well off
financially. The aesthetic invoked by Mena, having raised the issue of “all the bad connotations”

20
Songs by Christina Aguilera featuring empowering themes for women include Can't Hold Us Down,
released in 2003, which comments on gendered double standards.
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attached to the term “single mum” is reminiscent of 'chav mum' caricatures (Tyler, 2008):

Nicola: “And what are those connotations would you say?”

Mena: “I've got to admit that it's the ones that I've seen [on TV], so it's that kind of erm
bleached blonde hair tied up in a bun, whatever labels are on their clothes, trailing one,
two, three children behind them with a cigarette, with an idea what their house is like.
And that's just so not the case here. [Gesturing to herself, her clothes and around her
lounge and speaking with strong emphasis].” Mena (B)

Mena was highly conscious of cultural cues that differentiated herself from working class
stereotypes, and signified an implicit view of herself as middle class:

“I think what's really interesting is that, I'm not being funny but I think I'm referred to as
quite well spoken and quite articulate, and I think people are shocked that it's just me
and her or that I'm not in a relationship or married or things like that.” Mena (B)

Spatial and class positioning were clearly inter-connected for a number of women in Location B.
In their frequent references to it being a “nice area”, participants appeared to equate 'nice' with
middle class. Hannah, who grew up in the centre of a large city, identified herself as “working
class” but stressed how much she likes living in a “nice area” where her daughter and herself
“fit in well”. Hannah’s 'performative' SSL, was evident in comments such as saying that
"presentation” was highly important to her, which was why she made sure her daughter had,
“nice clothes and everything”. She also differentiated her from stereotypes of single parents on
“council estates”, whom she characterised as, “smoking and [laughs] wearing trackies and that
sort of thing, shouting and swearing at their kids and stuff". Her comments on behaviour along
with sartorial choices, echo Savage's (2015) view that smoking and excessive drinking are
commonly regarded as markers of class position:

“I wouldn't really say money separated people but I think your morals and your values and
stuff do...I think it's how people portray themselves really.” Hannah (B)

Finally, in looking at classed dis-identification from stereotypes, Mandy's case provides a

strong example of 'negative' SSL involving a sense of being judged, ambivalent class identity
and frustration at not being able to meet the middle class parenting criteria by which she
judges herself. Mandy was particularly conscious of class and adverse social judgement as a
young mother on benefits in a location where she was surrounded by affluent two parent
families. Comparing her “well off” background with her present situation, she defined herself
as “middle class but with a six year gap” since having her son at the age of 18. She positioned
herself within the affluent neighbourhood where she lived in the following way:

“There's a higher class and there's a very, very small sort of lower class. And I would, if
it was just an automatic natural selection, I would almost automatically be in the lower
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 class. I'm on benefits, I'm young erm [pause] but I'm absolutely fighting to not be seen
like that. I don't want to be seen as a slag, a scruff, I don't want to be seen as, I don't
know, just chavy. Anything like that I would just hate because I know how judgemental
people [in this town] can be...I think in the eyes of sort of actual status and money, I'm
absolutely working class but what I want to be and who I am is slightly different.” Mandy
(B)

This passage is illustrative of comments throughout the interview where Mandy voiced
aspirations towards the standard of living and social networks of affluent couple families
locally, which she was unable to fulfil due to being a young single parent dependent on
benefits. Mandy appears to have absorbed fears of 'misrecognition' (Sayer, 2005) and to be
judging herself according to standards she was unable to meet, resulting in negative SSL,
further examples of which are provided in chapters that follow. She was about to start
university and believed that gaining a degree and pursuing a career would ultimately enable
her to return to her original class position, which suggests achievements through which she
might display 'performative' SSL in the future.

Conclusion

This chapter has responded to the question of whether lone mothers remain affected by stigma
by exploring participants’ perceptions of cultural representations of lone motherhood in the
contemporary context. Evidence presented here has confirmed clearly the stigmatising effects
of what women involved in the study regarded as negative media discourse. This chapter began
by exploring participants' views on terminology, which highlighted their ambivalence towards
lone mother categorisation and prompted associations with what they invariably regarded as
stigmatising stereotypes in popular culture. Women in both locations expressed strong
objections to 'labelling' and 'stereotyping' (Link and Phelan, 2001), which was commonly related
to a sense of 'adverse social judgement' (Scambler, 2009). Analysis of the data revealed that
media misrepresentation was the most significant single factor leading participants in a diverse
range of situations to comment on “being judged”. This chapter has presented evidence to
support the argument that women’s reactions to vilifying media portrayals confirm the salience
of 'symbolic violence' (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990) in understanding how lone mothers
internalise symbolic domination or 'misrecognition' (Sayer, 2005).

The chapter also considered media stereotyping in relation to the question of how lone mothers'
experiences of stigma are affected by agential and structural factors. Where stereotypical
representations of lone motherhood can be described as ‘cultural emergent properties’ (Archer,
2000), analysis of the data showed how women who took part in this research deployed ‘personal
emergent properties’ (Archer, 2000) in their agential responses to those representations. With
the benefit dependent young mother positioned at the bottom of the discursive 'legitimacy
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ladder' (Bock, 2001), the second section of this chapter described how participants appeared to
feel compelled to position themselves in relation to a 'hierarchy of maternal legitimacy' (Song,
1996; Carabine, 2001: Pulkingham et al., 2010). Women cited lack of choice over their situation,
their age and their relationship history to reinforce their 'moral legitimacy' (Taylor, 1998).
Evidence from interviews presented here thus supports two key observations by Goffman
(1990): that stigma is a relational phenomenon; and that someone in a stigmatised category
might stratify people in the same category.

Locational contrasts in participants’ circumstances have been set out. Examples of case analysis
using SSL have also illustrated how subjective impacts of discourse were not automatically
equated with age or route to lone motherhood, but varied according to individuals’ agential
mediation of discourse. In addition to participants’ sense of ‘being judged’, attention to 'clusters
of meaning' (Spencer et al., 2014a: 271) in women’s ‘modes’ of SSL has demonstrated the
significance of self-judgement and judgement of others in being critical of, and distancing
themselves from, media stereotypes. A tendency towards 'othering' identified in previous studies
(eg: Phoenix, 1996; Mitchell and Green, 2002) was reflected in cases of 'defensive' SSL, where
judgement was deflected. It is proposed, however, that exploration of attitudes towards women
in the same taxonomic category proved more complex than straightforward derogatory 'othering'
might suggest. Finer grained analysis of connections between participants' mode of SSL and
judgement as a key mechanism revealed how some women expressed empathy for 'other' lone
mothers, thus indicating how distancing tactics participants adopted could be complex.

The final section of this chapter responded to the question of significance of social class in lone
mothers’ experiences of stigma by investigating the relationship between participants' class
identification, their levels of 'cultural capital' and their responses to stigmatising cultural
representations. McRobbie points to 'a specifically feminine form of symbolic violence', which is
reproduced via 'a process of class differentiation' (2004: 101-2). Correlations between
participants' situations, their access to cultural capital and reactions to stereotypes could be
discerned in the data. It can be suggested that reluctance among women in Location A to
identify with a particular class is related to the stigmatising effects of classification (Tyler, 2013;
Savage, 2015). Women in this location did not generally cite signifiers of cultural capital as
distancing devices, with the exception of two women who appeared to turn class-based
judgments upon themselves, resulting in 'negative' SSL. The tendency to distance from class-
based elements of stigmatising stereotypes was much more pronounced in Location B, where
several women referred directly to class as a means of bolstering their SSL. This tendency
appeared most pronounced among women who saw their class identity as “mixed", who were
conversant with class boundaries but uncertain of their own class identity, and displayed
'performative' SSL.

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The overall argument presented in this chapter is that women’s experiences of media
stigmatisation were affected by both their situation and their 'judgement about what they find
worthwhile' (Archer, 2012: 106). It can therefore be concluded that, whilst media depictions of
lone motherhood proved the most commonly cited source of “judgement”, women’s individual
situations, attitudes and levels of cultural capital interacted to influence their ‘judgement of
judgement’ and ‘mode’ of SSL, hence their propensity to reject, resist or absorb
misrepresentation. In concluding this chapter, it must also be noted that participants were highly
aware that media coverage almost universally links lone motherhood with benefit dependency.
The emphasis the women placed on employment, along with a need to attempt to disentangle
symbolic depictions from material circumstances analytically, means the topic is analysed in
detail in the next chapter.

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Chapter 6

Balancing competing demands

Introduction

The thesis began by discussing how il/legitimacy functioned for centuries as a means of both
controlling female sexuality and limiting demands on resources (Engels, 1988; Millett, 1990;
Smart, 1992; Reekie, 1998). This chapter explores lone mothers' experiences of stigma within
the contemporary socio-political context of the worker model of ‘legitimate’ citizenship (e.g.
Pulkingham et al., 2010) and increased benefits stigma (e.g. Taylor-Gooby, 2013). The first
section highlights the strength of work orientation expressed by participants regardless of their
location or circumstances. Comparing local labour markets, qualifications and skills reveals
sharp contrasts between the two locations however. Whereas most women in Location A voiced
frustration at not working, women in Location B were much more favourably positioned to
access jobs that could be balanced with childcare. Dermott and Pomati (2016) raise the
important question of whether lone parenthood itself remains subject to stigma or benefit
dependency is a key differential. The second section presents strong evidence to confirm that
lone mothers who rely on benefits are indeed prone to the greatest degree of stigma. Using
SSL as an analytical tool demonstrates the importance of employment to self-worth among
participants displaying ‘positive’ and ‘performative’ SSL. It also shows how inability to access
work that can be balanced with childcare was compounded by self-judgement among those
women displaying ‘negative’ SSL. Conversely, certain women indicating ‘defensive’ SSL judged
themselves deserving of benefits, rather than internalising adverse social judgement. These
case examples illustrate how a process of ‘judging the judgement’ impacts on individual
experiences of stigma.

The chapter argues that, despite participants’ agency in seeking work and managing limited
budgets, ‘structural emergent properties’ (Archer, 2000), in the form of lack of suitable jobs
and policies that fail to recognise lone mothers’ childcare responsibilities, can present significant
constraints. The final section focuses on social class through consideration of participants' SSL
in relation to 'economic capital' (Bourdieu, 1989). This demonstrates that some women could
convert the cultural capital of educational qualifications into employment and hence financial
stability, which further enhanced their sense of ‘positive’ or ‘performative’ SSL. Participants in
Location A were likely to be 'struggling' financially and effect of this on their SSL is discussed.
Whilst women in Location B generally had higher levels of economic capital, living on a single
income among affluent dual income families adversely affected SSL in certain cases.

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Employment and 'legitimate' citizenship

Changes to conceptualisations of citizenship underlying shifts in welfare policies affecting lone

mothers were set out in Chapter Two and analysis of accounts of lone mothers involved in this
study suggest that the prevailing citizenship model, which positions them firmly as workers (e.g.
Lewis, 2006; Pulkingham et al., 2010; Haux, 2012), has become lodged hegemonically in both
locations.21 Benefit dependency is a central component of negative stereotypes and strength of
work orientation was a resounding factor in participants' differentiation of themselves from
stigmatising cultural representations. The 'prism of legitimacy' framework helps understand how,
while ostensibly gender neutral, state policies disadvantage women (MacKinnon, 1983; Walby
1994) and data from this study supports Tyler's (2013) claim that people who do not work feel
'de-legitimised' as 'failed citizens'. Women in both Location A and Location B uniformly expressed
a belief that people are evaluated in terms of being employed or otherwise. Ability to access
employment was, however, affected by dramatic variations in labour markets, qualifications and
skills between the locations. Case studies detail how 'positive' or 'performative' SSL is strongly
associated with women's personal pride and sense of social value stemming from their work.
Conversely, with policies accentuating individual culpability (Wright, 2012), women who did not
work believed they were not valued as legitimate citizens and internalised this judgement,
resulting in 'negative' SSL.

Strength of work orientation across locations

Discussion of operationalisation of concepts in Chapter Four explained that whilst the term
‘citizenship’ itself had little, if any, salience among participants, questions concerning work
orientation and entitlement to benefits proved meaningful. Mothers are much more likely to
retain responsibility for childcare when relationships end (Smart and Neale, 1999; Poole et al.,
2016) and the mothers who took part in this research were all the primary carers for their
children. Contrary to New Right arguments that the state is expected to fulfil the absent father's
role as provider (Millar, 1996), or media depictions of mothers cynically 'scrounging' off the state
(Tyler, 2011), participants also clearly identified themselves as responsible for their children's
material well-being. Examples of frequently voiced comments to this end include:

“I'm responsible for my children, not their father and not the state.” Clare (A)

“I want to work so I can provide for her. She's my child.” Debbie (A)

“I want to provide a better life for him.” Julie (A)

21
Although it was sometimes difficult to separate out women's belief in the intrinsic value of work from
their desire to avoid benefits stigma, in an attempt to untangle views on the intrinsic value of employment
and their responses to unemployment from attitudes towards benefits stigma, this first section concentrates
on former and the second section concentrates on the latter.

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 “The onus is on me...if I want to give them a decent life.” Sonia (B)

Levels of financial input from fathers varied greatly, but in all cases this was regarded as a
'contribution' rather than being the family's main source of income. Where mothers were
receiving benefits, they viewed this as a substitute for their own salary, not that of an absent
father. Notwithstanding flaws in 'workfare' policies and a belief among some of her participants
that work was detrimental to children's welfare, Churchill (2007) points to enabling aspects in
lone mothers believing they had moved beyond economic dependence on men. Participants’ view
of themselves as breadwinners went hand in hand with a strong work ethic, which was witnessed
among women in Location A and B and regardless of individual circumstances:

“I've never had a day off sick in 13 years. I've worked 12 days out of the last 14.” Sheila
(A)

“I love what I do. I'm quite passionate about it. I'm one of those people who would never
have been a stay at home mum. I get my thrills and I get to socialise at work.” Della (B)

Evidence of commitment to employment among participants from both locations is somewhat at

variance with findings from two key studies conducted in the late 1990s (Duncan and Edwards,
1999; Klett-Davies, 2007). Klett-Davies (2007) identified 'pioneers' of independent ‘man-free’
lifestyles among ideal types of benefit-dependent lone mothers in London and Berlin during her
research. These women regarded state benefits as means of fulfilling desires to pursue
‘professional mothering’, artistic or educational ambitions whilst caring for their children. There
was no indication in the present study of women having chosen to live on benefits for such
purposes. Nor did any participants in the present study invoke 'alternative lifestyles' discourses,
as identified among some participants in Duncan and Edwards' (1999) research. Duncan and
Edwards (1999) found that maternal identity was more important than material gain for most of
their respondents, with a high proportion of white working class mothers in particular viewing
motherhood and paid work as incompatible. Whilst the present study is much smaller in scale
and not directly comparable, it is significant that, unlike Duncan and Edwards’ research (1999),
none of the participants believed that working would be damaging to their children or mentioned
external disapproval of them for working. In fact, a number of women across both locations
pointed out that their decision-making was influenced by a work ethic ingrained in them by their
own parents, as illustrated by the following comments:

“I don't think my mum and dad would bother with me if I didn't work. That's been drilled
in from an early age.” Gina (A)

“Like my mum and everything, we've always worked. She's got five kids and she still
works.” Gemma (A)

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 “That's a cultural thing in my family. I know my dad in particular is very proud of me for
having worked hard and having got myself off benefits.” Moira (B)

This pro-work sentiment appeared particularly strong among participants whose own mothers
had been working single parents, such as Della (B):

“My mum was also a single parent with me and my mum did not have a good job back
then. She was a waitress but she still worked. I've been brought up with that.” Della (B)

Many women believed they were setting a good example to children by working and women
without jobs worried that their children were being disadvantaged by not having this “role
model”. Their comments were in accordance with arguments suggesting that being employed is
increasingly equated with being a 'good' parent (Lewis, 2006; Churchill, 2007):

“It's making me crazy because you think 'if my child doesn't see me work, how will she
learn to work?’” Marta (A)

“I like the fact that my son knows I go out to work and I earn a living.” Della (B)

Wallbank makes a pertinent point that popular discourses on working lone mothers emphasise
the need to work to provide for children, yet rarely refer to advantages of mothers working for
'their personal fulfilment' (1998: 85). Personal fulfilment was referred to by the majority of
women in this study who work, however. The inter-connected virtues of working that were cited
included; self-esteem, confidence, getting out of the house, alleviating boredom, having “a
break from the kids” and social interaction with other adults. Examples below show how these
perceived merits of employment contributed towards participants' self-worth and SSL.

Data from this study confirms that pressure in balancing the demands of employment with their
children's needs was prominent among women in both locations. Participants' work orientation
was accompanied by accounts of difficulties in accessing work that was compatible with childcare
for women in Location A in particular. Women's accounts support feminist arguments that
citizenship is gendered (Walby, 1994; Lister, 1997) and that the adult worker model ignores
tensions between lone mothers' carer and breadwinner roles (e.g. Millar and Ridge, 2013).
Jasmine (B) sums up comments by a number of participants on contradictory expectations
engendered through hegemonic discourse, echoing feminist views that lone mothers face a
'double burden' (Wallbank, 1998):

“You’re breadwinner and carer, it’s a job designed for two people...if you don't work and
you're a single mum it's like 'what a lazy cow', if you do work and you're a single mum it's
like 'her kids come home on their own and who is looking after them'.” Jasmine (B)

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Locational variations in employment
Measures by successive governments to encourage employment uptake among lone parents
were summarised in Chapter Two, with changes arising from the Welfare Reform Act 2012
resulting in increased benefit conditionality for lone parents (e.g. Graham and McQuaid, 2014).
The foregoing comments demonstrate the strength of work orientation displayed by women
across the data. However, vast differences in employment levels are shown in Table 9:
Employment by location. Nine out of 13 women in A were not currently in paid employment and
all but two of the women in B were in paid work, one of whom was about to start a university
degree.

Table 9: Employment by location

Location Working full-time Working part-time Not in paid
work

A 2 3 8
(inc. 1 self-employed) (inc. 1 recently self-
employed)
B 7 4 2
(+ 1 to start full-time (inc. 1 on maternity leave)
degree)

Although this research is focused on perceptions rather than practicalities, analysis revealed the
two to be closely inter-connected in participants’ experiences of un/employment and stigma. In
understanding women’s situations and perspectives on those situations (Maxwell, 2012), it is
therefore worthwhile outlining constraints that prevented most women in Location A from
working before looking at the impact of un/employment on SSL.

Local labour markets, qualifications and skills

Barriers to employment for all lone parents are well documented (e.g. Whitworth, 2013; Graham
and McQuaid, 2014), but some face more insurmountable barriers than others. The disparity in
labour market participation between women in the two locations is reflective of spatial macro-
economic factors and concurs with emphasis placed on disparities in local economies in
employment-centred studies of lone motherhood (e.g. Rafferty and Wiggan, 2011). Lone
mothers have tended to be geographically concentrated in areas of high unemployment (Morris,
1994) and the restricted labour market in Location A proved a readily identifiable barrier. As a
large estate of predominantly local authority owned housing on the outskirts of a former
industrial city with high levels of unemployment (DETR, 2012), Location A has a distinctly
disadvantaged local economy. Duncan and Edwards' (1999) finding that middle class lone
mothers were more likely to be situated in better labour market locations and were able to
access wider employment markets was borne out in the present study.

Availability of affordable childcare locally (as found by Rowlingon and McKay, 2005) was an issue
raised by women in A. Scott et al. (2010) note that middle class mothers are generally more

152
likely to use professional childcare, which appears to be reflected in differences between women
in the contrasting locations. Disparity in participants' labour market competitiveness is apparent
in Table 10: Qualifications and skills by location. Whereas only one woman in Location A had
A'Levels, educational and professional qualifications were a major enabler in accessing jobs for
those in B, which meant they were better placed to negotiate flexible employment and/or earn
sufficiently high salaries to be able to afford childcare. Analysis of the data indicates that women
in both areas behaved agentially in their approach to employment but that, as Davies (2012)
and Whitworth (2013) argue, agency needs to be examined within the context of structural
constraints. Participants in Location B tended to be better positioned geographically and
educationally and were able to capitalise on this through their decision-making and action-
taking, whereas options for most women in Location A were severely limited.

Table10: Qualifications and skills by location

Location Educational and Vocational Gaining

qualifications qualifications qualifications
A 10 secondary (poor 4 NVQs 1 starting Access to HE course
GCSEs) 2 literacy and numeracy
1 secondary (good sessions
GCSEs)
1 post-16 (A'Levels)
B 5 degree 1 NVQ 2 part-time degree
5 post-graduate 1 specialist 1 starting full-time degree
professional teaching
1 PhD

Employment and SSL

One of the reasons for introducing SSL as an analytical tool in this research is that it captures
positive expressions of women's sense of social validity, rather than simply presence/absence of
stigma in participants' accounts, as discussed in Chapter Three. Women who felt satisfied in their
ability to balance worker/maternal roles and gained external validation for their achievements
indicated 'positive' or 'performative' SSL. In contrast, despite citing proactive attempts to find
suitable employment, most women in Location A spoke of frustration at significant barriers that
hindered their agential behaviour, resulting in 'negative' SSL. A process of 'being judged' and
internalising adverse social judgement is also illustrated, whereby those mothers who conveyed
'negative' SSL tended to judge themselves severely for not working, despite rationally attributing
this to factors beyond their control, thus confirming Skeggs and Loveday's point that,
'powerlessness is compounded by moral judgment' (2012: 483).

Location A
Although women in Location A generally expressed a strong work ethic during interviews, Carrie
and Gina are the only women there who work full-time. The link between pride in fulfilling her
career ambitions and 'positive' SSL was highly evident in the case of Carrie. She was extremely

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chatty, cheerful and confident throughout the interview and spoke enthusiastically about how
much she “loves” her role as a children's speech and language worker. Carrie had a previously
been reliant on benefits and had found it, “degrading", but described her agential strategy in
acquiring vocational skills to work with children:

“I was bettering myself at every step of the way because I knew I had an end goal.
Everything worked out exactly...you have to have a goal...you can't just sit and feel
downtrodden.” Carrie (A)

Carrie referred frequently to “feeling good” and said, “I'm where I should be” when discussing
her job and appreciated the flexibility of being able to reduce her hours when her daughter was
born and return full-time when she started school. Her SSL was clearly enhanced through a
sense of being “valued”, having spent a decade working with local families. Statistics confirm
that African-Caribbean lone mothers have the highest employment rate among ethnic groups
(Duncan and Edwards, 1999; Rowlingson and McKay, 2005). Although the dangers of
reproducing the black lone mother stereotype must be recognised (May, 2008), Carrie's own
mother had brought up three children alone whilst working full-time and her account confirms
Duncan and Edwards' (1999) qualitative findings that women in her ethnic group displayed the
most fluidly integrated mother/worker orientations.

Sheila and Gemma, who work part-time, both conveyed indicators of 'positive' SSL, which
appeared to be based on being employed and also having solid family and friendship networks
locally (as discussed fully in Chapter Seven). Gemma emphasised that even though she was no
better off materially for working, she was fulfilling her family's work ethic and saw financial
independence as important to her self-esteem. Reduced hours as a nursery assistant allowed
her to balance her job and time with her two year-old son. Sheila, whose youngest son was 15,
spoke about being “happy as I am”. The importance of work ethic to her SSL was evident through
statements such as feeling “better for working”. She had been in her sales assistant job for 13
years and had viewed it as “a break from the kids” when they were younger.

The majority of women in A did not have jobs and there were considerable overlaps in their
comments on not working and being dependent on benefits. Participants' views that timing of
work is vital to combining employment with their maternal role concurs with evidence from Ridge
and Millar (2008; 2011) and Millar and Ridge (2013). Accounts of women in this study also
support the point that age of a mother's youngest child is an inadequate gauge of a lone mothers'
ability to work (Haux, 2012). Women voiced frustration that Benefits Agency staff did not
understand restrictions that responsibility for children placed on work options. This confirms
Davies' (2012) argument that welfare reform accentuates moralistic interpretations of
deservingness without recognising challenges in accessing childcare compatible employment.

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 The situation described by Bella, who has eight year-old twins, is a case in point. Speaking about
being troubled by boredom and “lost confidence”, Bella exemplifies how the endogenous effects
of unemployment can be combined with a sense of exogenous 'judgement', resulting in 'negative'
SSL. She had worked for some fifteen years before being made redundant from her job in a
school, two years previously. Bella's account confirms Pulkingham et al.'s (2010) point that
contemporary conditions placed upon 'legitimate' citizenship render lone mothers' parental
responsibilities invisible institutionally. Her case reflects analysis showing that lone parents can
be most vulnerable to benefits sanctions (Gingerbread, 2014a). Claimant obligations (DWP,
2013) meant she had been threatened with benefits sanctions if she did not apply for five jobs
each week22, but she voiced frustration that JobCentre staff did not understand the limitations
on jobs she could feasibly undertake:

“They're asking me to take cleaning jobs at six o'clock in the morning. There's nobody
that's going to come at five thirty in the morning to watch the kids, it's silly times.” Bella
(A)

Using SSL as a tool to break down Bella's subjective perception of her situation and response to
stigma, enables us to see how judgement appears to function as a means by which citizens
regulate themselves and each other, in what Wacquant calls the punitive 'daddy state' (2009:
290). Bella displayed 'negative' SSL and used the words “judged for not working” repeatedly.
When asked about sources of judgement, she gave direct examples, which illustrate a lack of
sympathy for worklessness (Taylor-Gooby, 2013):

“People I know are judging me for not working...I've got family and friends that say, 'oh
come on, surely it's not that hard to find a job'. One of my friends definitely judges, she's
always commenting, like 'haven't you got a job yet' and 'have you applied for so and so?'
I say 'yes I do, I do apply, I've got my CV with all the agencies'.” Bella (A)

With most people Bella knows being in work and having been employed for many years herself,
such norms clearly 'matter' (Sayer, 2011) to her. Despite re-iterating that she would “choose to
work” if she could, Bella was not only highly sensitive to stigma of not having a job, she also
recognises self-judgement in her 'subjective reflection upon her involuntary placement' (Archer,
2000: 199):

“When I have doctor's appointments with the kids I sometimes feel uncomfortable saying
'I'm unemployed at the moment'. Because I judge myself as well because I've always
worked.” Bella (A)

Numerous studies highlight tensions in balancing employment and childcare (e.g. Harkness,

22
The number of jobs Unemployment Benefit claimants are expected to apply for varies under current policy
and the number participants in this study were expected to apply for each week differed.

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2012; Hirsch, 2012; Kowalewska, 2015) and this was highly apparent during the research. It
can be seen, for example, in the experiences of two women in Location A. Both Julie and Marta
had returned to their jobs after maternity leave but been unable to sustain them. Julie displayed
'negative' SSL during her interview and used the word 'judgement' frequently. Her keen sense
of adverse social judgement arising from media stereotyping, discussed in the previous chapter,
was compounded by a sense of injustice at her former employers' lack of flexibility when she
returned to work after maternity leave. She had worked in a major clothing retailer's warehouse
for ten years after leaving school at 16. She went back at work for a year after maternity leave
but asked to move to an earlier shift as she “wasn't coping” with timings, which also meant
nursery fees were £152 a week. Julie believed increased use of zero hours contracts made the
company less disposed to accommodate permanent staff such as herself and said she was
treated “like an inconvenience” and ended up having to leave. Whilst telling her story, Julie was
visibly upset and her 'negative' SSL was evident. Her comments on the company's lack of
flexibility despite working “like a dog” for a decade support Skeggs and Loveday's (2012) points
about impacts of feeling a lack of 'value'. However, as she had good GCSE grades, she was
planning to start an Access to Higher Education course. As well as “providing a better life” for
her son, she explained that her motivation was to pursue a job with “a social purpose”, so she
would be “valued”. This agential action suggests she was pursuing 'performative' SSL for the
future.

Although Julie and Marta both found their jobs unsustainable, Julie's GSCE grades gave her a
marginal advantage. By contrast, Marta came from Germany 15 years ago and had no
qualifications that were recognised in the UK and struggled with written English. Having worked
in a frozen food factory for 12 years, she returned from maternity leave after her second child
but her job had been relocated to the other side of town. She built up £3,000 credit card debt
paying for taxis, as public transport was unreliable. Her situation is consistent with Duncan and
Edwards' (1999) findings that lack of transport is an employment barrier and Lewis' (2006)
findings on the dearth of affordable childcare.

Like Julie, Marta pointed out that the company had little incentive to keep her as a permanent
employee when they could use cheaper agency workers. Such experiences reinforce arguments
that lone mothers become marginalised due to capitalist demands for labour market flexibility
(Grover 2005; Prideux, 2011). The relationship between structural conditions and subjective
affectivity was clear in Marta's case. Her description of the impact of not working on her self-
worth supports Sayer's (2005) emphasis on dignity in his investigation of 'what matters to
people'. Marta referred repeatedly to feeling “judged” and the severe impact of unemployment
on her 'negative' SSL is evident as she articulates a process of intertwining self-judgement with
perceptions of other people's attitudes towards her:

“I judge myself 24/7. When you are on benefits you are non-stop blaming yourself...I think

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 people are judging me too. A person who doesn't work has no status. If you don't work
they see you as a second class citizen...Now I'm not working, if my youngest starts kicking
off in the supermarket I feel ashamed and think that people will be seeing me as a slag on
benefits who can't control her kids.” Marta (A)

Location B
While there is not sufficient space to detail all of the arrangements mothers made in juggling
employment and childcare, interviews with women in both locations highlighted challenges in
working, caring for children and running a home single-handedly. A fundamental difference was
that participants in Location B were generally better qualified than those in Location A and could
thus secure work which could be more easily balanced with childcare responsibilities and/or paid
sufficiently well to cover childcare. Commanding a stronger labour market position, in turn,
fostered personal validation and social approval, which favourably impacted upon their individual
SSL.

Sonia was one of the few participants in this study who identified themselves unequivocally as
'middle class' and she cited her university education as part of this identity. Sonia displayed
'positive' SSL during the interview. Her role as a mental health specialist appeared central to this
and she spoke in a self-assured manner, stressing how much she enjoys work and stating, “my
career is a big part of my identity”. When evaluating 'what matters' (Sayer, 2005), Sonia's career
and children appeared equally important to her self-worth and her remarks indicate an 'integral
mother/worker orientation' (Duncan and Edwards, 1999). Significantly, Sonia was able to work
flexibly around three children aged between three and six, including working from home part of
the week. She found returning to work stressful after her last maternity leave but had managed
to find an equilibrium:

“It's quite full on. I've had to let things go like my house is never tidy, I never put the
washing away [gesturing at untidiness in her lounge and laundry on the table and
laughing]. I think erm I think when I first started back at work I thought I was shit at both
because I didn't have enough time for either. But now I think I identify with both of them
really.” Sonia (B)

Designation of the 'performative' mode of SSL grew out of observation of cases where women
believe lone motherhood is stigmatised generally but that their personal legitimacy is bolstered
through evaluating their performance favourably according to 'judgements....that are rooted in
social norms' (Archer, 2000: 215). Employment appeared vital to SSL for these women. For
example, Joanne identified strongly as a worker and spoke proudly of her professional
advancement as a business administrator at a transport company. Joanne's 'middle class'
identity was discussed in the previous chapter. She described having her routine down to the
minute in order to fit everything in. Her narrative made clear the struggle she had been through
in adjusting to lone motherhood, with concerns about “judgement” featuring prominently. The
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impact of Joanne's performative achievements in her dual role as mother and worker appear to
have restored her sense of self-worth however:

“Now I think 'd'you know what, I'm quite happy with being a successful person in my job
and I think my son has turned out to be a lovely little boy.” Joanne (A)

Archer (2000) argues that social identity emerges out of personal identity through agential
deliberations on: well-being in the natural order, performative achievements in the practical
order and self-worth in the social order. Joanne's performative achievements appeared to be
at the expense of self-care however. It was unsurprising that she spoke of being, “just
permanently tired trying to fit things in”; and when asked if she ever had time to herself she
responded, “bed and bath, that's it”.

Benefits stigma: perspectives and experiences

Chapter Two described how 'discourses of deservingness' (Schram, 2012) and heightened
benefits stigma (Taylor-Gooby, 2013; Baumberg, 2016) formed the socio-political backdrop for
this study and participants overwhelmingly viewed dependency on benefits as being a source of
adverse social judgement. Participants made an automatic association between having a job and
avoiding benefits stigma and sensitivity to benefits stigma played a significant role in their
decisions around balancing employment, finances and childcare. While benefits were more likely
to be the sole source of income for mothers in Location A, almost all of the mothers in Location
B had claimed benefits previously or still relied on state support to some extent. In weighting
rights against responsibilities, participants generally believed that benefits should be provided
in the absence of other options but judged 'other' lone mothers' deservingness according to their
willingness to work. Exploration of case studies shows that, whereas awareness of external
judgement or self-judgement motivated those mothers who were able to do so to move off
benefits, mothers with 'negative' SSL absorbed negative judgement. Mothers whose SSL could
be deemed 'defensive' resisted stigma, however, by justifying their deservingness.

Avoiding benefits stigma

The majority of participants across both locations were markedly concerned about incurring
social disapproval or, to use their oft repeated word “judgement”, for reliance on benefits.
Consciousness of benefits stigma appeared to be more pronounced in this study than among
lone mothers interviewed for research during the late 1990s (Klett-Davies, 2007; Duncan and
Edwards, 1999). Whilst Duncan and Edwards (1999) found that local discourses had greater
baring bearing on lone mothers' work orientation than nationally hegemonic discourse, data from
this study indicates that an employment imperative, which has been enshrined in national
policies and strongly underpinned by 'scroungerphobia' discourse (Shildrick and McDonald
2013), had resonated in both fieldwork locations, despite their contrasting socio-economic

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 profiles. Scambler (2009) regards 'anticipation of stigma' as an important attribute of
stigmatisation. It is significant that, in a climate characterised by deservingness discourses
(Schram, 2012) and 'anti-welfare common sense' (Jensen and Tyler, 2015), participants
explicitly equated a work imperative with avoidance of benefits stigma. The following comments
typify the powerful permeation of the 'strivers or skivers' construct (Jensen, 2014); with the
binary implication that if you are not the former you must be the latter manifesting in
participants' accounts:

"I like to have a job. I like people to think, 'she's got a job'. I don't want people to think
'she just stays at home and lives off benefits'.” Gemma (A)

“I haven't felt that [being a lone mother] is a problem nowadays, especially when people
see you are just getting on with life and not wallowing or scrounging or anything.” Moira
(B)

A number of participants shared their deliberations on returning to work after maternity leave
and avoidance of stigma appeared prominent in that decision-making. Comments by Valerie (B)
are illustrative of evaluations in which the anticipation of ill-treatment and judgement featured
prominently in women's accounts. She furthermore made the point that even though roughly
half of her income is in the form of Child Tax Credits, this gives her more privacy and “leeway”
than claiming unemployment-related benefits:

“With one daughter having to go to nursery and the other to my mum, I thought 'well I
could just jack my job in'…But then I thought, 'I don't want to be on benefits' because
you're beholden then to the state aren't you. They treat you like muck. And people judge
you.” Valerie (B)

Locational variations in state support

The previous chapter detailed participants' reactions to the stereotyping of lone mothers as
young, working class and dependant on benefits (McRobbie, 2004; Tyler, 2013). In reality, most
lone parents are financially dependent upon the state to some extent (Rowlingson and McKay,
2002), not only working class mothers. The previous section demonstrated that most
participants in this study either worked or were willing but unable to find work. State benefits
were the main source of income among most women in Location A, as shown in Table 11: Main
income sources by location. Income among mothers in Location B was more likely to come from
salaries, or combinations of salaries and benefits or maintenance and benefits23. This complexity
of income sources reflects observations in other studies (e.g. Ridge and Miller, 2008).

23
Use of the term 'benefits' in Table 11: Main income sources by location includes where mothers who spoke
about Child Tax Benefit as this is classed as a benefit by Department of Work and Pensions. As indicated,
participants generally perceived a major difference between this as an 'in-work' state payment and being
not working and being reliant on benefits. This study focuses on perceptions of benefits in relation to
subjective experiences of stigma rather than details of types and amounts of state support.
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Table 11: Main income sources by location
Location Salary Benefits Salary/ Maintenance/ Salary/
Benefits benefits maintenance
A 2 8 3 0 0

B 6 1 4 1 1

Interviews revealed that experiences of reliance on benefits were more diverse than this
snapshot might imply however. The majority of women who took part in this study had claimed
benefits at some point since becoming lone mothers, regardless of their location or situation,
and a number of women in Location B still received state support, albeit in the form of Child Tax
Credits rather than Income Support or Unemployment Benefit, along with salaries or
maintenance payments from ex-partners. While populist welfare discourse concentrates on
worklessness, only 2.6% of national benefits expenditure is on the unemployed and 20.8%
supplements earnings from employment (Brown and Hood, 2013, cited Savage, 2015). Ridge
and Millar (2008) found that although the tax credits system can be highly complex, it helps
make work viable for lone mothers. A key difference expressed by mothers in this study of
stigma was that when payments from the state were combined with salary or maintenance this
was a private matter; whereas participants with no other source of income saw their reliance on
benefits as a more public matter. A number of women spoke of feeling especially visible having
to go to the JobCentre, for instance.

Another key difference was observed between: experiences of those women in this study who
were positioned so as to use benefits as a stop-gap or 'stepping stone'; and long-term reliance
among women whose options were more constrained by structural impediments. Strategic use
of benefits was much more common in Location B, which concurs with Klett-Davies' (2007)
finding that more advantaged lone mothers are better enabled to use benefits strategically.

Judgement of deservingness
The words “scrounging”, and “sitting on their backsides” were commonly used when participants
expressed anger at media portrayals, as discussed in the previous chapter. Whereas many
participants in Klett-Davies' (2007) research regarded welfare as a 'legitimate' payment for
looking after their children, this was not the case in the present study. The overwhelming
majority of women believed strongly that the welfare system should support mothers who were
left without alternatives, however. A number of women voiced gratitude for state provision based
on their own painful experiences. For example, Jasmine (B), who now works as a teacher and
had just bought a house, received Income Support and Housing Benefit after her ex-husband
left her bankrupt and penniless with two small children:

160
 “I was destitute and I just turned up at the Job Centre…I just thought ‘I'm here because
there's nothing else I can do’. So, I remember thinking what a lifeline and how fortunate I
was.” Jasmine (B)

Wacquant (2009) argues that citizens' rights have been outstripped by responsibilities in punitive
neo-liberal welfare ideology that has come to dominate Western European political economy;
and women in the sample placed a strong emphasis on responsibility. Many made a moral
distinction between mothers who are unable to work due to “circumstances” and those who are
not willing to do so. The former were evaluated as using benefits “in the right way”. Carrie (A)
believes mothers are now more work orientated than in the past and points out that there are
"usually reasons why people are on benefits". Gemma (A), who works part-time and also
receives benefits, reflects a common attitude in participants' balancing of rights with
responsibilities:

“I do think people should get benefits to help them if they can't work, but I also think you
should get a job as well.” Gemma (A)

It was sometimes difficult to separate out participants' comments about benefits generally from
their views on policies and public resource allocation affecting lone mothers specifically. To return
to May's (2010) point that lone motherhood is not a self-defined group and Taylor's argument
that it is not an ontological identity in the sense of a coherent self-identity, women in this study
in no way viewed lone motherhood as a 'base for political agency' (Taylor, 1998; 40). Comments
by mothers in this study suggest that their lack of political engagement may also result partly
from a more general lack of political agency. Women tended to express cynicism about politics,
regardless of their location or situation, and there was no evidence of political engagement to
further the ends of lone mothers as a group.24 None of the participants were politically active
and most seemed more preoccupied with immediate practical and emotional concerns. They also
expressed an overriding belief that they could not influence political decisions.

When asked about political participation, most women in Location A insisted that they were “just
not interested” and stated that there was “no point” as politicians are “all the same”. A number
of women pointed to the closure of the library and community centre on the estate as evidence
of powerlessness in the face of political decisions. Sheila, the oldest mother in the study, was
the only woman in Location A who voted regularly. Nadirah, who was the youngest, sums up a
commonly expressed sense of futility:

“My mum's voted for years but what difference is there? Nothing's changed...the
community doesn't have much power over what happens at all.” Nadirah (A)

24
Four women in Location B were members of a national single parents' organisation. They did not
necessarily connect this with political activity however, and regarded it as a way of meeting other parents
in similar situations for social purposes, which is discussed in the next chapter .
161
Women in Location B generally tended to be more interested in politics than those in Location
A, with most saying that they voted regularly in local and general elections. When participants
were asked their views on polices affecting single parents, women in B were also more likely to
proffer opinions on welfare reform, benefits eligibility and other policies than women in A. Most
thought they could do little to influence political decisions however. Those who were interested
in reading and talking about politics said the demands of childcare and employment left
insufficient time and energy to engage more proactively.

While participants generally expressed distain for politicians, analysis of their personal
perspectives on lone mothers' deservingness suggests this was informed by the extent to which
they: looked beyond individualisation perspectives of human agency enshrined in policy
instruments and discourse (e.g. Haux, 2012; Davies, 2012) and attributed reliance on benefits
to economic and gender inequalities; drew on their own experiences or empathy to attribute
reliance on benefits to personal misfortunes; or, as documented by Taylor-Gooby (2013) and
Shildrick and McDonald (2013), blamed individuals for their poverty (including themselves in
some cases, as demonstrated in cases discussed above and below).

Gina (A) was dismissive of politicians but her comments on exploitation of the benefits system
were redolent of the 'social threat' discourses (Duncan and Edwards, 1999). She was vehement
in her opinion that many people on the estate were not deserving of state support, saying there
was "no incentive to get off your arse and make something of yourself". She believed that some
mothers only claimed to be living alone, “for the benefits” and her portrayal of women collecting
benefits at the post office who are “pissed at 9am” and "just rinsing the system” conforms with
an anti-welfare 'underclass' (Murray, 1984) perspective.

Della (B), who said she votes Conservative, held equally strong views about entitlement to
benefits. Whereas most participants in Location B had been in receipt of benefits at some point
or were currently having their salary supplemented by tax credits, working full-time Della earned
slightly over the threshold for state support. She told of how her mother had worked as a waitress
after having her at the age of 17 and she herself had done secretarial work after school and
worked her way up to her current sales manager's role. There are echoes of Malthus (1988) in
her judgement of those lone mothers whom she believes, “get pregnant on purpose to get a
council house”:

"Personally I feel, get off your backside, go and get a job and then when you've got
some money behind you then go and have a child. Don't just do it because you
want something given to you for free and it's not fair on the child.” Della (B)

The perspective on entitlement to benefits expressed by Sonia (B) was in stark contrast to Gina
and Della's views however. Sonia (B) voted Labour and described herself as “quite left wing” and
her perspective on deservingness of benefits emphasised structural inequalities, believing people

162
on benefits are treated like "second class citizens". Sonia was critical of anticipated restrictions
limiting Child Tax Credit to two children (CPAG, 2017) and her point that state policies prioritise
business interests was consistent with the Marxist analysis of employment of lone mothers
offered by Grover (2005) and Prideux (2011). Sonia put forward the argument that a vast
proportion of the benefits bill arose from the government having to top up low wages with tax
credits and she believed that, “big profit-making companies should be paying proper wages”,
instead.

Where Sonia (B) put forward socialist arguments on deservingness of benefits, Jasmine (B)
reflected feminist perspectives (e.g. Fox Harding, 1996), arguing that the reason the state “has
to step in” is because fathers often refuse to take responsibility for their children. Ciara (B) who
lives in Location B but works as a family development manager in Location A made points that
are akin to 'social problem' discourses (Duncan and Edwards, 1999). Her appreciation of
structural barriers to securing employment leads her to question government policies, rather
than judging people who are on benefits as underserving:

“I think there's still massive, massive things about if you claim benefits...they call
them 'dole dossers' and things like that. Professionally I see people that are trying to
get into work and can't get jobs and policies don't reflect the reality for diverse
families.” Ciara (B)

Benefit dependency and SSL

Maxwell (2012) highlights the importance of capturing the relationship between people's
situations and their perspectives on those situations. Application of SSL helped unpick the
relationship between participants' perspectives on their reliance on benefits and their rejection,
resistance or absorption of benefits stigma. Examples here detail how sensitivity to adverse
judgement prompted women who were able to take action to move beyond benefit dependency
to do so. However, the need to consider agency in a contextual way (Mitchell and Green, 2002;
Wright, 2012; Whitworth, 2013) is apparent in cases where self-judgement impacted severely
on women's 'negative' SSL but their ability to act agentially within a competitive labour market
was constrained. Furthermore, whilst women were aware of being 'judged and de-legitimated',
as with respondents in Skeggs and Loveday's research, participants in this study who displayed
'defensive' SSL voiced their own understandings of 'value, what matters and what counts' (2012:
472). Examples show how this enabled them to reject stigma and justify the legitimacy of their
entitlement to state support.

Location A
Structural barriers to employment in Location A were discussed in the previous section.
Participants were all aware of benefits stigma, but the extent to which they were affected by it
and their responses to it varied considerably, as examples of cases of 'negative' and 'defensive'
SSL demonstrate.
163
Katherine indicated 'negative' SSL during her interview and used the word “judgment”
repeatedly. She spoke at length about becoming upset when reading negative comments about
single parents on benefits on Facebook. She had recently responded agentially to her situation
however, in deciding to become self-employed, doing catering from home on a part-time basis
as this could fit around her seven year-old daughter's school day. Her case demonstrates how
marginal advantages positioned her to act agentially in moving beyond a stigmatised situation.
She was the only woman in Location A who had left school with A 'Levels and had gained an
understanding of accounting when working in a building society and developed catering skills as
a hobby. She had found going to the JobCentre distressing as it was difficult to find eight suitable
jobs a week to apply for with no car and no childcare support. School holidays were a particular
problem for her, as identified by Ridge and Millar (2008). Although the threat of sanctions
loomed, she attributed her decision to become self-employed more directly to “feeling judged”
for being on benefits. Her articulation of being motivated by imagining other people's opinions
can be read as holding up a societal ‘looking glass’ (Cooley, 1902). Here she gives an example
of the difference that becoming self-employed makes to her self-perception, which suggests her
SSL might become 'performative' in future:

“I found I'd just be the same [financially] so I thought 'I might as well do that than be
reliant on them really for benefits’. If I'd been into town...and walked in the playground
with shopping, I'd think that somebody would be looking and thinking 'how can she go
out shopping when she doesn't work'. Whereas now I've told people I'm going self-
employed, I'd feel comfortable doing something like that because I'd earned it.” Kathrine
(A)

Clare had not completed her education due to mental health problems when she was younger
and despite stating repeatedly that she was “a worker”, she had been unable to find a job and
spoke of “lack of confidence” and “low self-esteem”. Whilst she indicated little sense of stigma
due to being a lone mother, she displayed strong indicators of 'negative' SSL during her interview
which centred around her reliance on benefits. She said that being on benefits makes her feel
like, “a second class citizen” and her absorption of benefits stigma supports Shildrick and
McDonald's (2013) findings that ‘scroungerphobia' results in people blaming themselves for their
poverty. She described a complex process of being “very judgemental” of people who claim
benefits and then turning that judgement inwards. Her expressions of self-blame also support
Gillies' (2012) view of the 'subjectivisation' incurred by policies that focus on individual behaviour
as a means of combatting worklessness. Rather than recognising structural factors behind
unemployment, she appears to make a moral judgement against herself, believing that she is
literally taking money from taxpayers, whom she personalises:

164
 “I feel awful for getting benefits...You think of all the people that's put taxes in and you're
just taking the money from it and you're considering 'right, this person's spent so many
hours working to get money to survive to put the money into the tax'.” Clare (A)

Clare was patently aware that lack of qualifications and skills reduced her employment options
and was attending literacy and numeracy classes. Clare's ability to enact agency in the labour
market must be looked at contextually (Wright, 2012; Whitworth, 2013). Her attempts to behave
agentially in accessing training via the JobCentre proved fruitless and her body language when
describing the futility of her efforts conveyed a sense of powerlessness:

“I've been asking about doing on a training course in health and social care for over a
year and they say 'oh we'll let know when one comes up', and you never hear anything. I
ask every time I go in [sighs deeply and lowers her head].” Clare (A)

In direct contrast with Clare, Lucy felt her claim on state resources to be legitimate and exhibited
'defensive' SSL throughout her interview. Lucy believed lone mothers are stigmatised and used
the word “judgement” constantly during her interview. Crucially, in Lucy's case applying SSL as
an analytical tool separated her awareness of stigmatisation from her agential response and
outcomes, revealing that she was able to resist other people's judgements. Her frequent use of
the phrase “I don't care” when referring to “judgement of us single mums” appeared genuine.
She used humour throughout her interview and was heavily focused on practicalities of bringing
up young children alone. Goffman (1990) suggests that stigma does not affect those who do not
adopt mainstream norms, but this did not seem to be the reason for Lucy's rejection of stigma.
She voiced mainstream values in saying she would have preferred to work and aspired for her
children to have good jobs, own their homes and not be on benefits. This is consistent with
findings by Dean and Taylor-Gooby (1992) and Duncan and Edwards (1996), which refuted
'underclass' theorists' claims of anormativity among benefit claimants and lone mothers. Lucy
had enjoyed working at a dry cleaners' in the years between leaving school at 16 and having her
first child at the age of 22 and differentiated herself from people who have, “never done a day's
work”. The crux in Lucy's defence of deservingness of benefits was her strong commitment to
her 'primarily mother' orientation (Duncan and Edwards, 1999):

“If I could go to work tomorrow, I would. But the day I turned into a mum me life changed
forever.” Lucy (A)

Pulkingham at al. (2010: 285) argue that lone mothers have to 'defend their moral legitimacy
to have children in the first place' and Lucy staunchly defended her legitimacy to get the financial
support she needs to fulfil her maternal responsibilities. She regarded benefits as 'legitimate'
payment, as with women interviewed by Klett-Davies' (2007). Lucy specifies that she is using
benefits for “what it was intended for” and compares this with mothers who, “go out partying
with their benefit money and leave the kids with nothing”. When validating her position by
165
responding to accusations by non-specific “people”, who she believes are “sat there judging”,
her tone was defiant and proud:

“People think single mums just keep having kids after kids because of the benefits and
they get everything for free. But we're not getting everything for free, we're getting paid
to look after our kids. And making sure they've got what they need...Sometimes I'm in a
crowd of people...it could be people on a bus and you just hear it. Sometimes it makes
me want to say something and I think, 'no I'm not gonna say something, I'm just gonna
bite me tongue because I know I aren't doing it for the benefits'.”

Nicola: “And does that make you feel in any particular way?”

Lucy: “I don't care what other people think. Y'know everybody's got their own opinion
and I've got mine and I think I'm doing ok on me own.” Lucy (A)

Theresa also displayed 'defensive' SSL during her interview. She used the word “judgemental”
to describe attitudes she had encountered in the media and in public places. She defended her
entitlement to benefits by stressing that she would prefer to work and described having done
waitressing jobs in the past. Theresa's defensive stance is apparent in her awareness of being
in a stigmatised section of society but refusing to absorb negative judgements for what she
recognises as a structural situation beyond her control and insists she is unaffected by other
people's opinions:

“You hear stuff about working people what they say about single parents...They don't say
stuff, it's just, just the way that they look at you...A lot of people do judge people on
benefits. Which is wrong because they've gotta think there is no jobs out there. If you're
a single parent, what can you do, d'you know what I mean...I just don't care what people
think to be honest with you. I'm just one of those where, 'if you've got something to say,
say it', 'if you don't like that I have a child that's tough’.” Theresa (A)

Theresa also uses deflection of judgement as a form of defence. She apportions blame for
lack of jobs to migrants, whom she contradictorily believes are both taking jobs and receiving
benefits for doing nothing. She had never voted but voiced support for UKIP, believing that
ending migration would mean, “there would be loads of jobs going, so there wouldn't be as
many people on benefits then".

Location B
While there were few women in Location B who relied purely on benefits, the majority had been
on benefits previously. Application of SSL demonstrates the significance of judgement in the
decision-making of two women whose SSL could be deemed 'performative', as analysis of their
case dynamics exemplify. An example is also provided of a mother whose SSL was deemed
'transformative', to illustrate how perspectives can change as material situations change.

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Judgement was a major empirical theme in Laura's account of her experiences and the
mechanistic role of judgement in prompting instrumental agency was also prevalent in her
display of 'performative' SSL. She said she felt “massively judged” and the word 'judgement'
was peppered throughout her account of how going to university and embarking upon career
after her divorce was propelled by a strong desire to escape stigma. Now a full-time university
administrator, she said it was rare that she told people she had been on benefits in the past as
she was “embarrassed”. Her 'performative' mode of SSL was evident in her understanding of the
relationship between adverse social judgement of lone mothers and her self- judgement:

“The judgement was coming from me, because I never told anybody...I'm shocking at
that, just judging myself...I think there's always a demonisation of classes as well. So I
think that's one of the reasons actually that I pushed myself more to go to university
because I wanted to fit into that pocket of single mums that were actually in a different
economic group or a different social group so I didn't fall into that single mums claiming
benefits group. And I'm embarrassed to say that, but I feel like even subconsciously I
was identifying that I wanted to move away from that so I didn't feel stigmatised. If I
couldn't change the situation I'd change the way I was perceived.” Laura (B)

Examination of Laura's situation, perspective and abilities to effect changes in Archer's (2000)
terms helps understand interplay between 'people emergent powers' and 'structural emergent
powers'. Laura's agency in going university also required strategic use of the benefits system to
help fund the move. Laura's 'performative' legitimacy encompasses both maternal and academic
achievements when she comments on her sons: “In my graduation photo they look so proud.”

Mena was also highly sensitive to benefits stigma, which she regarded as “huge” and she spoke
of her “embarrassment” at having to depend on benefits since her eight month-old daughter was
born. Mena displayed 'performative' SSL in her view that returning to work rather than remaining
on benefits was essential to her positive self-worth and social identity. She explained that she
voted Conservative and her values hinged around accepting personal responsibility. Illustrating
this, she contrasts ownership of her decision to proceed with her unplanned pregnancy with what
she regards as a lack of responsibility for their situation among some lone mothers:

“They're always 'woe is me' and 'how hard it is' and none of them have taken ownership
of the fact that, at the end of the day, they had a choice. I knew going into this that I
would be on my own. I knew that I would have to change the way I spent my money.”
Mena (B)

Her negative judgment of benefit dependency extended into self-consciousness and her
'performative' SSL was apparent in her imminent return to her job in a bank on a part-time basis
at the end of maternity leave. She indicated more of a 'primarily mother' than 'primarily worker'

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orientation (Duncan and Edwards, 1999) saying she would have preferred to stay at home with
her child. She was returning to work in order to avoid both external judgement and self-
judgement even though she would be no better off financially and would also be reliant on
benefits to supplement her salary:

“It bothers me that people know that I'm on benefits, because of the bad press and the
way people look at it and they look at it that I'm getting some kind of free ride. I just feel
that they're looking down on me. But obviously it's not something that you drop into
conversation. I think I judge myself...I don't want to go back to work at all. But my view
is that if I'm going to take out, I need to put back.” Mena (B)

Alison's SSL was deemed 'transformative' because dramatic changes in material circumstance
were accompanied by a major change in her outlook. Since her divorce, Alison had gone from
living on a high income in a six-bedroom detached house to claiming benefits and her financial
situation is discussed below. She had given up her job as an accountant after having four children
in five years as her ex-husband had earned enough to support the family. She indicated a
'primarily mother orientation' (Duncan and Edwards, 1999) and justifies receiving benefits
because it is “not physically possible” to work with four primary school aged children and no
paternal input. She receives minimal maintenance and, whereas she used to be upset about
depending on benefits, she spoke of her attitude having changed:

“I remember when [ex-husband] first left that he held the bank account purse strings
and it was really scary... I just felt like I was a highly educated person who was put into
this position by no fault of my own and here I was claiming benefits, and it took me a
long time to get over that. Erm, but I look it now that actually the benefits help and if we
didn't have them we really would be, y'know, on beans on toast every night kind of
thing.” Alison (B)

Feeling financial disadvantage

The literature review established both the association between lone parenthood and child poverty
(Crompton, 2008; DWP, 2011; Dermott and Pomati, 2016) and the particular material
disadvantages faced by mothers (Kiernan et al., 1996; WBG, 2013; ONS, 2016; IPPR, 2016).
First-hand accounts cited above support 'dual systems' feminist arguments that lone mothers
can be disadvantaged by demands of the mutually reinforcing capitalist economy and patriarchal
state (Walby, 1990). Having explored participants' agential behaviour in relation to this labour
market and state policy context, attention now turns to mothers' subjective experiences of the
attendant SEPs (Archer, 2000) of material inequality and social class. The material
disadvantages of lone motherhood featured prominently in accounts across the two locations.
Two very different pictures emerged when comparing women's standard of living across these

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locations however and this section begins by outlining those contrasts before examining the
impacts of material situation on SSL.

Location, disadvantage and social class

The adverse financial impact of lone motherhood was evident in both locations; in restricting
women's potential to work and earn, as evidenced above, or having only having one income
coming into the household. None of the women who took part in this study could be considered
'affluent' or 'elite' (Savage, 2015). Savage (2015) cites examples of divorce being a catalyst for
downward social mobility. According to quantitative research by Brewer and Nandi (2014)
women's living standards suffer much more than that of men at the end of a relationship and all
but one of the participants in this study who had previously been in a couple were worse off. A
commonality across situations and locations was the agency exhibited by mothers who were
managing limited budgets (Lister, 1997; Gillies, 2007), with some giving extensive details of
lengths they went to in order to stretch scarce resources. A further point of similarity was anxiety
among mothers in both locations to protect their children from material disadvantage and the
associated stigma of having less than their peers, which is exemplified below.

While the financial disadvantages of lone motherhood were evident across the sample, locational
differences were also highly apparent, further substantiating feminist arguments as to the double
disadvantage of intersecting gender and class inequalities (e.g. Skeggs, 1997; Bradley, 2014).
Scott et al. argue that differential educational attainment and employment opportunities mean
mothers' ability to balance work and family life is 'polarised by class as well as gender' (2010:
10) and the foregoing exposition of locational contrasts in employment can be framed according
to class position.

Discussion of participants' class identification and indicators of cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1989)
in the previous chapter revealed that most mothers in Location B emphasised their university
education or other forms of cultural capital and identified their class as either 'middle' or 'mixed'.
Bourdieu (1984) states that middle class education enables reproduction of other advantages
and Savage (2015) describes how cultural capital is converted into economic capital. Previous
sections of this chapter have shown how the formal cultural capital of educational qualifications
positioned women in Location B more favourably in the labour market. A broad relationship
between education qualifications, employment and the economic capital of a salary can be traced
in the above tables: Table 9: Employment by location; Table 10: Qualifications and skills by
location; and Table 11: Main income sources by location.

Millar and Ridge (2013) point out that employment does not necessarily equate with prosperity
for lone mothers and this was borne out in Location A, as excerpts from interviews below testify.
By contrast, most women in Location B had 'converted' their 'middle class education' into more
remunerative employment. Rowlingson and McKay (2005) emphasise differences in lone
mothers' qualifications, employment opportunities and financial situations according to socio-

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 economic class and such contrasts were reflected in the present research.25 Although by no
means affluent, women in Location B were generally considerably more financially secure than
those in Location A. Savage points out that spatial concentration of economic disadvantage is
especially pronounced in former industrial areas, consolidating the relationship between place
and disadvantage, so that 'class is geographical' (2015: 261). This spatial concentration of
disadvantage was apparent in Location A, which is on the outskirts of a former industrial city.

Housing
Lone mothers have tended to be highly dependent on rented accommodation (Crow and Hardey,
1992; Kiernan, Land and Lewis, 1998) and this was the case in the present study. Property is a
key indicator of economic capital (Savage, 2015) and home ownership was low across both
locations, as indicated in Table 12: Housing tenure by location. Most women in Location A were
council or housing association tenants and most women in Location B were private tenants. All
but two participants had to move when their relationships ended and most of the women referred
to obstacles in finding suitable accommodation before they became “settled”.

Table 12: Housing tenure by location

Location Owner Social Private tenant Former owner
occupier housing
A 1 6 6 3
B 4 0 9 1

Perception of financial situation

Economic capital can be understood as property, wealth, income and financial assets (Skeggs,
1997; Savage et al., 2013). Bourdieu’s concept of capitals (1989) was operationalised in this
study in a generalised sense (Silva and Edwards, 2004), as discussed in Chapter Four, with
questions put to women about their living standards. As Table 13: Perception of financial
situation indicates, women in Location A generally reported much greater material hardship than
those in B.

Table 13: Perception of financial situation by location26

Location 'Doing ok' 'Getting by' 'Struggling sometimes' 'Always
struggling'

A 1 3 4 5
B 5 6 2 0

25
Rowlingson and McKay (2005) refer to 'socio-economic background' in terms of class of origin. It should
be noted that class identity in the previous chapter established that a number of women in Location B had
come from what they termed 'working class backgrounds' but had 'middle class' educational attainments.
As such they could be described as having 'overcome early disadvantages' (Scott et al., 2010), rather than
being from middle class family backgrounds.

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In Location A only one woman, who was in full-time work, said she was 'doing ok' and most said
they were 'struggling' to pay for rent, bills and food some or all of the time. Ridge and Millar's
interviews with children of lone mothers found that they were, 'fearful of being seen as poor or
somehow as 'other' by their peers' (2008: 65). Mothers in the present study were highly attuned
to this fear and much of the financial anxiety they expressed centred around trying to ensure
their children did not feel “different” or stigmatised. This study is consistent with findings by
Hamilton (2012) about parents attempting to protect their children from feeling stigmatised due
their lack of money.

Unlike findings in previous research (Hamilton, 2012; Clavering, 2010; Ponsford, 2011)
however, women in the present study did not voice a need to acquire particular brands in order
to save their children from embarrassment. Sheila (A) for example, expressed relief that her
children, had “never asked for branded stuff”. Women in Location A all stressed how they put
their children's needs before their own. For a number of women in this location, attempts to
keep knowledge of their hardship from their children meant going without themselves. Bella (A)
had seen her financial situation deteriorate dramatically since her divorce and redundancy. She
calculated “what to cut back on each week” but tried to make sure her eight year-old twin
daughters did not feel “left out” among their peers. As reported by Dermott and Pomati (2016),
buying new clothes for their children but second-hand clothes for themselves was a frequently
cited example among women in this study of prioritising their children's needs, as illustrated by
Clare (A):

“Every penny we get goes on bills, food, clothes for the kids but the kids have never
noticed, that's the main thing. It's usually me that's going without...I get charity shop
clothes.” Clare (A)

In contrast with Location A, although some women in Location B described extremely precarious
financial situations when their relationships first ended, most reported that they were not “well
off” but were now either 'doing ok' or 'getting by'. This meant they had adequate resources for
housing, food and bills, clothes for themselves and their children and could run cars, have days
out and holidays. Rowlingson and McKay (2005) use holidays as an indicator of financial
situations among lone mothers from different socio-economic backgrounds and data from this
study conforms with their findings. None of the participants in Location A had had a holiday in
the previous year and only one woman was planning one in the foreseeable future. In contrast,
all of the women in Location B had either had a holiday or were expecting to take one in the
months ahead.

Women involved in this research also confirm Brewer and Nandi's (2014) findings that mothers
who were formerly in high income households experience the sharpest decline in living
standards. Sonia (B), for example, was considerably worse off since splitting with her ex-partner,
who earned some £100K a year and had refused to pay anything since they parted. She
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explained, however, that his earning more had contributed towards some abusive aspects of the
relationship. Her ex-partner refused to contribute financially, she said:

"So, I've kind of used all my saving to pay for the last year of living basically...I mean
everything's sort of covered each month. I'm not, I wouldn't say I'm in poverty or anything
like that... I have to think more about what I'm spending money on and things like that.”
Sonia (B)

Although in a stronger financial position than women in Location A, a number of mothers in

Location B were anxious about their children missing out when compared with their more affluent
peers however, as examples below illustrate.

Input from fathers and grandparents

According to Rowlingson and McKay's (2005) statistical analysis, mothers from less privileged
backgrounds have less chance of receiving maintenance from ex-partners or support from better
off relatives and friends. Both of these factors were reflected in the present research. The
majority of fathers in Location A made no contribution. Fathers in Location B were more likely
to contribute but almost half paid no maintenance, as shown in Table 14: Financial input from
father and grandparents by location. A number of women in Location B complained that their
children's fathers paid a minimal amount required by the Child Support Agency despite earning
decent incomes. Jasmine (B) was especially aggrieved that her ex-husband paid only £20 a week
for their two children as he was self-employed and did not declare all his earnings.

Table 14: Financial input from fathers and grandparents by location

Location Regular adequate Regular minimal No paternal Grandparents help out

paternal contribution paternal contribution contribution financially
A 2 2 9 1
B 1 6 6 7

According to Rowlingson and McKay's (2005) statistical analysis, middle class lone mothers had
a better standard of living than mothers form less privileged backgrounds even if they were on
Income Support, as they were able to draw on a wider range of material resources. The
difference in level of financial support by women's parents was indeed a key point of locational
comparison that emerged during interviews for this research. In Location A, Debbie was the only
woman who said she received financial support from her parents. Her interview took place at
her parents' home as she was staying there for a few days until her benefits arrived as she had
no money for food or electricity. Financial help from parents was not only far more common in
Location B, but also on a larger scale. More than half of the women in Location B spoke of
financial help from their parents with examples including: help buying properties; substantial
loans; help buying or repairing cars; being taken out for meals; and being taken abroad on
holiday.
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 Financial situation and SSL
SSL was applied to help ascertain participants' subjective understanding of their financial
situation in relation to experiences of stigma.27 Consideration of judgement as a mechanism in
exploring the relationship between participants' financial resources, or 'economic capital'
(Bourdieu, 1989), and SSL highlights the importance of spatial location to the stigmatising effect
of material disadvantage. The anxiety and misery of feeling poor, (as documented for example
in work by Wacquant, 2009) undoubtedly contributed to cases displaying 'negative' SSL in
Location A. Although women in Location B were objectively better off than those in A, many were
affected by feelings of financial inferiority or 'relative disadvantage' (Runciman and Merton, 1996
cited in Taylor-Gooby, 2013) and relative financial situation affected women's SSL in this
location.

Location A
None of the participants in Location A had a high income and more than half had debts or were
in arrears with rent and utility bills. These women could all be said to have low economic capital
(Bourdieu, 1989) and when discussing what they could and could not afford, the majority were
'struggling'. All of the women in Location A who indicated 'negative' SSL were faring poorly in
material terms and the affectivity of poverty (e.g. Bourdieu, 1989, cited Crompton, 2008;
Wacquant, 2009; Skeggs and Loveday, 2012) was evident in their accounts. Agential responses
to structural economic positions were far from uniform however. Pride in employment and strong
kinship and social connections led certain women to indicate 'positive' SSL, despite low economic
capital, whilst others became angry and 'defensive' about their material situation rather than
internalising inequalities.

Only one woman in Location A reported that she was in a stable financial position. Carrie, who
indicated 'positive' SSL when discussing all areas of her life, said she was relieved to feel
financially secure after being in her job for ten years. Speaking of plans to take her daughter to
the West Indies for her cousin's wedding, she commented that: “It feels good to be able to do
that after struggling for so long”.

Carrie was atypical in Location A in speaking of 'doing ok' materially however. Accounts of the
three other women there who were working were consistent with Ridge and Millar's (2011; 2013)
findings that employment does not necessarily equate to financial security for lone mothers.
Analysis of Sheila's situation revealed that being in work and having family and social networks
locally appeared to somewhat mitigate stigma associated with poverty however. Sheila was 54
and divorced with five older children. Without minimising her financial difficulties and allowing
for an element of 'impression management' (Alvesson, 2011), it can be said that she indicated

27
Details of income and financial situation were proffered spontaneously by some participants rather than
being collected systematically, as per discussion in Chapter Four.

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'positive' SSL, despite her low economic capital. Sheila did not give any indication of feeling
stigmatised during her interview. She did, however, describe how her financial position had
deteriorated gradually since her divorce ten years earlier and viewed being a lone mother very
much in the material terms of “a bigger role” in providing for her family. The house she owned
with her ex-husband had to be sold and she now rents from the local authority. She lived on
£600 salary from her part-time retail assistant job along with benefits. Sheila was pre-occupied
with financial worries, which she said had been made worse by the 'Bedroom Tax', and gave an
exhaustive list of figures to illustrate how she tries to make ends meet. Having put an Individual
Voluntary Arrangement in place to consolidate her debts, her ambition is to be “clean of them”
before she retires.

Despite these financial troubles, Sheila's SSL could be determined as 'positive' as she seemed
to regard lack of money in practical terms and did not associate it with stigma. She referred to
equally hard-pressed friends on the estate, whom she had known most of her life regularly
“helping each other out” with loans of £5 or £10. A friend who had borrowed bread the previous
day had texted to say she would drop off a loaf. Sheila's description of mutual support recalls
ethnographic work by McKenzie (2012). Her disinclination to identify with any social class
conforms with Savage's description of 'close identification with what is local' (2015: 351) as a
means of neutralising attention to class inequalities.

In contrast with Sheila, a number of women in Location A who were dependent on benefits,
indicated 'negative' SSL and appeared to internalise their deprivation. Given intensification of
benefits stigma in the contemporary context (Taylor-Gooby, 2013) and the foregoing discussion
about its impact on SSL, it was sometimes difficult to disentangle experiences of benefits stigma
from distress and stigma arising from material hardship (Wacquant, 2009). The 'negative' SSL
indicated by Nadirah throughout her interview could also be attributed to a combination of
benefit dependency and poverty. Unlike most women in Location A, she viewed being 'working
class' as an aspirational identity associated with having a job: “I want to be seen as working
class, as a working person.”

Nadirah had lived in a hostel and relied on food banks when she first left home pregnant at 18.
She received no money from the father of her ten month-old baby and relied on Income Support.
She was extremely anxious about her financial problems and her sense of social isolation
exacerbated her material concerns as she had no safety net. Her negative SSL manifested in
reflections that combined regrets about not having done things “properly” in having a career and
getting married before having a child, with anxieties over “money troubles”. Here she reflects
on how things might have "gone differently':

“I wouldn't have struggle as much, whereas when you come from home with nothing but
your clothes you're left to build your own life...It's always in my head thinking, 'I've got
to get him this and I've got to pay the bills off. I think 'well, I'll get him this and worry
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 about myself later'. But later never comes because then there's the bills.” Nadirah (A)

Rather than internalising their financial struggles, as Nadirah and other women in the study
appeared to do, women in this study who displayed 'defensive' SSL expressed anger at their
situation and, 'refused to authorise those they consider lacking in value but with a position
to judge' (Skeggs and Loveday, 2012: 472). Debbie, who rents a council flat near to her
parents, calculated that she had to find £200 a month for rent and £200 for gas, electric,
water and other bills, which left £200 for “everything else”, including food and nappies. When
asked about class, she responded by distinguishing between herself and people with money
and then emphasising the value of family, which formed a central strand of her 'defensive'
SSL. Her comments reinforce Skeggs and Loveday's (2012) analysis of class, loyalty and
inversion of judgement:

“There's them and then there's me...Well with them it's money coz they're like solicitors
and stuff and then there's me and it's like 'well, I don't need money to be happy. I've got
me family, that's worth more than money'.” Debbie (A)

Theresa, likewise, was 'defensive' in saying that she she did not “see it like that” when asked
if she felt she could identify with a class. Although she was finding it difficult to live on Income
Support and had fallen behind on all her bills, she refused to be cowed. Recounting
interactions with utility companies chasing payment, she insisted that "they can wait" because
feeding her son is her principal concern. She instantly associated class with being “looked
down on”, not having a job and defending herself for not having a job:

“The more money you have, the more you look down on people, that's what I think. And
I just think, if you're working you're working and if you're not you're not and there's a
reason and that's that.” Theresa (A)

Location B
Women in Location B largely enjoyed a 'distance from necessity' (Bourdieu, 1984: 55) that was
not possible among mothers in Location A. A feeling of financial inferiority or 'relative
disadvantage' (Runciman and Merton, 1996 cited in Taylor-Gooby, 2013) was, however, a
prominent theme during interviews with the majority of women in B. This was usually the result
of having to move house and live on a single income, which was constrained by childcare
demands, in an area where the majority of the population are home owners with an annual
average salary of some £45,000 per person (DCLG, 2012). Significantly, Gillies believes that
maternal standards are 'grounded in middle class privilege' (2007: 145) and judging what they
could provide for their children against the standard of living of affluent couples nearby impacted
on the 'performative' and 'negative' SSL of women in this location, as case examples
demonstrate. Moreover, analysis of case dynamics also confirmed Rowlingson and McKay's
(2005) point that women whose families of origin are middle class can be cushioned against

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some of the financial disadvantages associated with lone motherhood, which serves to support
'positive' SSL. Links between class position, material circumstances and SSL can thus be traced
in the accounts of women in this location.

Della related living on a single income directly to her social class position. As a full-time sales
manager, who displayed a range of modes of SSL during her interview, she thought she would
be “middle class” if she was with a partner earning a similar salary. Here she sums up
complexities in identifying lone mothers' social class and argues that working single parents such
as herself are “in a class of our own”:

“They categorise people into classes...and I don't think it's fair to put us into any of
those. Because we're certainly not lower class. I haven't been brought up that way and
I'm not middle class because I don't have the money. So, I'm in the single parent class.
Your annual income is always going to be lower but you still have to pay for a whole
house and whatever.” Della (B)

The complexity in categorising lone mothers' class in material terms was further underscored by
women in this study who had experienced a sharp fall in income at the end of relationships,
reflecting findings by Brewer and Nandi (2014). Alison was the participant who had seen the
most dramatic change in material circumstances. Alison spoke of adopting a new perspective,
which accompanied her change in marital situation, which can be described as 'transformative'
SSL (further aspects of which are explored in the next chapter.) Having moved from a “huge"
house in the most prestigious part of town, she was aware of the difference in “status” since her
divorce, especially as her children had gone from a private to a state school. She had had to
explain the “change in lifestyle” to them as they had previously gone skiing in the winter and
abroad in the summer and could no longer do things their friends did. She believed they had
now adjusted and stressed that any disadvantage was purely “relative”:

“I'm a single mother of four children but I'm also very fortunate in that I have enough
money to survive and erm we have a lovely home…we do have enough to eat, we're kept
warm, we have enough clothes. Y'know we've got Netflix and we've got all those things
children want and we have an Ipad and a Kindle and I think those are the luxuries. The
luxuries we do without now are the holidays abroad...or I wouldn't now go and buy food
at M&S when I was just in there all the time before...It's just totally different.” Alison (B)

Alison was one of two participants in B who declined to identify with a social class and her
comments on having “been everything” at different points in her life cohere with her
'transformative' mode of SSL. She believed that her “values” came from her working class
parents, but that she “became middle class” when she got married. Archer pinpoints a difference
between personal and social identity and stresses the importance of people's evaluations of what
they 'care about most' (2012). Alison indicates that she no longer judges her social identity in

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terms of her former class position:

“I probably felt we were higher than what I feel now...I look back and yeah we were
'aspiring' and now I don't aspire, if that makes sense...[laughs] I'm probably back to
being what I was originally. It's much better.” Alison (B)

Following Rowlingson and McKay's (2005) statistical analysis, Moira's case illustrates how being
from a middle class background made life as a lone mother more materially comfortable and
contributed towards her 'positive' SSL. Moira spoke of having been through a difficult time
financially as well as emotionally after her marriage ended. It is significant that Moira's SSL is
bolstered by taking credit for being highly pro-active and emphasised her own agency in moving
from Income Support into part-time and then full-time work. Whilst not undermining this
achievement, the importance of her being able to 'convert' the cultural capital (Savage, 2015)
of her Oxbridge degree and PhD into employment must be acknowledged This structural
advantage made a substantive difference in keeping her dependency on benefits short-term.
Moira regarded herself as firmly 'middle class' and an absence of a sense of stigma or self-
judgement underpinned her 'positive' mode of SSL throughout her interview. She equated now
being in a full-time job in a library with social “respectability”.

Moira cited examples of being highly attuned to her lack of money whilst on benefits, for example
when socialising with friends after choir practice and anxious about not being about able to buy
a round of drinks. She voiced relief at having sold the house she had owned with her ex-husband,
paid off debts and now having £12,000 savings. She remained vigilant about her spending, and
said she is shocked at "how casual" some people she knows are with money; she budgets
carefully and hopes to save a deposit for a property. Moira described her solicitor father and
teacher mother as “terminally middle class” and felt extremely fortunate that they had loaned
her substantial sums during her “hairy” period on benefits and had bought a house for her to
rent from them. Importantly, she also believed that their taking her and her children on holidays
and out for meals had staved off a sense of exclusion, because it meant, as she put it: “I haven't
been on the outside looking in.”

Whereas Moira received assistance from her wealthy middle class parents, Valerie was conscious
of her working class parents' inability to help her financially. She identified her class as 'mixed',
having been “brought up on benefits” then gone to university. The 'performative' SSL she derived
from her education and professional role as a social worker appeared to be undermined by
negative self-judgement concerning her relationship breakdown and maternal performance
(which will be discussed in the next chapter). Valerie was the only woman in the study who was
better off financially since splitting up from her husband because she had been the “breadwinner”
and subsidised his failing business. She felt a material difference between herself and two-parent
families, who could afford to buy properties locally however. The following passage, in which she
draws her class background, together with her financial and her marital situations, suggests an
177
agential perspective on social structure which recalls Bourdieu's concept of 'habitus' (1984), yet
is also tinged with self-blame:

“So my friends who I went to uni with are now living in very nice houses...They've
married the right man, that's the rule book thing of knowing what man to marry, which I
don't and I'm clueless about...They've got a house, their husband works and earns a lot
of money and they've given up jobs to look after children. They've got that security and
they've got, I don't know, a level of confidence and stuff that I don't have.” Valerie (B)

Looking at the case of Mandy, she is statistically anomalous as her father is a bank manager and
women with fathers in professional jobs have a low chance of becoming teenage or lone mothers
(Rowlingson and McKay, 2005). She was about to start university and said her hopes of having
a career, buying a house and providing a 'solid' base for her children had been spurred on by
embarrassment at being unable afford the standard of living of middle class two parent families
that surrounded her. Mandy indicated 'negative' SSL during her interview and her account was
riddled with the word “judgement”. She was anxious to avoid stigma as a younger, single parent
in the midst of affluent, older couple families and her sense of financial inferiority was an over-
riding theme. Her hurt was palpable as she spoke about her son bringing home a friend, who
had commented negatively on their flat:

“He said 'oh, this is small' and immediately it felt as if somebody had just sort of punched
me. I felt sick for [her son] that that's what the reaction was and since then we've never
had anybody back...When I first got this flat I really liked it...but it just absolutely pales
into insignificance compared to theirs and so that's hard.” Mandy (B)

Mandy explained that she put herself under pressure to give an illusion of a lifestyle she could
not afford in order to be accepted socially. She gave an example of having spent a week's
benefits budget in order to “keep up” during a trip with mothers and children from her son's
school. Whilst attempting to live only on her benefits, she was also conscious of the extent to
which called upon her parents' financial support.

Conclusion

This chapter has responded to the question of how agency and structure affect lone mothers'
experiences of stigma by exploring participants’ perspectives on the ‘structural emergent
properties’ (Archer, 2000) of labour markets, government policy and financial resources. It has
confirmed that the socio-political climate of worker citizenship, increased welfare conditionality
and benefits stigma (e.g. Haux, 2012; Jensen and Tyler, 2015; Baumberg, 2016) impact forcibly
on lone mothers’ experiences. Scambler (2009) views 'anticipation of stigma' as a feature of
stigmatisation. It is thus significant that, participants in this research voiced a clear association
between being in work and avoiding stigma. This chapter has presented evidence that
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anticipation of stigma motivated a number of participants to move off benefits or remain in work
despite being no better off financially.

The chapter began by establishing a strong 'breadwinner' identity among women in both
locations. The proportion of lone parents in work rose from 44% in 1996 to 66% in 2015 (Labour
Force Survey, 2015). The majority of women involved in this study said they would prefer to
work if they could and none of the mothers believed doing so would be detrimental to their
children. On the contrary, most participants believed going out to work provides a positive role
model for children. Attitudes among mothers involved in this study thus suggest greater
prioritisation of paid work than research during the late 1990s (Duncan and Edwards 1999; Klett-
Davies, 2007), when there was less state compulsion towards employment.

Despite participants universally stressing their work ethic, this chapter has demonstrated how
structural inequalities affected some women’s ability to access suitably flexible jobs, which
consequently increased their susceptibility to stigma. According to Archer's (2003) theorisation
of social identity, people are in communication with themselves to strike a balance between
competing demands. This chapter has demonstrated how contrasts in qualifications and local job
opportunities meant women in Location B were better positioned to strike a balance between the
demands of work and childcare than those in Location A. Analysis of the data also showed that
un/employment was closely connected to women's sense of 'being judged' and their 'mode' of
SSL. Women who felt pride in their job and satisfied in their ability to balance worker/maternal
roles gained external validation for their achievements and displayed 'positive' or 'performative'
SSL. Case examples furthermore illustrate the dynamic nature of SSL among participants who
had moved off benefits and into jobs.

It is important to reiterate that most women in Location B had been reliant on benefits previously
and many still claimed in-work benefits. In contrast with this, women in Location A spoke of
frustration at barriers hindering their agency in seeking work and adverse social judgement for
being reliant solely on state support. This confirms arguments that increased benefit
conditionality does not acknowledge the reality of lone parents’ diverse situations (Davies, 2012;
Kowalewska, 2015). A process of internalising social judgement has also been illustrated,
whereby those mothers who conveyed 'negative' SSL tended to judge themselves severely. This
tendency to accept self-blame, rather than recognising structural inequalities can be viewed in
light of promotion of individual responsibilities over rights in what Wacquant terms the 'daddy
state' (Wacquant, 2009).

Dermott and Pomati (2016) raise the pertinent question of whether lone parenthood per se is
stigmatised or whether claiming benefits is the source of stigma. Being reliant on benefits was
found to be the most significant factor influencing individual participants' experiences of stigma
overall. The second section of this chapter showed how women judged their own and other
people’s deservingness of resources in light of either their personal experiences or political
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perspectives however. Prioritising what matters personally or 'which normative evaluations
matter' (Archer, 2000; 219) can be interpreted in this study of stigma as mothers’ agential
behaviour in 'judging the judgement'. Analysis of SSL identified how certain participants who
were objectively positioned in the most stigmatised situations focused on their caring role and
displayed 'defensive' SSL. These women asserted their legitimacy in claiming benefits, and
judged other lone mothers and migrants as less deserving, rather than absorbing benefits
stigma.

The final section of this chapter traced the conversion of cultural capital into economic capital
(Bourdieu, 1984; Savage, 2015). Comparing the material situations of women in the two
locations supports Walby's (1990) 'dual systems' feminist arguments that lone mothers are
disadvantaged by both gender and class in a patriarchally structured capitalist labour market.
The affective impact of money worries on the SSL of women in Location A was apparent. Relative
financial disadvantage was a factor affecting SSL among women in Location B, where women
cited numerous examples of being financially disadvantaged compared with dual income families
nearby. Overall, the chapter has argued that stigmatisation of lone mothers remains tied to
material and gender inequalities in a policy context where worker citizenship expectations de-
legitimate their claims on state resources.

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Chapter 7

Being a "proper" family in the local context

Introduction

This chapter explores participants' use of 'personal emergent properties' or PEPs (Archer, 2000;
2003) in mediating stigma within the context of local reproductive norms, kinship networks and
social connections. The first section compares women's perceptions of what is considered a
"proper" family in Location A, where almost one in six households are headed by lone mothers,
with Location B, where the proportion is less than one in twenty (ONS, 2012a). Although the
nationally hegemonic two parent family was found to serve a 'normalising judgement' (Foucault,
1977) function, analysing 'modes' of SSL shows how women in this study also judge the
legitimacy of their family situation agentially in relation to local normative expectations and their
own personal relationship history, as examples illustrate.

A strength of the SSL approach is that it enables sources of self-worth to be explored, rather
than capturing only unpleasant stigmatising experiences. The second section of this chapter
discusses participants' pride in their children, their personal resilience and their autonomy.
Women in this study did not resist the 'good mother' construct (Smart, 1996; May, 2008) or
contest assumptions that two parents are better for children. They instead emphasised how they
fulfilled what can be described as a 'good lone mother' role, which includes minimising perceived
disadvantages to children by "being mum and dad". This section concludes by illustrating how
personal reflexivity and pride in dealing with problems can enhance SSL. The dynamic quality of
SSL is also demonstrated through examples of decreased sensitivity to stigma over time. The
third and final section of the chapter explores the impact of kinship and social networks on SSL.
The support of a small circle of family members, especially their own mothers, appeared more
valuable to certain participants' SSL than the 'social capital' (Bourdieu, 1989) of extensive social
connections. While stigma was mitigated for many of the women through being embedded in
extended families or developing friendships with parents in 'the same situation', lone
motherhood led some to be socially isolated, while others felt "left out" amidst couple families.

Normalising judgement and local reproductive norms

Norms concerning the 'proper family', which are articulated in dominant discourse, have
remained governed by nuclear family ideals despite the prevalence of divorce and lone parenting
(Chambers, 2012). Participants were highly aware of the coupled model of family life (Klett-
Davies, 2007) that casts single parent families as, in Goffman's (1990) terms 'inferior' or 'less
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desirable'. Foucault's (1977) concept of 'normalising judgement' is an aspect of the 'prism of
legitimacy' framework which proved valuable in understanding the pull that the heteronormative
family model can exert. The women did not automatically view their family as 'spoilt' (Goffman,
1990) however. Analysis of SSL showed that the extent to which mothers judged their maternal
identity as 'proper' or 'spoilt' depended on both local context and level of personal investment in
the two parent norm.

The ‘proper’ family model

Carabine (1996; 2001) and Wallbank (1998) argue that normalising judgement establishes a
standard by which lone mothers are judged and found wanting and their argument was borne
out with evidence of internalisation of the idealised two parent model in accounts of participants
in the present research. Women's perspectives on desirable family forms appeared
predominantly traditional; unlike the 'alternative lifestyles' discourse found among some of
Duncan and Edwards' (1999) participants, or 'pioneering' attitudes articulated by some of Klett-
Davies' (2007) participants. Women's accounts generally reflected an understanding of the
male/female couple and their offspring as the socially desirable family form. The hegemonic
family norm can thus be regarded as a 'cultural emergent property', or CEP (Archer, 2000).
Katherine (A) for example stated forcefully: “The stereotype two parent family is better thought
of”. When asked by whom, she replied “everybody” and explained that by this she meant the
press, the government and “people just generally”.

Use of the phrase, “proper, you know, two parent families” by Joanne (B) appeared unconscious
yet suggests she did not view herself and her son as a socially legitimate family. Joanne's
following comment hits upon a point by Goffman (1990) that normative expectations guide a
'common value system', which is 'ubiquitous yet hard to pin down' (1990: 153):

“You can't put a name on it but there's this background thing that's everywhere in society,
in children's TV and everything.” Joanne (B)

Examples of statements that similarly reflect the permeation of 'powerful nuclear family ideology'
(May, 2008: 471), which were made by women in both location, include:

“Children should have two parents. That's the way a family should be.” Marta (A)

“My whole life has been set up to be in a marriage so when I put my two kids to bed in my
house and sit on the sofa it's all been designed to have a husband there, who isn't fucking
well there anymore, 'silly you' sort of thing. Everything is designed for a family of four,
even a car...Our whole existence is built around being in a partnership and procreating.”
Jasmine (B)

Several women referred to lack of diversity in media portrayals of family situations as inevitably
influencing normative expectations, which can be viewed as the obverse of negative stereotypes

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of single parents discussed in Chapter Five. Gemma (A), for example, said the predominance of
couple families on television, "makes out like that's how you’re supposed to be". Women also
expressed concern that their children were constantly presented with images of the two-parent
family:

“If you watch TV it's all about 'mum and dad'. All your cartoons and stuff. All the happily
ever afters.” Gina (A)

“Even things like Peppa Pig28, there's Mummy Pig and Daddy Pig, there's always a
mummy and a daddy...I just think 'what do they think, their friends all have daddies and
they see things on telly and it's all about mummy and daddy', hmmm.” Valerie (B)

Generational attitudes
This thesis began by outlining the historical stigmatisation of lone mothers (e.g. Evans and
Thane, 2012) and a number of participants pointed to this historical legacy during interviews.
While believing that attitudes had loosened considerably, vestiges of stigmatisation of 'unmarried
mothers' were explicit in women's references to attitudes of "the older generation". Such
comments support a morphogenic perspective on social change, whereby values and norms from
the past can be viewed as CEPs, which influence contemporary social life without necessarily
being reproduced (Archer, 2000). Ciara (B), for example, believes ideas that are passed down
generationally can still exert an influence:

“Even back 20 years ago or 30 years ago there was a massive stigma to being a single
parent and if you got pregnant you had to get married and stuff, so I do think times have
changed...I think the older generation coz they were brought up in it, so if they say things
they pass it down to their family...that's kind of what you get brainwashed into thinking.”
Ciara (B)

In the following examples from each location, women refer to their grandparents' disapproval,
while their own parents had been supportive:

“When [her grandmother] found out I was pregnant, she automatically thought I was
getting married to the lad. And I had to go 'it's not like that now grandma'.” Theresa (A)

“I told my granddad [I was pregnant] and his first comment was 'but you're not married,
that's disgusting' [laughing]...My grandma turned to my sister, patted her on the arm
and said 'I'm so glad you're married'. So, it's kind of like 'well, it's happened, so you're
just gonna have to get used to it'. And they were completely smitten with her when they
saw her." Mena (B)

28
The animated television series Peppa Pig is aimed at pre-school children and broadcast on Channel 5
in the UK.

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Being situation conscious
Unlike research involving young mothers who felt highly visible in public spaces (e.g. Ponsford,
2011; Wenham, 2016), only a small number of participants recounted incidents of explicit, face-
to-face criticism or overtly discriminatory behaviour. Although stigma featured in the accounts
of almost every participant in this study, upon closer inspection, this could often be traced to
negative discourse and stereotyping (as detailed in Chapter Five). Among those women for
whom stigma was 'embodied', this generally took the form of overheard comments or “funny
looks”. When probed as to specific examples, women often indicated that experiences of stigma
or "being judged" were impressionistic rather than clearly defined. This is not to diminish the
impact of stigma, but rather to stress how subtle its manifestations can be.

Attempts were made during interviews to uncover where participants encountered stigma as
well as from whom and their accounts reflected Goffman's (1990) point that people in
stigmatised groups can be 'situation conscious'. May (2011b) emphasises the role of interactions
with strangers and acquaintances in public places in our sense of social self. Parenting increases
use of neighbourhoods services, shops, nurseries and schools (May, 2011c) and the women
referred to doctors' surgeries, public transport, supermarkets, leisure facilities as sites where
interaction with strangers had proved uncomfortable upon occasion.

Some women described feeling conscious of being "different" when attending parent and toddler
groups. Meeting other parents at the school gates or school events were the most frequently
cited encounters where participants felt self-conscious. Children starting school was a turning
point in becoming more conscious of coupledom for some mothers. Hannah (B), for example,
had been relieved when her relationship with her ex-partner ended as he was a “bad role model”
and spoke of things being “nice as they are” in her mother/child dyad. With her daughter aged
five and due to start school, however, she had been self-conscious as the only single parent at
an induction event, which had prompted her to seek out children's books depicting diverse
families to help explain their situation to her daughter:

“It worries me a bit because I know she's starting school in September and it's quite a
well-off school and when we've done the settling in day. And you do notice there is a lot of
mums and dads there together and I think she'll start picking up on it a bit more when she
starts there.” Hannah (B)

Contrasts in local reproductive norms

While the foregoing discussion shows the two parent family was generally viewed as normative
among women in both locations, recognising the importance of place to social phenomena
(Foucault, 1977; Sayer, 2000; May, 2011b; 2011c) facilitated more fine-grained analysis of
differences in attitudes and experiences in this research. With 14.5% of households in Location
A headed by lone mothers compared with 4.1% in Location B (ONS, 2012a), it is unsurprising
that this was reflected in participants' perceptions of their family as being "normal" or "different"
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and "looked down on" in their respective neighborhoods, as these examples of comments from
each location illustrate:

“You can see people in the same situation as you. I think if you live in an area where there
are a lot of couples they might tend to look down on your or look at you differently.”
Katherine (A)

"There's a lot of aspiring middle class people here who would look down on single
mums...I mean, there's a road here and they call it 'Single Mum Street'...this is the
worse road if you know what I mean, so there's definitely a bit of something critical.”
Alison (B)

Carabine (1996) regards normalising judgement as useful for analysis at the small scale and this
proved to be the case in assessing 'buy in' to the two parent ideal in present study. While media
communication has a long 'reach', especially in an era of social media (Tyler, 2013), Duncan and
Edwards (1999) point out that lone mothers' mobility can be restricted due to lack of time and
money. In this study, local frames of reference featured prominently when analysing
participants' accounts of family life. Analysis of data indicated that the higher incidence of lone
motherhood in Location A meant it was regarded as more 'acceptable' overall, whereas there
was greater gravitation overall towards a married, two parent family norm in Location B. This is
consistent with findings from a series of studies (Duncan and Edwards, 1999; Duncan and Smith,
2006; Clavering 2010; Duncan, 2011), which highlight the significance of location in attitudes
towards lone motherhood.

While married and unwed mothers were historically 'presumed to coincide with the boundary
between the bad and the good mother' (Smart, 1996: 47), the expectation of marriage within
normalising discourse nationally was not resounding at the local level in Location A. Having
children did not seem to be tied up in expectations of marriage, whereas participants reported
that marriage remains vaunted in Location B. Table 15: Relationship history by location shows
that most women in A had either previously cohabited or had never married or cohabited,
whereas women were more likely to have been married in B. This is consistent with
documentation of a historical relationship between local economic context and local reproductive
norms (Adair, 1996; Blaikie, 1995) and contemporary correlations between marriage and socio-
economic indicators (Duncan and Smith, 2006; Graham et al., 2007).

Carrie (A) commented: “I couldn't even imagine being married." By contrast, participants in B
indicated that they faced expectations for motherhood to be accompanied by matrimony. Mena
(B) for example, said she had noticed people "looking for a wedding ring" when out with her
baby. Sonia (B) commented on attitudes encountered in her neighbourhood:

“People seem more shocked that I've had three children without being married than by
me being a single parent in itself. That kind of surprised me. They just seem to assume
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 that if you've got three children you're divorced, rather than that you've never been
married.” Sonia (B)

Table 15: Relationship history by location

Location Never married Previously Divorced or
or cohabited cohabited separated
A 5 5 3
B 2 2 9

Paternity and legality

Historical changes in legislation surrounding extra-marital birth were outlined at the start of this
thesis along with feminist perspectives on family law (MacKinnon, 1983; Smart, 1984; 1992).
Locational variations in routes to lone motherhood were discussed in Chapter Five, with more
incidences of men ending relationships when women became pregnant in A, (see Table 6: Factors
in route to lone motherhood by location), although three women in B were also sole parents
from the outset. Despite de jure il/legitimacy dichotomies having died out, differences existed
in women's legal ties with their children's fathers between the two locations. Legal involvement
appeared minimal or non-existent among women who had not been married, which was largely
the case in Location A. Information from the interviews was consistent with analysis linking
higher incidences of sole birth registration with poor socio-economic indicators (Graham et al.,
2007). The fathers in the cases of Julie (A) and Gemma (A) had demanded DNA tests and
specifically did not want their names on birth certificates, which is reminiscent of disputes over
paternal responsibility in historic records (Adair, 1996). In other cases, the fathers did not attend
the birth registration so the birth could not be registered jointly. Conversely, Gina (A) pointed
out that her son now shared a surname with a father he never saw and from whom there was
no financial support.

In contrast with absence of legal involvement in Location A, a number of women in B told of

lengthy court disputes during their divorces. The association between patriarchy and women and
children being subsumed under men's surnames was evident in the comments of number of
women in this location, which reinforces the argument that patrilineal surnames are linked to
patriarchal property rights and gendered citizenship (Pitcher, 2016). Emma saw it as highly
symbolic that she would be able to revert to her own surname once her divorce was finalised
and she was "free" of her ex-husband. Valerie (B) regretted that registering her children under
her ex-husband's surname meant they had a different name from her. Laura (B) recognised
retaining her ex-husband's name as an aspect of managing a 'spoilt' family identity:

“I still use my married name. A really big motivator for that was I didn't want a different
name from the boys, probably the sole motivator, but again that was creating the image
of the right family, you know all got the same surnames, that was really big for me.” Laura
(B)

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When participants recounted the breakdown of their relationships, the assumption was that
children would live with their mothers. Participants' accounts thus reflect assumptions that are
centred upon gender roles that are so ubiquitous as to appear 'natural' (Millett, 1990; Walby,
1990; Smart, 1992; 1996; Lewis, 2006). None of the family situations the mothers discussed
could be described as equal 'co-parenting' (Smart and Neale, 1999) and fathers had regularly
contact in less than half of the cases, as show in in Table 16: Paternal contact by location.
Fathers featured in lone mother households in this research mainly through the 'presence' of
their absence, as women in both locations bemoaned lack of responsibility on their part. As the
table indicates, there was less paternal involvement with children overall in Location A than B
and divorced fathers tend to have more contact with their children than never-married fathers,
reflecting statistical data (Amato et al., 2009, cited Poole et al., 2016).

Table 16: Paternal contact by location

Location Regular contact Occasional contact No contact
A 4 1 8
B 7 4 2

SSL and investment in the two-parent norm

Archer's conceptualisation of agency/structure interplay proved useful in comparing mothers'
subjective responses to the two-parent norm as it recognises the importance of people’s
judgement of ‘which norms they support’ as a key facet of PEPs (2012: 106). Applying SSL as
an analytical tool demonstrates how the women's judgment of their own family against the two-
parent 'ideal' was an agential choice of which family norms they support. Sayer (2011)
investigates what 'matters' to people and, importantly, what they invest in. Women who became
lone mothers at an earlier stage generally had weakest investment in patriarchal coupled
parenthood. The sting of stigma appeared strongest overall among women who had invested
emotionally in what some described as a "romantic" or idealised version of family life that had
subsequently been 'spoilt', as case analysis reveals.

Location A
With almost one in six households in Location A headed by lone mothers, the 'normalising
judgement' of the nationally hegemonic 'ideal' family generally had less impact among
participants in this location. Comments by Gemma and Carrie for instance regard lone
motherhood as normative locally:

“It's normal round here...not frowned upon like it might be in some places.” Gemma (A)

"Single mothers are the norm round here, not necessarily a good norm, but the norm.
Because there are so many single parents and because I work in childcare I see a lot of
it." Carrie (A)

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Data from this location supported Gillies’ (2007) view of motherhood as a means of gaining
self-worth and legitimacy among women with limited material resources who can otherwise feel
de-legitimated. While women in both locations emphasised their sexual morality, as discussed
in Chapter Five, marriage in itself was barely mentioned by women in A. Investigation of SSL
case dynamics enabled a 'cluster of meaning' (Spencer et al., 2014a: 271) to be determined
among women in this location who had neither been married nor cohabited for long periods.
These women used the same or similar wording repeatedly when speaking about their reaction
to what other people think of their lone parent status: "I just don't care”; “It just doesn't bother
me”; "I'm not bothered.” They were largely able to eschew nationally hegemonic expectations
of coupledom by judging their family form according to extended family members' opinions and
asserting their personal value (Kingfisher, 1998) based on fulfilling a 'good lone mother' role
(which is discussed fully below).

It might therefore be argued that 'family practices' (Morgan, 1999) remained strong in cases
where being a 'proper family' did not require an institutionally constituted entity. Two of the
mothers, Carrie and Gemma, displayed evidence of 'positive' SSL throughout their interviews
rather than adverse social judgement. The positive impact of employment on their SSL was
discussed in the previous chapter and the personal legitimacy they gained from strong family
and friendship networks is discussed below. Theresa, Debbie and Lucy adopted a more
'defensive' stance in responding to perceived "judgement" due to being on benefits, as
discussed in the previous chapter.

Case analysis concurs with research involving young mothers (e.g. Mitchell and Green 2002;
Yardley 2008) stressing the importance of female kinship for young working class mothers
whose caring role is valued in their extended families. In the case of Debbie, her one year-old
daughter's conception with her ex-partner of five years had been planned, but he "got scared"
and left shortly after she was born. She was very close to her mother and had minimal contact
with anyone outside a limited family sphere:

"I don't give a damn so long as me daughter's ok...That's my priority, me daughter. Me

daughter and me family, that's it." Debbie (A)

Debbie used verbal defense as well as privacy as a coping mechanism, as found by Yardley
(2008). Her reference to "judgemental" attitudes emitting from "the older generation" supports
a morphogenic perspective on social change (Archer, 2012). She articulated the largely implicit
character of stigma but went on to describe a response to being pre-judged when she had been
on a train with her own child and her younger sister, who is only a few years older than her own
daughter:

"It's not like some places say 'you can't come here coz you're a single mum' [pause while
thinking] there is, there's definitely the way people look and like I said about the older

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 generation and stuff, there is a difference...There were this horrible woman and she looked
at me and said 'look at her with a child at that age'. Well, the way I am, I turned round
and said 'excuse me, it's me little sister'. She looked away then embarrassed and I thought
'don't judge before you know'." Debbie (A)

Strong relationships with their own mothers seemed highly significant among those women who
were "not bothered" by nationally normative judgements. The women in question were all close
to their mothers emotionally and spatially and voiced cynicism about men's lack of commitment
to relationships or inability to accept responsibility for children. This 'cluster of meaning' (Spencer
et al., 2014a: 271) could, then, be interpreted in terms of their family relations being more
matriarchal than patriarchal, although this appeared largely a result of circumstance rather than
consciously 'escaping patriarchy' (Duncan and Edwards, 1999) or pioneering social change
(Klett-Davies, 2007).

It should however be stressed that, although the data showed that lone motherhood incurred
less adverse judgement overall in Location A, analysis of case dynamics identified differences in
SSL within the locations that could be strongly attributed to the women's particular personal
situations. Nadirah was an exception among younger women in Location A, for example,
appearing to have internalised traditional patriarchal family norms from her Muslim background.
She had been estranged from her parents since becoming pregnant and spoke of a "ruined
reputation" in their community. Nadhirah's 'negative' SSL was evident during her interview. Here
she describes her disappointment when her son's father left her alone in a hostel while pregnant,
was then in prison for several months and had no contact upon release:

“If I'd had his dad's support and his dad would have married me, things would have gone
perfect...It's like a fairy tale, you always think of, when in reality it's different.” Nadirah
(A)

Unlike Ponsford's (2011) research among young mothers, Nadirah was the only mother in this
study who reported negative experiences among medical and other professionals. Relating an
incident with an older female patient, who quizzed her about age and whether she was married
when waiting in the doctor's surgery while pregnant, she said she had been anxious to avoid
negative judgement:

"I said 'yeah', but I feel as if I have to say that to people so they don't think badly.” Nadirah
(A)

Analysis of case dynamics also indicated how, having originally invested in a conventional nuclear
family structure, women who had been married or in long-term relationships were less likely to
judge their current family form as living up to a 'proper' or 'legitimate' standard, concurring with
findings by Morris (2012) and sentiments expressed by women in Klett-Davies' (2007) 'coper'

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and 'struggler' ideal types. For example, Katherine, who displayed 'negative' SSL when speaking
about other matters during her interview, had been in a relationship for a decade and internalised
the normalising judgement of the traditional family:

“This stereotypical family with mum and dad...That's what I had and it will never happen
to me again so it makes me quite sad really.” Katherine (A)

Gina expressed 'mixed' indicators of SSL during her interview. She was highly 'positive' about
her proactivity in setting up her business and stated defensively that her own mother's opinion
is, “the only judgement that counts”. She also displayed 'negative' SSL however when judging
her family situation against her unfulfilled expectation of a traditional nuclear ideal. She
became upset as she described how she had tried to make the relationship with her son's
father work but frequent arguments had created a "bad environment" for her son:

“My parents were childhood sweethearts and have been together ever since. I think morals
have changed a lot but I've still got old fashioned values...I wanted everything proper. You
don't think you're going to end up like this. I wouldn't have a child with somebody else.
Why should that child have their mum and dad and be a happy family if my first one
couldn't have that.” Gina (A)

Location B
As outlined above, participants' accounts suggested that nationally hegemonic nuclear family
ideals exerted a much stronger ‘normalising’ role overall in Location B than A. With less than
one in twenty households headed by lone mothers, women there were highly conscious of an
expectation of married coupledom. They consequently reported a much stronger sense of their
family being "different" than participants in A. In fact, several women in B said that feeling in a
minority was what motivated them to take part in this research.

Moira, who displayed 'positive' SSL when speaking about all aspects of her life, was an exception
in remarking that there "just happened" to be an unusually high proportion of children from
single parent families in her nine-year old son's class at school. As a "big feminist", she was keen
to show her children that "women are capable of all sorts of things" rather than reinforcing
traditional gender roles. While other factors that positioned Moira well to mitigate feelings of
adverse judgement have been discussed previously, she explained that having children in
different family circumstances in her son's class had proved particularly "reassuring":

“I wasn't sure whether he would be stigmatised or erm, I mean this area can be a bit, you
know with that sort of culture [trails off]. But it was absolutely fine because in my son's
year group half the children are from single parent families. I mean it's commented on, it's
an anomaly." Moira (B)

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Moira's particular case dynamics were a rarity in Location B however, where there was generally
a much stronger gravitation towards the two parent norm. For a number of women who had
been married previously, the expectation of coupledom was firmly embedded and analysis
indicated that they tended to feel their maternal identity had been 'spoilt'. For example, Joanne,
whose 'performative' SSL through her job and cultural capital has been illustrated in previous
chapters, described how her marriage had begun as "this great love", which had broken down
traumatically while she was pregnant as her husband was involved with someone else. She also
referred to her "traditional" family background, with her still-married parents having had, "2.4
kids and a normal family life".

Joanne's concerns about adverse judgement and her 'performative' SSL were evident as she
explained about purposefully not wearing any rings, "so the absence of a wedding ring isn't
obvious". Pondering upon marital breakdown becoming more common over the generations, the
morphostatic (Archer, 2012) effect of generational attitudes could be seen in Joanne's concerns
that older people tended to "hold onto their older mentalities". Coupled with being from a
minority ethnic background, this had made her especially sensitive to older people's judgement
when in public places:

"There have certainly been times when he's been throwing these tantrums in shops when
I haven't been able to control him. And I think 'I don't want people looking at me thinking
'there's another black single mother, can't control her child, we all know where he's
headed'. Being in an all-white, or predominantly white, neighbourhood...I don't want to
perpetuate that.” Joanne (B)

Valerie also displayed 'performative' SSL during most of her interview and was confident when
discussing her education or career. Her SSL appeared much more fragile however when
discussing her family situation and she used the words "failure" and "judgement" frequently
when describing bringing up her two and four year-old daughters as a lone mother.

"The cultural representation of a family is two parents, a man and a woman and 2.4 kids
isn't it. And I think if you're outside that norm, whether you're a single mother or any other
kind of family, you probably feel a bit abnormal and all wrong." Valerie (B)

Valerie's mother, who lives next door, had been "mortified" about what neighbours might think
when she split with her husband. Despite pointing out, "I don't live my life according to what
people think", Valerie appeared to have internalised the two parent norm and makes insightful
reference to “some sort of internal dialogue”, which might be likened to 'internal conversations'
(Archer, 2000):

“It comes from somewhere, but it isn't actually from people saying it to you because the
only thing that anyone's ever said to me is 'you're doing really well'...and I say, 'I'm
not'...Some days I'm really shit at what I'm doing... I feel really conscious of it and I don't
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 know if underneath that it's from this underlying feeling of 'you haven't got a husband and
you're on your own and you're doing it all on your own and you're failing'." Valerie (B)

Recounting her ex-husband's behaviour, including disappearing for a week when her younger
daughter was born, she said things would be “harder still” if she was still with him. Valerie's
disillusionment with a 'spoilt' nuclear family ideal reinforces McIntosh's (1996) point that lone
motherhood exposes marriage and dual parenting as 'dangerous fantasies', rather than the more
optimistic expectations of coupledom suggested by the democratisation perspective (Giddens
1992; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 1995):

"It's tragic really when you can't have a relationship with somebody, when you've got
married to have a family with them...So that dream's gone. I think that's why people
split really, because they can't handle the reality. It's the romanticising of it, even at this
age as toddlers they're being fed this model, this ideal of something to aim for between
men and women. It's a little bit of a con and a bit of a myth I think.” Valerie (B)

In contrast with Joanne and Valerie, who were in their mid-30s and had previously been married,
Mandy became pregnant at 18 and had never lived with a partner. Indicators of Mandy's
'negative' SSL have been cited in previous chapters and analysis of her case dynamics recalls
arguments (Reay, 1998; Gillies, 2007; Edwards and Gillies, 2011) on judgement of parenting
according to normative standards of middle class privilege. Having grown up in a "very middle
class" family in Location B, she moved to Location A while pregnant and going through a
"rebellious phase". Contrasts in area profiles and parenting norms were closely entangled in
Mandy's account of returning to Location B in an attempt to “beat the cliché” of single
parenthood, which she views as:

“That single parents, especially young single parents, that their children, will amount to
nothing. But I think it's definitely, and this is a fact, that less children from single parents
end up going on to higher education, I think there is definitely a stigma attached...I just
knew that I had to make the decision to get out of it, come to a nice area to give him a
good shot at getting a good education with children I want him to be around.” Mandy (B)

The personal cost of this instrumental agency was that Mandy's narrative included numerous
examples of 'negative' SSL resulting from a process of internalising the 'normalising
judgement' (Foucault, 1977) of middle class family life locally but struggling to meet the
“intensive parenting” standards among older, affluent married partners who surrounded her.
Describing "wanting the ground to swallow me up" as the only single parent among 30 couples
at an induction event when her son started school, for example, she articulates an acute
sense of 'difference':

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 "I felt so self-conscious and so erm panicky [asking myself] 'will these children want to
play with my child?'...A woman whose daughter's in [son's] class, the first thing she ever
said to me was, 'what does your husband do?' So, I immediately said 'oh I don't have a
husband' and she looked, genuinely sort of aghast. It opened my eyes to some of the
sort of people that are there.” Mandy (B)

Mandy cited numerous incidences of suffering as a result of "judgmental" behaviour among

fellow parents, which severely dented her SSL, but feels it is necessary to give her children a
"better" environment to grow up in:

"I don't reject that judgement for the sake of my children. I don't want them to grow up
and look back and think 'I missed out in any way because my mum was a single parent'. I
want them to have the same opportunities as everyone else." Mandy (B)

Pride and resilience

The previous section confirms the importance of local context and personal expectations to
participants' own judgement of what constitutes a 'proper' family. Data from this study also
supports May's (2004b; 2008) argument that lone mothers' understandings of 'good
motherhood' are contextual and more complex than simply seeing theirs as 'less than' families.
Whilst Chapter Five details participants' fierce contestation of "single mum stereotypes" and the
previous section includes comments indicating ambivalence to nuclear family ideology, none of
the participants contested 'good mother' constructs (Smart, 1996). Women in both locations did,
however, emphasise their endeavors to compensate for those perceived disadvantages and
expressed intense pride in "doing a good job" with their children. It can therefore be argued that
they judged their parenting as meeting a good lone mother standard. Drawing on Archer's
conception of social identity/agency as subjective deliberation on objective circumstances
whereby our 'legitimate self-respect' is vested in 'projects' that vindicate or damage our self-
worth (2000: 13), analysis suggests that displaying good lone motherhood helps vindicate
'legitimate self-worth' among women involved in this study.

Being a good lone mother

Data from this research reflects findings from previous studies, which showed that lone mothers
(Klett-Davies, 2007; May, 2008) and young mothers (Mitchell and Green, 2002; Yardley 2008;
Ponsford, 2011; Wenham, 2016) responded to normalising judgements based around the two
parent model by emphasising how they fulfill a 'good’ mother role. Interviews with women from
both locations concur with findings by May (2008), who describes how lone mothers seek moral
validation through demonstrating their 'good’ mother identity. Whilst stigma is the focus of this
study, much criticism of 'fatherless families' centres upon putative harm to children who grow
up in 'broken homes' (Morgan, 1995; Centre for Social Justice, 2012) and it is important to note

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 that participants' views on parenting were not necessarily, or primarily, concerned with their
own social status. Participants did not generally question the assumption that a two parent family
is preferable and commonly expressed anxieties about potential damage of divorce and single
parenting to their children's well-being29, which echoes findings from previous research (Smart
and Neale, 1999; May, 2004a; May, 2008). Della (B), whose own mother had been a single
parent, was the only mother in the study who strongly stated:

“I don't believe a single parent does any worse or a better job than two parents.” Della (B)

Importantly, the majority of women in this study believed that being a good lone mother entailed
a need to compensate for perceived disadvantages children incur as a result of growing up in
single parent families. Thus participants generally did not appear to judge themselves
inadequate mothers, despite negative constructs and normalising discourses. Instead, they
voiced pride in fulfilling the demands of parenting without a partner and detailed extra lengths
they went to in working harder and making greater sacrifices. Jasmine (B), for example,
described how lone mothers "overcompensate":

“We're having to go that extra mile to say, 'well actually we are conscientious with our kids
and they do their homework' because straight away it's like 'she's a single parent, oh well
hmmm' [making a disapproving face]." Jasmine (B)

It should be reiterated that, in focusing on mediation of stigma, this study is concerned with
participants' representations of their maternal role rather than mothering practices.
Furthermore, accounts were analysed in terms of women's understanding of cultural
expectations, rather than their veracity (May, 2008; Ribbens McCarthy et al., 2003). Archer
(2000; 2007) views agential powers, or PEPs, as subjective deliberation on social structures,
with social identity emerging out of personal identity in relation to status, norms and moral
evaluations. From this perspective, investing in good lone motherhood can be viewed as a
'project' whose success enhances their 'legitimate self-respect' (2000: 219). Being a good lone
mother can thus be seen as both a personal priority and a resource in resisting stigma, with
participants in both locations keen to display examples of: being "mum and dad"; putting their
children first; and taking pride in doing a "good job" with their children.

Being "mum and dad"

Whilst practicalities of parenting are beyond the scope of this study, it should be briefly noted
that the women had broad-ranging views as to how much more demanding lone parenting was
compared with being in a couple. Some participants in both locations spoke at length about

29
These views are notwithstanding lack of evidence that outcomes for children of one and two parent families
are different, other factors being equal (Stacey, 1994, cited McIntosh, 1996) and statistical evidence that
socio-economics have a greater bearing on children's education and development than family form
(Goodman and Greaves, 2010).

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additional practical demands of "doing it all on your own 24/7", as Marta (A) described it. Joanne
(B) for example emphasised the "sheer physical tiredness". However, other mothers from across
the sample believed single parenthood was "no different" than being in a couple family on a
practical level. Theresa (A) said: "You do all the work anyway.” Della (B) joked that her ex-
husband was, "like a chocolate fireguard really".

What Hartstock (1987) calls 'the sexual division of labour' in families appeared stark in accounts
of lone mothers in this research. Participants were aware of gender inequalities that had left
them quite literally 'holding the baby' in many cases. They largely appeared to regard the
presence of a father as desirable rather than essential however. Reflecting analysis by Dermott
and Pomati (2016), which shows that actual differences in parenting practices between one and
two parent families are negligible, women in this study did their utmost to do the work of two
parents in order to give the children a "proper" upbringing. The phrase “doing two jobs” was
used to describe sole responsibility for their children's physical and emotional well-being whilst
also providing for them financially, as detailed in the previous chapter. Crucially, whether the
children saw their fathers or not, being a good lone mother entailed responsibility for being
“mother and father' for most of the women and that phrase was used repeatedly by women in
both locations, as illustrated by the following comments:

“I feel as if I've got to do more for him because of his dad not being around.” Nadirah (A)

"I know I can't be his dad as well as his mum, but I'll do whatever I can." Julie (A)

"He's got me so he doesn't need anybody else, so...you're mother and father.' Theresa (A)

“It made me fight even more to come across as a very in control family, y'know show that
it didn't matter if there was a dad involved or not, we were financially ok, the boys were
happy...but I was still adhering to those expectations by trying to be the perfect family and
to be dad and mum.” Laura (B)

As suggested by May (2008), 'good’ motherhood seems to cover responsibility for the quality of
fatherhood. This was demonstrated with a poignant anecdote from Laura (B) about taking her
sons paint-balling when their father forgot on Father's Day. Several mothers told of having
attempted to encourage their children's fathers to have more input but becoming resigned to
their lack of involvement. Participants in both locations expressed concern over the lack of a
father in their children's lives. Typical comments included:

"I don't like the fact that his dad don't have nothing to do with him, that he hasn't got
that dad figure." Gemma (A)

“I think having a boy is harder, that male influence is massively important so I have to
over-compensate for the fact that he doesn't have that.” Mandy (B)

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 "I find myself apologising to her for the fact that her dad isn't around." Mena (B)

Some mothers spelled out measures to compensate for the lack of “male role model” through
contacts with grandfathers, uncles and friends' partners. Support from grandparents and/or
being part of an extended family made an essential difference to mothers in both locations and
this is explored in the next section.

Putting the children first

If lone mother archetypes have been constructed in historical discourse along the lines of
'sinners, scroungers or saints' (Evans and Thane, 2012), participants' emphases on self-sacrifice
might be read as an attempt to resist pathologised 'bad mother' constructs. Some of the women
recounted moving examples of overcoming adversity for the sake of their children. Indeed, such
forms of agency appear to have been enacted when others forms were unavailable in some
cases. Some women said lone motherhood had created a "closer bond" with their children, as
predicted by Beck and Beck-Gersheim (2002) and reflected empirically by Smart and Neale
(1999). May (2008) shows how 'putting the children first' is a key aspect of lone mothers' 'moral
presentations of self' and participants in both locations underlined that their children were their
chief priority, with statements such as:

"I gave up my life to be a single mum. I think that when you've got a kid you've got to
think about them more than yourself and your own happiness because they're your
responsibility." Nadirah (A)

"I think as long as your child's happy to me that's what it's about." Hannah (B)

A number of women described ending marriages and relationships in order to protect children
from domestic abuse or frequent arguments as a form of prioritising their needs, as identified
by May (2008). Bella (A), who left her husband following an incident of domestic violence, said:
"I'd never put my kids through that". After three violent relationships Lucy (A) decided she would
"do a better job" parenting alone. Sonia (B) told of finding the "strength to leave" her ex-partner,
whose mental health issues manifested in physical abuse and "controlling" behaviour in the
family.

Examples of putting the children first when making employment decisions or balancing limited
budgets were included in the previous chapter. Examples of limiting their social life due to
prioritising their children are cited below. None of the women in Location A currently had
relationships, compared with five women in B. This locational difference concurs with statistics
showing that the length of time spent in lone parent households is shorter, on average, for middle
class women generally (Rowlingson and McKay, 2005). Lack of space precludes discussion of
comments on dating, but protecting the children was the most commonly cited reason for not
pursuing relationships. Those women who were interested in meeting a new partner were
adamant about prioritising their children.
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Pride in "doing a good job"
Returning to the distinction between lone motherhood as an externally imposed categorical
identity or coherent personal ontological identity (Taylor, 1998; May, 2010), although many
participants resisted single or lone mother categorisation, they all made it clear that
motherhood in itself was a positive aspect of their self-worth. Della (B), for instance, would
not tell people she was a lone mother as she saw it as a stigmatised identity but said: “I tell
everyone I've got a five year old son and he's brilliant.” Participants' expressions noticeably
brightened when talking about their children, sometimes in stark contrast to recounting
otherwise stressful situations.

A body of empirical research involving young mothers emphasises that they found
motherhood a positive experience and source of self-worth notwithstanding difficulties they
encountered (e.g. Arai, 2003; Shea et al., 2015). The present study finds this to also be the
case among women of more diverse ages and situations. Pride in their children and in
themselves for doing a "good job" featured prominently in accounts of women across the
sample, with typical statements from both locations such as:

"I'm proud of bringing them all up, five of them on my own. They've never once brought a
policeman to the house, never once." Sheila (A)

"I've got three [children] and they were one, three and five at the time and I coped
extremely well...a lot of people are quite proud of the way I've managed." Ciara (B)

The data also indicates that being a 'good' lone mother involves pride in their children's
progress, as well as attempts to minimise perceived disadvantages in their future education
and careers, as suggested by Wiegers and Chunn (2015). Prioritisation of their children's
education was evident among women in both locations. There appeared to be some additional
pressure in Location B, as women spoke of trying to give their children equal material standards
and leisure activities as affluent two parent families nearby, as discussed in the previous
chapter.

Pride in resilience
Pride in their personal resilience seemed to accompany pride in "doing a good job' with their
children for many of the women. Whilst the nuclear model is the cultural epitome of the 'proper'
family, in reality it can be a site of conflict and abuse (Campbell, 1984; Barrett and McIntosh,
1992; McIntosh, 1996). Some women used of the words “dream” and “fairy tale” to describe
their disillusionment with “love”, “romance” and idealised images of family life, as illustrated
above. Some participants recounted painful stories of domestic abuse, being abandoned whilst
pregnant or ex-partners' infidelity, mental health or alcohol issues, whilst others described more
prosaic but no less unsettling breakdown of relationships. Although none of the participants in
this study consciously invoked an 'escaping patriarchy' discourse (Duncan and Edwards, 1999),

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some recounted quite literally fleeing domestic violence, emotional abuse or volatile relationships
and had come to prefer being single.

Where the individualisation thesis is largely optimistic that 'de-traditionalisation' of family life
means enhanced reflexivity and greater equality between partners (Giddens, 1992; Beck and
Beck Gernsheim, 1995), accounts of women in this research better support arguments that
individualisation theories underestimate enduring gender and class inequalities (Jamieson 1998;
1999; Crompton, 2006). Men are more likely to remarry after divorce (Smart and Neale, 1999).
Lack of paternal responsibility, outlined above, offers evidence that democratisation of family
life can mean more reflexive opportunity for fathers than mothers (Klett-Davies, 2007). This was
apparent, for example, in comments by Katherine (A), whose daughter's father has "moved on"
and married someone else, whilst she is "still single and on my own", carrying the bulk of
responsibility for their seven-year old daughter's needs. Jasmine (B) also commented in this
vein:

"One of the most difficult things for me coming to terms with my divorce was the sheer
injustice of that a man and a woman could get together and create a family and the man
could just walk away any time he wanted and not be held accountable whatsoever. He just
takes them for tea once a fortnight and pays me about £20 a week." Jasmine (B)

This recognition of structural constraints is not to suggest by any means that the women involved
in this research are not agential. Finding lack of adequate evidence for the 'transformation of
intimacy' thesis (Giddens, 1992) during research on lone mothers' intimate lives, Morris (2012)
characterises their stories as primarily ‘survival’ narratives. When women in the present study
spoke of how they had survived practical and emotional troubles they did so proudly. Archer's
(2000; 2003; 2007) conceptualisation of PEPs helps explore how participants could be reflexive
whilst also constrained to varying extents, through subjective evaluation of priorities in
responses to objective conditions in the form of 'internal conversations'. Thus where reflexivity
for some women meant deciding to move to new towns, take degrees or conscious self-
development, for those in the most disadvantaged situations it could mean mustering resolve to
survive adversity and finding the energy that went into meet their children's basic needs and
'preventing backward slippage', as found by Gillies (2007: 144). The phrase "I just get on with
it" was used by women in a range of situations across both locations to indicate their coping
strategy. They commonly associated the phrase with looking ahead, focusing on the positives
and being pragmatic, with typical comments from women in both locations including:

"Even though you didn't want that, you've got to make the best of things...just to get on with day to
day." Katherine (A)

"My attitude, and I think it comes from my mum, is 'just get on with it, whatever life throws at
you, you just deal with it'." Carrie (A)

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 "I think it's one of those things where you don't dwell on it, you just get on with it. And then it's
not a problem." Della (B)

Pride in autonomy
While revealing how lone mothers' choices are inhibited by gendered and heteronormative ideas,
Morris (2012) found some women were proud of moving beyond feeling compelled towards
coupledom. Similarly, for a number of women in this study, pride in their autonomy was an
important aspect of resilience and being independent was an advantage of their family situation.
Those who had been parenting alone from the outset were accustomed to autonomy. Carrie (A),
for example, thought she had done, "a pretty good job" with her children and would not want a
man living in her house. Hannah (B), who had been a single parent since her daughter was a
baby, said she enjoyed the "control" it afforded her in, "doing things my way".

Post-divorce re-evaluation is common (Smart and Neale, 1999) and several women described
emerging from relationships feeling stronger after a period of adjustment. The end of their
relationship led some participants to focus on personal growth and independence, as reported
by May (2004a). Valerie (B) and Ciara (B), for example, were among those previously married
women who described feeling happier and more self-directive since becoming independent of
their former spouses:

"I can make decisions for myself and I feel in control of my life where I didn't before."
Valerie (B)

“There's been a massive change, I'm much more positive now." Ciara (B)

SSL and resilience

Exploring the themes of pride and resilience in women's stories revealed how doing a "good job"
with their children and surviving adversity could help repair damaged self-image and mitigate
stigma. Archer (2007) stresses that subjectivity is dynamic and examining trajectories of SSL
showed how some women developed a "thicker skin" and felt less concerned about other people's
judgements over time. Examples are included here of cases that suggest shifts in mode of SSL
as participants moved beyond practical and emotional difficulties when they first became lone
mothers and became more "settled".

Location A
While mothers in Location A were generally less expansive about their reflexive process than
those in Location B, Lucy appeared more comfortable sharing examples of her 'internal
conversations'. Lucy was six months pregnant with her third child from her third violent
relationships at the time of her interview and case analysis offers a strong example of her
reflexivity and resilience within constrained circumstances. Explaining how she had resolved to
remain single in future, her assertion of independence can be interpreted as a pragmatic version
of 'escaping patriarchy' discourse (Duncan and Edwards, 1999):

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 “I've had bad experiences. It's just been violence all the way through. So I think I'll just
stay on me own and bring the kids up on my own. I think I'll do a far better job. It's hard
but I can do it.” Lucy (A)

Lucy's refusal to be cowed was apparent and indicators of her 'defensive' SSL in responding to
adverse judgements have been discussed in previous chapters. Her self-worth was heavily
invested in her 'good’ mother identity (May, 2008) and the word 'mum' was tattooed on her
arm. She reiterated how much she “loves being a mum” and cited examples of prioritising her
children's needs, stating: "It's all about me kids. I never really think about myself.” Such
comments reflect Skeggs and Loveday's description of how working class mothers, 'defend their
value by inverting moral judgment by making investments in caring as the only accessible and
primary source of value' (2012: 484).

For Lucy, her children were visibly 'what matters' most (Sayer, 2011). As her four-year old
daughter was born prematurely and her three-year old son is disabled, Lucy had coped with their
medical problems along with domestic abuse. She voiced pride in both her mothering and dealing
with difficulties, as found by McKenzie (2015). Maternal dedication and personal resilience seem
intertwined in the following passage:

“I've have had a hard time with them both, it's like hospital appointments, moving,
domestic violence, the police being involved and I'm like 'I can do this on me own' and I
sit there and I think to myself, you know I do sometimes break down and cry and stuff,
but I think like 'me kids, I've got to do it for them'...I like look at them sometimes and
think, 'I've done a pretty good job with you two on my own'.” Lucy (A)

Nadirah was the youngest and most socially isolated participant in the study and had very
limited material resources or opportunities and indicators of her 'negative' SSL have been
illustrated previously. A glimmer of pride in her resilience emerged towards the end of her
interview however, as she reflected on surviving difficulties, saying: "It was just me against
everything. I got this far by myself." Reflecting on her journey and referring to her parents,
she said she would no longer "take anyone's shit", which suggests she might develop a more
'defensive' mode of SSL in the future:

"I've definitely turned into someone I don't know because I was someone who'd cry at
summat little but now it takes a lot to make me cry." Nadirah (A)

Location B
There were a number of cases in Location B where women indicated that their mode of SSL
would have been 'negative' when going through emotional trauma but they felt less sensitive to
stigma since they had "adjusted" to their new situation. Joanne, for instance, told of feeling
acutely aware of stigma when she first moved back to the UK, divorced, depressed and pregnant.
Joanne's 'performative' SSL has been discussed previously and having proved she could do a
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"good job" seems to have lessened her concerns about being negatively judged. It should be
noted that her path was not linear however. She adds that her sensitivity to stigma recurs
according to being 'situation conscious' (Goffman, 1990) or her fluctuating level of tiredness:

"I think initially [pause] erm, maybe it was coming out of like the whole mind-set and just
not really wanting to accept the situation. So, I think I'm mostly doing a good job and also
I don't have time to spend much time thinking about what other people are thinking
anymore...Early on when I was perhaps a little bit more emotionally unstable I thought
more about that, whereas now not so much.” Joanne (B)

Exploring women's reflexive responses to becoming lone mothers revealed how some developed
new perspectives once they had become "settled" in their new family situation. For Laura (B),
divorce was the start of a highly reflexive journey lasting almost a decade, during which she
took pride in becoming independent and completed a university degree:

"I became very self-aware, a lot of reflection. At the time [of the divorce] it just felt like
everything was over and ended when actually it was all just starting really and that was
my, the start of my growth and becoming who I am." Laura (B)

As recounted by two other women in the study, Laura also became more comfortable identifying
herself as a “single mum” as she adjusted to a new family situation. Some of Laura's comments
suggested that having displayed 'performative' SSL, as examples in previous chapters indicate,
her mode of SSL was becoming 'transformative' as she felt less bound by conventional family
norms. The fluidity of family life means lone motherhood is often transient (Silva, 1996).
Statistically, around half of all lone parents are in a new cohabiting partnership within five years
of dissolution of their previous relationship and around 70% within ten (Berrington, 2014). At
the time of the interview, Laura was considering moving in with a man she had met at work the
previous year. Questioning how she might identify herself in future further illuminates both the
complexity of categorisation and role that pride in autonomy and resilience can play in SSL:

"It's so different to the perception I had initially after the divorce...I was keen to be married
and to come across in a certain way in the past, but now I actually prefer to be recognised
as a single mum who's made it on her own to being seen as in a relationship.” Laura (B)

Alison offered an example of 'transformative' SSL, having been through a personal reflexive
journey which resulted in a dramatic change in her attitude towards her situation. Alison spoke
of being highly conscious of media portrayals of single mothers when her ex-husband left to live
with someone else five years previously, using the words such as "raw", "painful", "embarrassed"
and "failure". From this nadir, she embarked upon a consciously reflexive journey, concurring
with observations by Smart and Neale (1999) about post-divorce re-evaluation, which led to new
priorities and values. Alison was able to make use of her economic and cultural capital (Bourdieu,

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1989) in taking the children abroad for a year for "an adventure” to help ease the adjustment:

"I needed to find myself because I was very much under his influence...In needed to make
that break and find who I wanted to be again and remember the old me that was there
before I ever got married and had children and to be brave enough to bring the children
up on my own. Because I knew it was going to be difficult." Alison (B)

In speaking at length about the "fall in status" that accompanied single parenthood in her
area, Alison was the only participant who made explicit reference to 'status loss', a
characteristic of stigma listed by Link and Phelan (2001). She recounted being "quietly
dropped" from her former social circle of affluent couple families and her social life now
comprises of family activities with other lone mothers. Whereas media coverage and people's
attitudes used to upset her, she said that her "skin is thicker" now she is "settled". Alison
displayed a strong 'good mother identity' (May, 2008) when speaking at length about her
dedication to her children and building a new life for them after her divorce: "We're all much
happier...I can take a bit of pride now in how far I've come." Alison's PEPs (Archer, 2003) are
demonstrated in her reflexive determination to move beyond her relationship breakdown:

"It was very tough but life moves on...It's how you view yourself and if you view yourself
as a single mum who’s not got a lot of cash and 'poor you and what he's done to you' for
the rest of your life, you're never going to get out of that trap." Alison (B)

In contrast with women who spoke of being "settled" after emerging from difficult situations,
Emma described being stuck "in limbo" whilst awaiting her Decree Absolute after ending 20 years
of physical and mental abuse. Archer (2012) includes divorce in life-changing events that can
prompt 'fractured reflexivity' and the effects of trauma were apparent during the interview with
Emma (see reflections on interviews p.103). She judged herself negatively as a mother for failing
to protect three sons from growing up in a "toxic atmosphere" and had sought counselling
services for them. Her reference to "low self-esteem" and her constant rumination on "mistakes"
were indicative of the aftermath of domestic abuse (Smart and Neale, 1999). She displayed
'negative' SSL throughout the interview and referred to being "judged" by colleagues and people
locally. Her negative SSL despite being better positioned in material and practical terms than
most mothers involved in this research illustrates the importance of subjectivity to perceptions
of stigma. She had met a new partner but felt this was overshadowed by her past experiences.
Emma's comment that her divorce being finalised would be a "turning point" suggests her
situation and perspective on it might brighten over time. When asked if she had any future plans,
she responded: "To survive. You have to keep hoping and keep going don't you."

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Family networks and social connections

Bourdieu (1989) views social capital as networks of bonds, connections and social obligations
and analysis of the data showed that extended family networks and social connections with
friends were highly significant in mitigating stigma among lone mothers in this study. Social
networks tend to be grounded in class, locality and gender (Savage, 2015) and a series of studies
(Duncan and Edwards, 1999; Mitchell and Green; 2002; Klett-Davies, 2007; Canton, 2015)
found this to be especially the case among lone mothers. This section begins by identifying
differences in types of social capital between women in Location A and Location B. It then goes
on to explore the role of social capital in individual participants' modes of SSL. Drawing on case
dynamics, it argues that the process of agential evaluation of social judgement is influenced by
the sphere of participants' social connections and geographical mobility.

Contrasts in social capital between locations

Whilst the present research explores stigma in relation to a holistic picture of lone mothers' lives,
rather than concentrating on their social capital, comparison of accounts in Location A and
Location B broadly reflects work by Gillies and Edwards (2006, cited in Gillies, 2007), who found
that working class parents generally had narrow but deep networks of supportive relationships
whilst middle class parents had wider, more dispersed and less 'bonded' networks. Savage et al.
(2013) focused on the 'bridging' advantages of 'weak' social ties when using social capital as an
indicator of class in the Great British Class Survey. However, research involving working class
women (Gosling, 2008) and lone mothers (Canton, 2015), contrasts 'bonding capital', as a
means of 'getting by', with 'bridging capital', as a means of 'getting on' (Putman, 2000 cited in
Gosling, 2008). Drawing on these examples, distinguishing between the two proved useful in
examining substantive impacts of both types of social capital in mitigating lone mothers' sense
of stigma. Whereas both Gosling (2008) and Canton (2016) found 'bonding' capital was not the
'right' type of social capital to help women out of poverty, it was found to be the right type of
social capital to provide many mothers in the present study with the emotional and practical
support they needed. There was generally more evidence of 'bonding' capital based around
women's extended families on the deprived estate in Location A, whereas more access to
'bridging' activities could be observed in Location B, where women also had access to a wider
spatial domain.

Kinship networks and spatial mobility

The role of families in generating and maintaining social capital is well recognised (Bourdieu and
Wacquant, 1992 cited in Gosling, 2008; Raey 2004). The value participants in both locations
placed on their parents' emotional and practical support is consistent with Morgan's (1999)
emphasis on 'family practices', as opposed to family as an institution. One mother gave the
example of her son including his grandparents in his drawing of his family whilst his father was
nowhere in the picture. As discussed in the previous section, being embedded in extended family
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 relations (May, 2004b) could help engender a feeling of being a 'proper family'. Local kinship
networks appeared to be especially important for women in Location A, reflecting previous
research among less affluent parents (Duncan and Edwards, 1999; Rowlingson and McKay,
2002; Gillies, 2007). The majority of women in Location A had grown up locally and had extended
family members on the estate, whom they saw on a weekly, if not a daily, basis as indicated in
Table 17 below. The lines between family, friends and social life could be blurred among women
in Location A, whose social activities mainly centred around parents, siblings, cousins and tended
to include their children. Two women, for example, spoke of "friends", whom they then clarified
were cousins.

In stressing the importance of inherited geographical settings, Sayer (2000) draws attention to
relative spatial mobility. Duncan and Edwards (1999) point out that lone mothers' spatial
mobility might be especially limited due to lack of time, money and transport. This tended to be
the case among women in Location A and was especially the case among mothers of younger
children.

The data indicates that extended family networks also remain important to women in Location
B, although less than half had grown up locally. Two participants had initially gone to live with
their parents after their marriages ended, two had moved to the same street as their mothers
and more than half of the women in Location B had parents or siblings living in the same town
or a nearby town. Participants in this location spoke of emotional support from their parents,
even where there was limited face-to-face contact (Mitchell and Green, 2002). Women in B had
much wider geographic mobility than those in A. Most had lived in different parts of the region
or country and three had lived overseas. They all travelled outside their immediate area either
for work or to see friends and relatives elsewhere and had regular holidays in the UK and abroad.
Differential levels of cultural capital in the two locations were discussed in Chapter Five. Bourdieu
believes that cultural capital can be translated into social capital (1986 cited Reay, 2004; Savage
et al., 2013).30 This appeared to be the case in Location B, where women had higher levels of
cultural capital and a wider spatial remit than in A. They were thus better placed to behave
agentially in developing and using 'bridging' capital to make new social contacts and expand
their social connections or spheres of reference, as shown in Table 17 below.

Table 17: Extended family contact by location

Location Grew Sees extended Limited/no contact Parents abroad/
up locally family weekly with parents in other area
A 10 9 4 0
B 6 7 0 6

30
Demarcation between cultural and social capital can present difficulties (Savage et al., 2013).

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 Friendship and social life
It must be acknowledged that participants in this study were specifically recruited as 'lone
mothers' and discussion so far has focused on their mother and worker roles; rather than seeing
lone motherhood as only one aspect of their lives (May, 2004). This is because maternal and
employment roles were found to be the areas where normative expectations and indicators of
stigma were most apparent in the data. A number of women spoke of socialising with other
adults as "time to just be me". The majority of lone mothers in this study described a limited
social life, however, which they attributed to practicalities of lack of time, money and childcare,
particularly those with younger children. One woman joked that being a lone mother is "like
being on tag" as she never left the house in the evenings. Only a small number of participants
expressed a belief that this was due to being 'judged' personally or actively excluded, however.
For many of the mothers in Location A, a stated lack of desire to socialise was accompanied by
comments that they would feel guilty leaving the children to go out in the evenings. This suggests
their limited social life was linked to validating their 'good lone mother' identity.

Whilst still constrained, women in Location B generally had much more active social lives and
wider range of social connections than those in Location A, as shown in Table 18 below. Level of
input from children's fathers and grandparents along with finances remained enablers or
constraints in their social lives. While family seemed equally important to many of the women in
both locations, friendship networks were much more extensive and prominent among women in
Location B than those in Location A. Most women in B spoke about a variety of friends and
activities that showed their use of 'bridging' capital. Six of the participants in this location had
joined organised groups specifically for the purpose of making connections and undertaking
social activities with other single parents and their children.31 Others had forged informal
contacts with women in the "same situation", which they regarded as vital in easing a sense of
exclusion when social activities locally were oriented around a 'couples culture' (Skeggs, 1997).

Table 18: Social connections by location

Location Regular social Member of a single New non-cohabiting
activities with friends parents' group relationship 32
A 4 0 0
B 9 6 5

31
As discussed in Chapter Four, women in Location B were recruited mainly via social media, including a
Facebook page of a single parents' group, which inevitably skewed the sample in this direction. However
two women who were recruited via a local social media platform were members of another lone group
and women in A who were not in formal groups still had more informal contacts with other lone mothers
than women in B.
32
'New' relationship in this table refers to a relationship with someone other than the father of the women's
children.

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Social capital, sphere of reference and SSL
Case study examples are drawn on here to discuss the relationship between participants' position
within extended families and wider social networks, or level of social capital, and SSL. Analysis
of case dynamics suggests that the process of judgement within particular spheres of reference
is key to participants' individual mode of SSL. Those women who felt deeply embedded within a
narrow sphere of reference were buffered by validation within that sphere. Those participants
who were able to make wider social connections, especially with parents in "the same situation",
were better placed to mediate judgements and exclusion from coupled family life. The women
who were able to draw on neither 'bonding' nor 'bridging' social capital (Putnam, 2000, cited
Gosling, 2008) were most isolated and excluded and displayed 'negative' SSL.

Location A
Carrie, Gemma and Sheila, who spoke of strong family ties and having good friends, were the
women in Location A who consistently indicated 'positive' SSL during their interviews. When
asked how long she had been "on her own" with her daughter, Carrie, corrected the assumption
by stating: "Without the dad, not on my own”. Carrie made a clear association between being
surrounded by “like-minded people", with close ties to sisters, cousins and friends who are single
parents, and her positive experiences of single parenthood. Whilst care is needed not to
contribute towards racial stereotyping (May, 2006), Carrie's description of her extended family
network is akin to findings among African-Caribbean mothers (Pheonix, 1996; Duncan and
Edwards', 1999). She spoke of her grandmother as “very much a matriarch” and said her father
and brothers provided male role models for her children. Carrie's account indicated access to
'bonding' effects of kinship and friendship, including spending a lot of time with a lone mother
from work who lives nearby. Her job at the Children's Centre also gave her access to wider
opportunities of 'bridging' capital, including attending a weekly dance group. She was keen to
share the benefits that making social connections can bring:

"It's massively important to have people surrounding you and outside influences...just to
be an adult, just to be a person, to be a woman and not just to be a mum all the time."
Carrie (A)

Like Carrie, Sheila did not express signs of feeling stigmatised, demonstrated 'positive' SSL
during her interview, which appeared connected to having high levels of social capital. She had
grown up on the estate and spoke of an extensive network there. As her youngest child was 15,
she was able to visit friends and participate in community organisations and displayed 'bridging'
as well as 'bonding' capital. Sheila was involved in various groups at the local church (although
she did not attend services). She took part in activities every night of the week, including
volunteering at youth clubs and community groups. As opposed to feeling left out among
couples, she described having a "better" social life than when she was married because her ex-
husband, "used to whinge if I went out of the house". She believes staying busy is key to her

206
positive outlook, saying: "I don't have time to mope about".

Ways in which having extended family locally contributed towards Gemma's 'positive' SSL was
evident during her interview. Her description suggests strong 'bonding' forms (Putman, 2000,
cited Gosling, 2008):

"I've got a big family we're all close if I ever needed 'owt there's always somebody there
for me...never mind all my aunties and so on...My sister's got two [children] a girl the
same age as [son] and a boy that's a bit older and they're all like little pals all of them.
They all play together every day." Gemma (A)

Gemma's 'positive' SSL was aided by her sense of "fitting in" locally, having grown up there and
speaking of a strong circle of friends and "really friendly neighbours". Her mother babysits once
a month, but invoking a 'good’ mother identity (May, 2008), she explains that her son is her
"priority" now and she would not leave him every weekend to go out socially, "even if I could
afford it and had a babysitter.”

As with Yardley's (2008) study, most mothers in Location A attributed their limited social life to
circumstances and choice, rather than seeing it in terms of exclusion or stigma. Theresa, Debbie
and Lucy, who indicated 'defensive" SSL throughout their interviews, had little or no social
connections beyond their extended families. As shown in the previous section, relationships with
their parents were closely tied to a localised form of normalising judgement (Foucault, 1977) for
these women, and their defensive stance seemed to be maintained by remaining within this
limited sphere of reference. These women commented that they did not like drinking alcohol and
were not interested in going anywhere without their children. As their children were under five,
this seemed tied to investment in being a 'good’ mother.

Gosling (2008) highlights the 'gendered' nature of social capital and close relationships with their
own mothers were crucial to these three women. Theresa, who sees her mother two or three
times a week and commented that her mother wants to be “the father figure” to him. Debbie
felt lucky to have her family, saying single motherhood must be "horrendous" otherwise. She
appeared to prefer deep family ties, rather than extensive social contacts: "I'd rather get a DVD
and a take-away and spend time with the family." These cases suggest the women benefit from
what might be described as 'emotional capital' (Nowtotny, 1981, cited Reay, 2004), a gendered
form of social capital in which women perform 'quasi-therapeutic role'. Lucy had moved next
door to her mother, who appears to have instilled a sense of 'bonding' capital in her family: "She
brought us up to respect people and do what we can for each other". Lucy had relied on her
mother's emotional support in dealing with issues that were outlined above: "I just speak to me
mum if I've got problems...she sits and she listens and that's what mums are for." Again, as with
other women in Location A, Lucy's investment in her 'good mother' role meant was unable to
relax during an extremely rare evening out without her children: "I couldn't settle. I went out

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for a meal and I were just like 'I wanna go home'."

The contribution of practical and emotional support from family was highlighted by cases where
this was absent, confirming McIntosh's point that lone mothers with few or weak family
connections are, 'even more socially disadvantaged' (1996: 155). Unlike cases discussed thus
far, where women indicated 'positive' or 'defensive' SSL, a 'cluster of meaning' (Spencer at al.,
2014) was discerned among four of the women who displayed ‘negative’ SSL during their
interviews, who did not have extended family or did not view themselves and their children as
embedded in a wider family network. Lack of employment and absence of family support seemed
to coalesce for Katherine, whose mother had died when she was 14 and father had re-married.
Marta, whose family are in Germany, spoke of being isolated. Clare did not grow up on the estate
and her comments on not "fitting in" there were discussed in Chapter Five and she was "not
close" to her mother but saw aunts in the city centre regularly. Although Julie was comfortable
on the estate and had extended family there, she was "not close" to her mother and preferred
to, “deal with things on my own”. Her negative SSL surrounding not working was discussed in
the previous chapter. Like other cases discussed, although she had welcomed her son spending
time at a nursery while she was at work she felt too "guilty" to leave him with a babysitter and
to go out socially.

Nadirah was the most isolated mother in the sample and her 'negative' SSL has been discussed
previously. She had only one friend she spoke to by phone and extremely restricted spatial
mobility. She spoke of lack of confidence to go out alone; although her family did not live locally,
she feared being spotted by them and had had racist comments directed at her on one occasion
in the predominantly white area. Staff at the Children's Centre had encouraged her to take part
in this research and to attend young parents' groups. She found being in groups difficult but
added: "I know that I'm not doing myself no good staying at home all the time."

Bella was the fifth woman from Location A whose case analysis indicated ‘negative’ SSL. She
had an extensive family network locally and had stayed with her mother and had support from
aunts after her marriage ended, reflecting points by Gosling (2008) on the importance of female
relatives for women who experience domestic violence. During her interview, it became apparent
that the proximity to her family also seemed to engender feelings of being "judged" however.
She told of how her mother had been happy to look after her daughters if she went out in the
evening when she had worked and been in a relationship, but was now reluctant. Bella's mother's
disapproval suggests a need to conform with expectations of feminine 'respectability' (Skeggs,
1997):

"I mean like, if I want to go out one night...and I ask me mum to babysit it's like 'should
you be doing that?' When I had a partner I didn't seem to get judged."

The price of family support in Bella's case seems to be accepting censure. Lack of wider social

208
connections suggests that having a limited sphere of reference beyond this made it more difficult
to reject or resist their judgements. She said: "I feel like I'm judged more with me being on my
own". Expanding on this further when questioned, she described a 'couples culture' (Skeggs,
1997) among her sister and other family members:

"It's awkward because sometimes I don't get invited out if it's all coupley things...with my
sister and stuff sometimes it's like 'well do you really want to come coz you'll be on your
own'." Bella (A)

Location B
Women in Location B received support from their parents, but also generally had considerably
more access to 'bridging' social capital than women in Location A. While lack of time, money,
energy and childcare were cited as barriers to social activities by all women in Location B, the
extent to which this impinged upon their SSL varied. A sense of "exclusion" (Goffman; 1990;
Link and Phelan; 2001; Scambler, 2009) was much more evident in this location than in Location
A. Most of the women in B responded agentially however, in broadening their sphere of reference
to develop social connections with women in the 'same situation'.

Moira, who also indicated positive SSL, had moved near her parents after returning to the UK
when her marriage ended and she was very grateful that they have been emotionally and
practically, as well as financially, supportive. Moira expressed 'positive' SSL throughout her
interview and was active in a single parents' group locally. She had a wide range of social contacts
and was friends with several mothers from her children's school. She described having a social
life without the children as "tricky" however, due to lack of time and money rather than feeling
actively excluded. Having joined a choir, for example, she was unable to take part in a
performance as she had no childcare:

"This is my kind of fun thing...that's not study or work that I can do or see people and be
not a mum for a while. But it turns out that actually it's not possible." Moira (A)

Sonia, who also displayed 'positive' SSL, said she had been too stressed at the end of her
relationship to be concerned about social life and believed she was hindered practical obstacles:
"I don't think it's too much about the erm, what's the word, social stigma". Having lived all over
the country and moved to B from a large city, she has a wide sphere of reference and regarded
the area as "insular" rather than taking on board local norms and judgements, saying: “I'm too
busy to care what people think”. She had used 'bridging' capital to join a lone mothers' group,
where she had made friends she described as "non-judgemental" and "like-minded". She had
also started a new relationship. Unlike mothers in Location A, who spoke about feeling guilty if
they went out in the evenings and could not afford childcare, Sonia pays a babysitter one evening
a week to give her time to do "something for myself". Unlike some of the women with younger
children in Location A quoted above, Sonia did not seem to think this jeopardised her 'good’

209
mother identity (May, 2008).

Not to be in a couple could be experienced as cultural exclusion (Skeggs, 1997) in Location B.

Whereas Bella was the only woman in Location A who made explicit reference to being excluded
from events involving couples, this was a common theme among women in Location B,
corresponding with the normative nuclear family model discussed above. Duncan and Edwards'
(1999) found middle class lone mothers in an affluent suburb of Brighton felt marginalised from
the social capital that existed locally among 'traditional' nuclear families around them. This was
echoed in the present study. Recalling Goffman's (1990) reference to the 'in-group' and 'out
group', most women commented on feeling "left out" when couple families do things together at
weekends in particular.

Valerie, whose 'performative' SSL has been discussed previously, said, "people want to spend
the weekends with their husbands and that's just how it is". Although Valerie grew up locally
and has family nearby, she still experienced lone motherhood as "socially isolating". Valerie
behaved agentially in using social media to set up a group for women in similar situations, to
"try to get away from the negativity and isolation". This can be understood as drawing on cultural
capital (Bourdieu, 1989) gained through her education and job as a social worker to enhance
her social capital. She referred to what could be deemed 'emotional capital' (Nowtotny, 1981,
cited Reay, 2004) in sharing problems within the group, but also enjoyed the opportunities it
provided for trips and activities together with their children.

Della gave indicators of 'mixed' SSL during her interview. She regarded her own mother, who
was a single parent and now has a successful career, as a role model and her positive attitude
to her own career was discussed in the previous chapter. While aware that her family situation
is becoming "more regular”, she found, "there is still a stigma with certain classes of people
around single parents" in the town. She described feeling "embarrassed" going to a parent and
toddler group after she first split up with her ex-husband: "There were all these cliquey mums
talking about their husbands...so I never went again." Della displayed what might be regarded
as 'defensive' SSL, in her response to overhearing her situation being discussed by a group of
married mothers at her son's birthday party. She described how, whilst, "quite a confrontational
person", she decided to laugh it off as it was her son's party. Having a wide sphere of reference
through work helped her to look beyond local coupled families and dismiss such judgements.
Joining a single parents' organisation had also enabled her to form friendships with a number of
women in the "same situation", who met regularly and had outings with their children.

The principle of homophily could thus be witnessed in Location B as social connections with
people in "the same situation" were highly valued. Six women in B were members of single
parents' organisations. Those who were not members proactively engaged with other lone
mothers. Joanne, for example, was not a member of a formal group but had approached two

210
lone mothers from her son's nursery. She called them the "single mum's club" and said the they
felt less outnumbered by couple families when they met up with their children at the park.

Jasmine also gave indicators of 'mixed' SSL, displaying 'performative' SSL in her desire to match
up to middle class two parent standards, along with 'transformative' SSL. At times she voiced a
tension between the two, which she described as a difference between "head and heart" in
wanting to be "normal for my kids' sake" but also having come to question those norms.
Disillusionment with the nuclear family norm after her divorce led her develop new social
connections and attending a weekly women group had given her a feminist frame of reference
from which to question negative judgements. Thus cultural and social capital were entwined in
her case. Speaking of "ingrained prejudices", she gave examples of a neighbour telling people
she was a "single mother on drugs" when she first moved in and being excluded from social
events:

"I might not get invited to something, my kids might not get asked to this or that...A lot
of people don't even realise they're doing it...Because we're women we take responsibility
for everything I'd think 'I'm not surprised they've not invited me because I'm not married'
rather than thinking 'judgemental wankers what is wrong with you?'."

Mandy indicated 'negative' SSL and spoke of feeling 'judged' and excluded from the affluent
couples culture locally. In contrast with previously discussed cases, she seemed to draw only
on this limited sphere of reference, rather than other single parents or people her own age
and judged herself accordingly. She had developed relationships with certain mothers from
her son's school, but felt excluded by most parents there:

"There are still some who definitely do deal with me completely differently to how they
deal with other people. I mean a lot of the parents at school will get together for Sunday
lunch as families, but because I am on my own I won't be included. And I find things like
that hard, mainly because I don't want my son to be excluded." Mandy (B)

Conclusion

The literature review established the hegemonic dominance of the heterosexual two parent
model as the 'normal' and symbolically 'legitimate' family form (Foucault, 1979; Barrett and
MacIntosh, 1992; Song, 1996; Reekie, 1998) along with discursive constructions of lone
motherhood as 'bad' motherhood (Smart, 1996). Whilst Chapter Five detailed participants' push
away from negative 'single mum' stereotypes, this chapter has shown the counterpoint of a pull
towards this normative family model was also evident in women's accounts. Parenting norms
can be regarded as 'cultural emergent properties', or CEPs (Archer, 2000), which establish a
'proper' family standard against which lone mothers believe their own family is judged.

211
The first section of this chapter demonstrated how, whilst lone mothers were highly conscious
of the 'stereotypical' two parent norm, 'judging the judgement' can be viewed as a key agential
mechanism in absorbing, resisting or rejecting stigma. Application of SSL illustrated how
mothers' evaluation of their situation was influenced by both localised family norms and
differential levels of personal investment in the two parent 'ideal'. Generational changes appear
to be occurring and the nationally hegemonic married version of family life held less sway overall
in Location A, where participants described lone motherhood as becoming “the norm". This
concurs with Foucault's (1977) ideas on structuring of space and surveillance, as applied by
McCormack (2004), who found that dominant national discourse carried less weight among lone
mothers in poorer neighbourhoods in the USA. The prizing of a caring maternal identity among
women indicating 'positive' or 'defensive' SSL also reflects studies involving mothers in working
class neighbourhoods (Gillies, 2007; McKenzie, 2015) and Skeggs and Loveday's focus on
'understandings of value, what matters and what counts' (2012: 472). Contrasts within locations
were also found, whereby women who had previously been married or in long-term relationships
were more likely to feel their family was 'spoilt' and, consequently, indicate 'negative' or
'performative' SSL. Women in Location B, where there was more 'buy in' to a patriarchal family
structure overall, commonly experienced a sense of 'difference' in their neighbourhood.

A strength in using the SSL approach to investigate 'degrees' of stigma (Link and Phelan, 2001)
is that lone mothers' positive comments on their pride and resilience were captured as positive
indicators of personal legitimacy, rather than focusing only on negative experiences. The second
section of this chapter showed how analysis of 'modes' of SSL confirms the significance of agency
in determining 'which normative evaluations matter' to women's 'legitimate self-worth' (Archer,
2000: 219). Archer recognises evaluation of what people 'care about most' as a key facet of
'personal emergent properties' or PEPs (Archer, 2012: 106); and what participants said they
cared about most, regardless of location or situation, was their children. Although participants
did not reject the 'good mother' discursive construct (Smart, 1996), a common response lay in
meaning-making through exerting their 'good lone mother' credentials. Interviews with women
in both locations, many of whom were literally 'left holding the baby', underline critiques of
'detraditionalisation' and 'individualisation' (Giddens, 1992; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2002) in
underestimating restrictions that gender and class inequalities place upon reflexive choices for
lone mothers (eg: Mitchell and Green, 2002; May 2006; Klett-Davies, 2007; Morris, 2012).
Archer's conceptualisation of reflexivity (2007) was useful in recognising women's agency in
coping with what were often challenging practical and emotional troubles and embarking upon
reflexive journeys. Examples of the dynamic nature of SSL were provided, whereby women
indicated 'performative' or 'transformative' SSL and 'judged' themselves by new standards.

The final section of this chapter confirms Duncan and Edwards' view that, 'context is crucial when
examining the phenomena of lone motherhood' (1999: 63). The data suggests that stigma can
manifest in quite subtle forms of exclusion, rather than direct incidents, with examples of 'funny
212
looks' from the 'older generation' in Location A and being unthinkingly excluded from social
events in Location B. Data analysis considered the extent to which lone mothers are connected
to, or excluded from, family and friendship networks, or how social capital (Bourdieu, 1989)
impacts on their understanding of leading a 'proper' family life and their mode of SSL. Case
examples illustrated how different forms of capital (Reay, 2004; Gillies, 2007) were valuable in
mitigating stigma depending upon the social and spatial 'sphere of reference' against which
participants felt judged and judged themselves.

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Chapter 8

Conclusion

Introduction

This thesis has documented research involving lone mothers in two locations in the North of
England. The concluding chapter now rounds up the research findings to summarise how
evidence presented in the thesis addresses the research aims and adds to existing knowledge of
lone mothers' experiences of stigma. It begins by bringing together key empirical findings to
respond to the research questions. It provides a model which encapsulates key findings and
theoretical understanding of lone mothers' experiences of stigma arising from this study. The
chapter describes how the research extends insights into lone mothers' experiences of stigma
and makes a significant and original contribution to sociological knowledge. It briefly evaluates
the quality of the research and considers strengths and limitations of approaches that were taken
and offers suggestions for taking forward ideas that have been developed.

Responding to the research questions

Chapters One to Four established why the research topic is important and how it was
approached. Chapters Five to Seven addressed the research questions through presentation and
discussion of findings from semi-structured interviews with 26 lone mothers. These findings can
be summed up as follows:

- To what extent are lone mothers in the contemporary British context still affected
by stigmatisation?

Based on data collected in the two locations, there is evidence that lone mothers remain affected
by stigma to a significant extent. Having outlined theories on de jure reproductive legitimacy
and the chronology of stigmatisation of lone mothers, it can be argued that a legacy of historical
stigma persists in the everyday lives of most women who took part in this research. Principal
indicators of stigma observed among participants were perceptions of: labelling; stereotyping;
difference; exclusion; inferiority; prejudice and adverse social judgement. These indicators
reflect characteristics of stigma cited by Goffman (1990), Link and Phelan (2001) and Scambler
(2009). Women's accounts did not reflect Goffman's emphasis on shame, however. Using SSL
proved more appropriate in investigating 'degrees' of stigma (Link and Phelan, 2001) among a
diverse sample of mothers than Goffman's abject depiction of 'spoilt identity' implies. It must be
stressed that, along with women's comments on stigmatisation, the data also showed positive
aspects of lone motherhood. Analysis captured incidences of women expressing self-worth and

214
pride in their children, autonomy and resilience and valuing their kinship networks and social
connections. Furthermore, whilst aware of social stigmatisation of lone motherhood generally, a
minority of the women were unaffected by this personally.

Labelling was found to be a prominent facet of lone mothers' perceptions of stigma. Ambivalence
towards terminology was clear in that a number of women used the terms “single mother” or
“single mum” privately, but were reticent about doing so publicly. Only small number of women
would happily introduce themselves as a “single mum”, supporting points by May (2010) about
agential dis-identification from the category. Labelling was strongly linked to media stereotyping
by all participants. Examples of lone mothers' absorption and reproduction of media
misrepresentation in this research confirm that it can amount to a form of 'symbolic violence'
(Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990) that is classed and gendered (McRobbie, 2004: Lawler, 2005).
Media stereotyping was a source of stigma that was cited universally by participants, who
commonly voiced anger at its detrimental impact, as illustrated in Chapter Five. Negative
discourse, and its circulation via social media, was clearly associated with participants' frequent
comments on 'being judged'.

Participants did not believe media coverage reflects the reality of their diverse circumstances, as
argued almost two decades ago by Atkinson et al. (1998), suggesting lack of progress towards
more realistic cultural representations. If, as Archer (2014) argues, beliefs and ideologies are
lodged in a 'cultural archive', then historical attitudes, attacks on single mothers during
underclass debates and recent incarnations of 'chav mums' and 'benefit scroungers' (Tyler, 2008;
2011) seem to have been lodged firmly in that archive. Analysis of interview data highlighted
eagerness to emphasise their work ethic among women in both locations. This is discussed in
Chapter Six and concurs with perspectives on the 'cultural political economy of welfare disgust'
(Jensen and Tyler, 2015). Bottero (2011) writes of taxpayers in medieval villages making 'rough
music' outside of the houses of unwed mothers they saw as a financial burden and it might be
argued that reality television now serves this function. In this context, those women who were
not working generally experienced stigma to the greatest extent, as covered more fully below.

Evidence from the interviews also suggests that a historical 'hierarchy of maternal legitimacy'
(Song, 1996; Carabine, 1996) has persisted, as discussed in Chapter Five. In their anxiety to
resist prejudice, most participants reproduced stigmatising discourse and ranked their
deservingness of moral approbation and public resources according to: route to lone
motherhood, relationship history; age and work ethic. Work orientation among participants in
the contemporary context appears much stronger than those involved in studies some 20 years
ago (Duncan and Edwards, 1999; Klett-Davies, 2007), suggesting that political emphasis on
worker citizenship (Haux, 2012) has increased normative expectations upon lone mothers to be
'breadwinners'.

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This research found that lone mothers' feelings of stigmatisation are often compounded by
idealisation of 'good' motherhood in a married, heterosexual nuclear family (Foucault, 1979;
Barrett and MacIntosh, 1992; Smart, 1996). Participants were anxious to compensate for
perceived inferiority though displaying what can be described as 'good lone mother' credentials,
as discussed in Chapter Seven. Some incidences of direct interpersonal stigma were reported by
participants in this research. Disapproving looks and comments were much more rare among
mothers from a broader range of ages in this sample, however, than in studies involving young
mothers (Yardley, 2008; Ponsford, 2011). Examples from the data show how some women
challenged disapproval expressed by 'the older generation'. Although growing family diversity is
changing normative expectations (with the introduction of a single parent family emoticon
(Barrie, 2016) a lighthearted example of this), participants' experiences suggest this is occurring
at a generational pace. With reference to 'feedback mechanisms' in Archer's morphogenic/static
model (Archer, 1996; 2012), stigmatisation can arguably be viewed as negative feedback on
non-normative family forms.

Stigmatisation is also occurring unevenly, the data suggests. The research demonstrates how
lone mothers' experiences of stigma varied greatly according to personal circumstances, social
class and location, confirming Pulkingham et al.'s (2010) view that acceptance of lone
motherhood is linked to social and economic position. Analysis of agential and structural factors
that contributed towards individual participants' rejection, resistance and absorption of stigma,
and hence the extent to which they are subjectively affected by stigma, is addressed by
responding to the next research question.

– How do agential and structural factors affect lone mothers' experiences of stigma?

Chapter Three discussed the approach taken in exploring agential and structural factors affecting
lone mothers' experiences of stigma. This approach uses Archer's (2000; 2003; 2007)
conceptualisation of agency/structure interplay and SSL as an analytical tool. The most
significant factors that commonly affected women's experiences have been discussed in the
previous three chapters. In summary, key factors that can be described as cultural emergent
properties (CEPs) were: political discourses of deservingess, cultural stereotyping of 'single
mums on benefits' and two parent family norms. Key factors that can be described as structural
emergent properties (SEPs) were: government policies enshrining worker citizenship and benefit
conditionality, local labour markets and financial situation. The most significant personal and
socio-spatial factors were: age, relationship history, local reproductive norms, extended family
support or knowing people in the same situation.

Many of the women felt judged and de-legitimated for a situation over which they had no control
and engaged agentially in 'a struggle against unjustifiable judgment', as identified by Skeggs
and Loveday (2012: 472). Exploring participants' personal emergent properties, or PEPs,
revealed that their common agential responses to these factors were: 'meaning-making' in

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distancing from stereotypes; hierarchising themselves in relation to other lone mothers;
emphasising their work ethic; and voicing pride in their 'good mother' role and personal
resilience. Women also took instrumental action in seeking work, pursuing education or deciding
to work even if it left them no better off financially in order to avoid benefits stigma. This reflects
Scambler's (2009) inclusion of anticipation of stigma as an effect or indicator of stigmatisation.
Comparing experiences revealed significant contrasts in participants' class position, which can
be viewed in terms of SEPs, and access to resources between the two locations. This is further
discussed below.

Case analysis considered each woman's subjective perception of stigma, agential response to
stigma and relevant factors in her rejection, resistance and absorption of stigma and determined
her resulting 'mode' of SSL. Whether participants were working or not was the most significant
structural factor affecting experiences of stigma overall and there was a clear association
between un/employment and SSL, as shown in Chapter Six. Women who were in work tended
to display self-worth and 'positive' or 'performative' SSL, while those who were reliant on benefits
tended to feel 'judged', internalise that judgement and display 'negative' SSL. Participants in
what might be regarded as the most stigmatised situations structurally did not necessarily
indicate the greatest degree of stigma subjectively however. Certain participants prioritised their
'good mother' role and displayed 'defensive' SSL in asserting their legitimate claim to benefits,
rather than absorbing negative social judgements. The degree to which women experience
stigma therefore varied according to both their situation and their agential perspective on that
situation.

Application of SSL in Chapter Seven showed how women's judgement of their family form as
'proper' or 'spoilt' was influenced by their relationship history, along with local family norms,
which are discussed below. Participants commonly expressed cynicism about gender relations
and many had come to enjoy their autonomy in living alone with their children. Most women
appeared to hold largely traditional views on family life overall however. They stressed that they
did not choose lone motherhood and would have preferred to be bringing their children up in a
'normal' family. Only three participants made any reference to feminist perspectives. There was
scant evidence in this research of reflexive lifestyle choices suggested by the individualisation
thesis (Giddens, 1992), confirming findings in previous studies (Mitchell and Green, 2002; Klett-
Davies, 2007: Morris, 2012). One case was a strong example of 'transformative' SSL as the
participant had developed a new perspective since her divorce, whilst others voiced tensions
between transformative aspirations and still judging their family situation according to normative
expectations.

Archer's (2007) perspective on reflexivity was useful in examining how participants could be
reflexive whilst also structurally constrained to varying extents. People's evaluation of what they
'care about most', 'which normative evaluations matter' (2003: 219) and 'judgement about what

217
they find worthwhile' (Archer, 2012: 106) are key facets of Archer's description of PEPs. The
previous three chapters have given examples of participants' agential mediation of norms
surrounding two-parent family ideology, normalising judgement (Foucault, 1977) and the worker
model of citizenship. Agency/structure interplay might therefore be seen to be occurring through
the process of the women in this study judging 'what matters' to them personally, using what
resources they have to achieve it, and rejecting, resisting or absorbing stigma accordingly.
Indeed, it must be recognised that feelings about being in a stigmatised category might be a low
priority among women dealing with more pressing demands. Their neighbours' opinions might
simply 'not matter' to mothers with a wider sphere of reference, whilst mattering intensely to
some of those who are in a relatively advantaged financially but are excluded from activities
involving wealthier couples around them. The role of 'judgement of judgement' as a mechanism
in lone mothers' mediation of stigma is further elaborated and illustrated visually in Figure 4:
Understanding lone mothers' mediation of stigma as a process of 'judging the judgement' which
follows (p.222).

- What is the significance of social class and spatial location in lone mothers'
experiences of stigma?

This study set out to explore what makes a difference in lone mothers' experiences of stigma.
Purposive sampling (Bryman, 2012) enabled commonalities and differences in experiences of
women in diverse situations and contrasting locations to be compared, as outlined in Chapter
Four. Evidence from this research indicates that social class and location are highly significant in
lone mothers' experiences of stigma. The issues of place and class were approached
simultaneously and there were correlations between spatial location, levels of economic, cultural
and social capitals (Bourdieu, 1989) and women's responses when asked to identify their social
class. There was a reluctance to identify with a particular social class among most women in
Location A, whilst most women in Location B saw their class as 'mixed' and some as 'middle
class', as discussed in Chapter Five. The reluctance of women in A to identify with a class
reinforces arguments as to the effects of class de-legitimation (Atkinson, 2012; Skeggs and
Loveday, 2012; Tyler, 2013; McKenzie, 2015). It also illustrates the relationship between
people's possession of capitals and willingness to discuss social class (Savage, 2015).

Application of SSL revealed that although all of the women involved in this study behaved
agentially in mediating stigma and access to capitals did not automatically dictate subjective
experiences of stigma, it did position some participants much more favorably than others to
negotiate stigma. This research offers evidence to support arguments by Skeggs and Loveday
(2012), who emphasise presences and absence of capitals in people's ability to 'perform' or
'defend' their legitimacy in a 'climate of judgement' (2012: 473). The data reveals how women
who identified their social class as 'mixed' and displayed 'performative' SSL deployed cultural
capital to resist cultural stereotyping of 'single mums' as working class and on benefits, as

218
discussed in Chapter Five. That chapter also offers examples of mothers who judged themselves
according to class expectations they were ill-equipped to meet, resulting in ‘negative’ SSL.

Dermott and Pomati (2016) question whether lone parents are only positioned as problematic if
they are reliant on state support. Overall, the research suggests that being on benefits is more
significant to women's SSL than being a lone mother per se. This recalls arguments as to the
patriarchal, material base to historical stigmatisation of lone mothers (e.g. Reekie; 1998;
Carabine, 2001), discussed in Chapter Two. The data shows how cultural capital in the form of
education among mothers in Location B was used to secure work that could be balanced with
childcare. Being in work was then 'converted' into economic capital. The study also demonstrates
that the emotional effects of class de-legitimation led many women in Location A to judge
themselves harshly for being dependent on benefits despite limited job opportunities locally. A
sense of financial inferiority affected the SSL of some mothers in Location B, where they felt
compelled to 'perform' against middle class parenting standards.

Distinction between macro and micro constructs (Burr, 2003) proved useful in considering the
significance of spatial location during this research. Women commonly drew upon nationally
hegemonic discourse as their frame of reference when discussing their perception of benefits
stigma and emphasing their work orientation, as discussed in Chapter Six. Local norms were the
common frame of reference when discussing family forms, however, as discussed in Chapter
Seven. Lone motherhood appeared to be considered less acceptable in Location B, where
married, two parent families were more prevalent. In their analysis of social legitimacy, Johnson
et al., argue that legitimacy, 'constructs the object as consistent with cultural norms and beliefs
and values that are presumed to be shared in a local situation' (2006: 57). The correlation
between reproductive behaviour and participants' perceptions of local attitudes towards
marriage and single parenthood in the sample reinforces critiques of Malinowski's (1930)
functionalist 'principle of legitimacy'. It is not possible to 'prove' any of the specific critical
perspectives on the origins of familial legitimacy (see Chapter Two), nor was that the aim of this
research. The value of critical perspectives on the origins of legitimacy is, however, supported
by the data. Excerpts from women's accounts indicate that judgement of reproductive legitimacy
is contextual according to place as well as time and culture (Foucault, 1977; Hendrix, 1996).
Whilst sexual morality was emphasised by women in Location A, the higher incidence of marriage
in Location B, where people are generally more wealthy, could be interpreted as supporting
Engels' (1988) argument as to the material roots of reproductive legitimacy. Millett's (1990)
challenge to the principle of legitimacy also appears well-founded in light of evidence from this
study of differences in mothers' perception of stigma according to their personal investment in
the patriarchal family form.

Findings illustrating the significance of local social networks in this research support those from
Duncan and Edwards' (1999) comparative research among lone mothers. Case examples in

219
Chapter Seven illustrated how different forms of social capital were valuable in mitigating stigma
and depended upon the social and spatial 'sphere of reference' against which participants felt
judged and judged themselves. Some women in what might be objectively viewed as stigmatised
situations were bolstered by extended family support, as found in previous studies (Yardley,
2008; Ponsford, 2011) and displayed 'defensive' SSL.

Lone mothers' mediation of stigma as a process of 'judging the judgement'

Figure 4: Understanding lone mothers' mediation of stigma as a process of 'judging the
judgement' helps clarify theoretical interpretation of lone mothers' experiences of stigma arising
from analysis of the data. Chapter Four described the role of 'retroduction' in seeking out
processes underlying empirical observations (Bhaskar, 2015; Sayer, 2000; Danermark et al.,
2001), as illustrated in Figure 3: Lone motherhood research as an iterative cycle. Working
backwards from the 'modes' of SSL designated from participants' accounts helped investigate
processes underlying their experiences of stigma. As discussed in the methodology chapter,
judgement was a prominent indicator of stigma during the research, with women making
frequent references to 'being judged', judging themselves and, in some cases, voicing
judgements of others. Analysing case dynamics suggests a process of evaluative judgement or
'judging the judgment' underpins lone mothers' rejection, resistance or absorption of stigma.
Evidence of this process at work has been demonstrated in excerpts from women's interviews
throughout the three previous chapters. Importantly, 'judgement of judgement' reflects not only
passivity in 'being judged' but the agential act of evaluating external judgement and de-
legitimation. Judgement is not just a top down process, according to Skeggs (2005). 'Judgement
of judgment' might therefore be described as the point of interaction between agency and
structure in lone mothers' mediation of stigma.

Concepts are 'words that describe', whilst 'theories' are 'links or models that explain
relationships', according to Layder (1998: 73-120). Where the 'prism of legitimacy' set out the
conceptual framework that was used to address the research questions and interpret the data,
Figure 4 illustrates a theoretical model, which has been developed to suggest relationships
between key concepts and variables (Leshem and Trafford, 2007; Casanave and Li, 2015) that
have been discussed in this thesis. The model illustrates how, 'the interplay between pre-existent
structures...and people, possessing distinct causal powers and properties of their own, results
in contingent yet explicable outcomes' (Carter and New, 2004: 6).

Figure 4 encapsulates those CEPs and SEPs that have been identified as key factors in mitigating
or exacerbating women's sense of stigma, discussed in previous chapters and summarised
above. It also breaks down PEPs into elements and tactics that were found to be relevant in
mediating stigma. Analysis of the data revealed how personal position and resources at
participants' disposal influenced their capacity to reject, resist or absorb stigma. Key indicators
of stigma and tactics in mediating it are included, along with resultant 'modes' of SSL. Case

220
examples in this thesis have evidenced how lone mothers' individual sense of SSL can be affected
by a mis-alignment between judgement of 'what matters' to them personally and their situation
or resources. Access to economic, cultural and social capital (Bourdieu, 1989) and personal
support from extended families and people in the same situation are thus indicated as factors
affecting lone mothers' mediation of stigma. Looking at processes, rather than focusing only on
variables, is therefore helpful in understanding experiences of mothers in diverse situations.

221
Figure 4: Understanding lone mothers' mediation of stigma as a process of 'judging the judgement'
Situation and resources

Personal support
Economic capital

Spatial location
Social capital

Sphere of
reference
Cultural
capital
Employment/benefit
Age
Relationship
history
Local family
norms
Extended family Indicators of
stigma
‘What matters’ Stress on work ethic Positive
Judging others

Social judgment
Feeling judged
Judging self

Reflexivit Moving off Defensive

Stereotyping
Absorb
benefits SSL

Reject
y

Resist
Meaning-making Judgement Dis-identification

Difference

Inferiority
Exclusion
PEPs

Labelling
Performative Mode
Decision-taking of Distancing
Action-taking Pride in children Transformative

‘Which Pride in resilience Mixed

standards’
Regulatory legitimacy Tactics
Moral legitimacy
Social legitimacy
Normative judgement
Media misrepresentation
Deservingness discourse

Normative family ideal

Benefit conditionality

Local labour market

Worker citizenship

CEPs SEPs
222
Demonstrating the contribution to knowledge

This research has considered the lived experiences of lone mothers in a socio-political climate of
welfare reform and heightened benefits stigma. Its findings are of value in extending
understanding of issues affecting the stigmatisation of lone mothers in the contemporary British
context. While the empirical findings, conceptual tools and methodological approach taken in
this research are inter-related, they can be separated out in order to demonstrate its threefold
contribution to knowledge.

Empirical contribution
Looking firstly at the empirical contribution of this study, the foregoing summary of findings has
addressed research questions concerning the extent to which lone mothers experience stigma;
the role of agency/structure dynamics; and the significance of spatial location and social class in
those experiences. These findings respond to a gap in knowledge by taking a comparative
approach and recruiting women from a more diverse range of backgrounds and situations,
whereas most previous research has tended to focus on mothers who are young, on benefits or
in deprived areas. Edwards and Alexander (2011) describe difficulties in recruiting middle class
lone mothers as research participants some twenty years ago for Duncan and Edwards' (1999)
research. The widespread adoption of social media in the interim period helped facilitate access
to a wider sample of participants in this study. The ages of women who took part ranged between
19 and 54. They had between one and five children aged between eight months and 15 years
old. Some were highly qualified and worked in well-paid jobs, while others have no qualifications
and have never been in paid work. Ex-partners were still heavily involved in certain cases whilst
there was no paternal contact in others. Some participants were well supported by extended
family networks while others were bringing up children completely alone. Some women travelled
extensively and had active social lives, whereas others had few social contacts and rarely left
their neighbourhood.

The comparative nature of this work is of value in enabling 'social distribution of perspectives'
(Flick, 2012) to be investigated in relation to individual circumstances, location and access to
capitals (Bourdieu, 1989). Women in Location A commented that they were pleased that the
research was not only concentrating on a deprived area, whilst women in Location B said they
had been motivated to take part because lone motherhood was "not the done thing" locally and
they wanted to share their views. A poll by Gingerbread (2014) found that three out of four
single parents experienced stigma and findings from the present study offer qualitative depth to
supplement such statistical information. Conducting semi-structured interviews with a locational
cross-section produced new empirical knowledge by enabling comparisons to be made on
matters including social class identification, access to employment and local reproductive norms.
Analysis of case dynamics has offered insight into processes occurring at the individual level
223
through comparing experiences within the locations. The research is of value not only in
exploring the everyday lives of lone mothers in different situations, but also in exploring their
perceptions of stigmatisation in relation to cultural, structural, material and socio-spatial
contexts.

The sample therefore offers a distinct empirical contribution to knowledge in uncovering the
extent to which women from different circumstances and backgrounds feel affected by stigma,
whereas a substantial body of studies has concentrated primarily on stigma among young
mothers (e.g. Yardley, 2008; Ponsford, 2011; Ellis-Sloan, 2014; Wenham, 2016). This research
extends knowledge in elaborating upon manifestation and mediation of stigma among mothers
in more diverse situations. Of particular note in doing so is the extension of exploration of factors
affecting absorption or neuturalisation of stigma among young mothers by Yardley (2008) and
Wenham (2016) to mothers of a broader age-range. Further examples of note, where this work
reinforces existing research include those studies showing: the significance of local contexts
(Duncan and Edwards); and limits to individualisation arguments in lone mothers' lives (Klett-
Davies, 2007; Morris, 2012); and tensions in balancing work and childcare (Davies 2012; Haux
2012; Millar and Ridge, 2013). Based on the data, it can be argued that further welfare benefit
conditionality (DWP, 2013; 2017) and policies that neglect to understand that ability to act
agentially is contextual (Wright, 2012; Davies, 2012), can lead to self-blame and exacerbate
stigma. A particularly useful contribution to knowledge from the present research lies in using
Archer's (2000; 2003; 2007) conceptual separation of agency and structure to enable the
interplay of agential and structural factors to be subject to more detailed investigation. Doing so
has provided evidence as to how lone mothers suffer stigmatisation and attempted to unpick the
why by considering factors that are most salient in contributing to or mitigating stigma, which
are summarised above.

Briefly outlining where findings from the data collected are at variance with previous studies
further demonstrates its contribution to knowledge. There were five main areas where
differences could be seen. Firstly, in drawing on a more wide-ranging sample, this research
suggests that distancing from stereotypes can be more complex than studies which highlight
'othering' as a part of women's tactics to distance themselves from stereotypes (Phoenix, 1996;
Mitchell and Green, 2002; McCormack, 2004: Clavering, 2010). Analysis showed that
participants in this study did reproduce stereotypes but tended to position themselves in relation
to an image rather than an actuality. Examples of empathy and neutrality towards lone mothers
are cited in Chapter Five, in addition to occasional incidences of derisory 'othering'.

The strong evidence of work orientation found among lone mothers in both locations in this
research also suggests that shifts in the policy and discourse environment have increased lone
mothers' emphasis on employment since two key studies conducted in the late 1990s (Duncan
and Edwards, 1999; Klett-Davies, 2007). Participants in the present study did not see

224
employment and childcare as intrinsically incompatible and were keen to work, as discussed in
Chapter Six. This is a difference from authors who found that many of their research participants
prioritised their maternal role and either viewed employment as detrimental to their children
(Duncan and Edwards, 1999) or wished to pursue education or 'alternative lifestyles' whilst
caring for children (Klett-Davies, 2007).

Fourthly, this study demonstrates how participants displayed good lone mother credentials. The
good lone mother role is a development upon studies which have shown that lone mothers (e.g.
Klett-Davies, 2007; May, 2008) and young mothers (e.g. Mitchell and Green, 2002; Yardley
2008; Ponsford, 2011; Wenham, 2016) respond to two parent norms by emphasising their 'good
mother' identity. Chapter Seven describes how most women in this study took pride in being
"mum and dad", fulfilling the breadwinner role, doing a "good job" with their children and putting
their children first. Whilst only a slight variation on the 'good mother identity', unpacking what
being a good lone mother entails helps underscore how participants in study believe their role
differs from partnered motherhood.

Finally, in building upon feminist application of Bourdieu's capitals (Skeggs, 1997; Reay, 1998;
Gillies, 2007), this work has uncovered the significance of particular forms of social capital for
lone mothers for different purposes in different contexts. Work by Gosling (2008) and Canton
(2015) distinguishes between 'bridging' and 'bonding' types of social capital (Putman, 2000 cited
in Gosling, 2008). Both conclude that bonding capital is not necessarily beneficial in helping
women in deprived class areas move out of poverty. The present research found that bonding
capital, in the form of family ties was highly significant for young mothers in Location A, as
exemplified in Chapter Seven. By contrast, bridging capital enabled mothers in Location B to
make connections with women in the same situation.

Conceptual contribution
In addition to the substantive research questions, a further aim was to develop a means of
researching lone mothers' experiences of stigma that did not assume or reinforce stigma. To this
end, the development of SSL can be viewed as an original, significant and also a practical
contribution to sociological research. SSL offers a valuable analytical tool to aid examination of
attitudes to and experiences of lone mothers. The specific ways in which it responds to a
conceptual need are discussed in Chapter Three. The specific ways in which it responds to an
analytical need are discussed in Chapter Four. Using SSL extends existing knowledge in the
sense that it accommodates the complexity of competing demands within lone mothers' lives,
and offers a conceptual approach which has potential for examining stigma in a more nuanced
way. In using agency/structure interplay in a way that examines a de-legitimation/personal
legitimacy dialectic, as demonstrated in this thesis, it also contributes towards critiquing, rather
than reproducing, stigmatising.

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Crucially, SSL did not foreground stigma as a starting point for investigation. Rather, it aimed to
take a multi-dimensional approach in exploring subjective experiences and features that
contribute towards or militate against experiences of stigma. This thesis demonstrates its value
in aiding analysis of agential mediation of stigma in relation to women's personal, spatial and
social situation, enablements and constraints and levels of 'capitals'. A strength in using this
approach to investigate 'degrees' of stigma (Link and Phelan, 2001) is that lone mothers'
comments on their pride and resilience were captured as positive indicators of personal
legitimacy, rather than focusing only on negative experiences. SSL facilitated comparison
between and within locations by breaking down women's situations, perceptions of
stigmatisation of lone mothers generally, perceptions of personal stigmatisation and legitimacy
and their responses and resources available to them in negotiating 'judgement'.

Methodological contribution
The methodological approach taken in this study is a contribution to knowledge to the extent
that, while empirical application of critical realist principles is growing (Cruickshank, 2011) this
remains relatively limited in qualitative sociological studies involving women, compared with
feminist and constructionist approaches. This work is original in using the critical realist tools of
'abduction' and 'retroduction' (Sayer, 2000), as illustrated in Figure 3: Iterative Design Cycle
(see p.89) to explore stigmatisation of lone motherhood. As quoted in Chapter One, Becker
believes comparison can help generate theories by uncovering 'deeper processes' (2010, cited
Silverman, 2011: 62). Application of abduction and retroduction, along with Framework Analysis
(Spencer et al., 2014a; 2014b) and case dynamics analysis (Miles and Hubberman, 1994) in
ways described in Chapter Four, helped identify participants' individual modes of SSL as:
'positive', 'negative', 'performative', 'defensive' and 'transformative'. It furthermore helped in
working backwards from manifestations of SSL to seek out processes beneath empirical
observations (Bhaskar, 2015). This led to identification of 'judgement of judgement' as a key
mechanism, as detailed in the methodology chapter.

Evaluating the research

The themes of legitimacy and judgement have been discussed extensively in this thesis. In
evaluating the research, it is therefore important to reflect on the 'legitimacy' of the knowledge
that has been gained, the standards by which it can be judged and how the work meets those
standards.

Logic and legitimacy of knowledge

A brief recap on critical realist knowledge claims is helpful in clarifying what might be regarded
as legitimate knowledge from this meta-theoretical perspective. Firstly, accepting that all
knowledge is partial, fallible and provisional (Sayer, 1992; 2000) means any knowledge claims
must be couched in caveats. Secondly, coherence is favoured over correspondence as a basis
226
for argumentation (Bhaskar, 2015). This means seeking out processes underlying empirical
observations rather than Humean regularities in the data (Sayer, 2000). With reference to the
question of what can be inferred from the sample (Bryman, 2012), it must therefore be stressed
that processes have been considered in a local sense and are regarded as context specific rather
a generalisable (Pawson and Tilley, 1997). As human behaviour is chaotic and the social world
is a vast 'open' system (Sayer, 1992), processes cannot be isolated and causality is complex as
well as temporal and spatial, all of which means explanations always remain 'open'. Furthermore,
having attended to realists' debates about 'contingency' and 'necessity', this thesis follows
authors who accept contingency rather than demanding nomic necessity (Carter and New, 2004;
Williams and Dyer, 2004). Finally, a reflexive position of 'theorised subjectivity' (Letherby, 2013)
accepts that knowledge is partial and situated as well as fallible and contingent.

Notwithstanding these (extensive) caveats as to what this research cannot infer, regularities can
be observed and mechanisms can be identified that go, 'beyond sheer association' (Spencer et
al., 2014a: 274). The findings from this study have been encapsulated as a theoretical model in
Figure 4: Understanding lone mothers' mediation of stigma as a process of 'judging the
judgement' above. This proposes that 'judgement of judgement' is a pivotal mechanism in lone
mothers' mediation of stigma, as discussed. Whilst all knowledge is fallible, it is not all equally
fallible and some knowledge has '(relative) practical adequacy' (Sayer, 1992: 205). Layder
(1998) believes that theory can be evaluated 'according to the extent to which it sheds light on
the empirical world' (1998: 95). I believe that this offers a theoretical understanding of the
research findings which has, in Skeggs' words, 'explanatory purchase' (1997: 24). Clarifying
agential and structural elements in this way helps promote a 'deeper understanding of
phenomena' (Danermark et al., 2001: 148) of stigmatisation of lone motherhood. In addition to
its practical adequacy, this interpretation of the data holds value in having emerged from
women's own words and offering resonance in the 'real world' (Robson, 2011), as touched on
below. These knowledge claims are supported by being grounded in quality standards that are
now discussed.

Evaluating quality
Having considered questions as to appropriate evaluation criteria (Bryman, 2012) and consulted
a number of 'checklists', Silverman (2011) offered the most relevant standards against which to
assess the quality of this work in relation to the meta-theoretical principles adopted and the
research aims. These criteria are: importance of topic; contribution to existing research and
theoretical debates; logical reasoning; clarity of writing and argumentation; conceptual rigour
through explicit specification of concept and theoretical perspectives; methodological rigour
thorough use of appropriate methods, appropriate and sufficient data; and rigorous and
innovative analysis (Silverman, 2011: 355).

227
The importance of topic was established at the outset of the thesis and the women's stories
confirm the importance of extending knowledge on the topic and of taking a critical stance in
doing so. The contribution to existing research and theoretical debates has been demonstrated
over preceding chapters and summarised in this chapter. Ideas that have been articulated in
this thesis, along with foregoing discussion, indicate how 'logical reasoning' and clarity of
argumentation have been addressed. Pains have been taken in writing this thesis to make what
were, at times, complex ideas as clear as possible. Presenting what was an iterative process in
a linear structure was challenging. The thesis format also, necessarily, breaks women's
narratives down into thematic chapters and this sometimes felt like fitting people's complex lives
into neat abstract boxes.

Clarity of writing and argumentation also relates to evaluation of 'conceptual rigour', as required
in Silverman's (2011) list above. The critical realist approach demands 'careful conceptualisation'
(Sayer, 1992). Separating ontology from epistemology means accepting that social phenomena
including power relations, class and patriarchy, exist independently of concepts, discourses and
beliefs used to identify them, which means the sociologist's role is to 'tease out' that identification
(Fleetwood, 2005). Chapter Four describes how concepts were teased out using an Iterative
Research Cycle design. This meant a Provisional Conceptual Framework was adapted and refined
'in dialogue with the data' (Layder, 1998). This resulted in the version of the 'prism of legitimacy'
and 'SSL' framework, which is set out at the end of Chapter Three (see Figures 1 and 2).

On more practical matters, the evaluation criteria call for research to draw on 'appropriate and
sufficient data'. Bryman (2012) suggests 20-30 as a minimum sample size and Baker and
Edwards (2012) give pointers on ‘how many qualitative interviews is enough’. Conducting 26
interviews offered an appropriate balance between providing sufficient breath of situations and
perspectives to identify trends and enable sufficient 'depth, nuance and complexity' (Mason,
2002: 121) in analysis without being overwhelming. Silverman's criteria also judges research
quality according to 'use of appropriate methods' and 'rigorous and innovative analysis'. As
discussed in the methodology chapter, semi-structured interviews offered the most appropriate
data collection methods and excerpts from interviews have evidenced arguments made in the
findings chapters. In accordance with a position of 'theorised subjectivity' (Letherby, 2013), I
acknowledged an inevitable bias ensuing from my personal and academic perspective, but have
treated the data in as rigorous a way as possible through systematic analysis. Chapter Four
details how three stages of analysis became gradually more interpretive. Initial thematic coding
stayed close to verbatim data. Framework Analysis matrices offered transparent analytical
building blocks (Spencer et al., 2014a). The analysis was also innovative in looking at case
dynamics to uncover women's modes of SSL and processes at work in participants' subjective
negotiation of stigma. Thematic analysis would have been appropriate and possibly a less
demanding option in certain ways, but I believe that also analysing case dynamics offered
additional insights in uncovering and evidencing ‘judgement of judgement’.
228
Resonance
Having outlined how the research responds to knowledge claims and meets the selected quality
criteria, briefly noting the resonance of the focus on 'judgement' supports its contribution to
knowledge. The theme arose from the participants' accounts and seems to have resonance in
the contemporary context. I have now become sensitised to its use in people's speech, blogs, in
newspaper columns and television dramas. 'Judgement' was a prominent theme in a recent BBC
Radio 4 Woman's Hour series (Healey, 2017), which featured interviews with lone mothers in a
range of situations and highlighted the persistence of stigma. Arguments about 'judging the
judgement', self-judgement and standards people feel judged against are therefore relatively
easy to communicate when communicating findings of this research in lay terms. During an
informal presentation and discussion of the research findings with women in a lone mothers'
group, they confirmed that judgement was a prominent theme in their lives and stressed the
practical and emotional value of having 'non-judgmental' friends in the 'same situation'.

Limitations
Whilst I believe the research has been conducted thoroughly and competently, as a novice
researcher with a finite time and wordcount, there will be inevitable theoretical over-
simplifications, empirical compromises and analytical ellipses. I am also aware that another
researcher might have approached the research questions quite differently. A feminist
constructionist approach would have sat comfortably with my own values, enabled more
extensive use of feminist insights and avoided challenges in synthesising these influences with
critical realist influences (Parr, 2015), which were discussed in Chapter Four. Drawing on critical
realist sources did, however, expand the contribution to knowledge offered by this research, as
shown in the foregoing discussion.

While the sample provided sufficient and appropriate data, there were some limitations in the
sample composition. Scott et al., (2010) point out that examining intersectionality is not always
possible, despite its appeal. Although the sample reflected the proportion of people from Black
and Minority Ethnic backgrounds in two predominantly white areas, this did not enable any
meaningful examination of the role of ethnicity or intersection of disadvantages in this study.
Ethnicity is referred to as relevant when discussing specific women's cases. The three women in
question offered interesting perspectives in coming from very different backgrounds and
situations and their contrasting experiences of stigma have been discussed. Women who took
part in interviews referred only to relationships with male partners and sexuality was not within
the specific scope of the study. While two women had made a decision to go it alone when they
found out they were pregnant, none of the participants had actively set out to be lone parents.
The comments of one participant on her parents' religion affecting their views on her becoming
pregnant whilst not married are included. Religion was not otherwise mentioned by the
participants in relation to stigma in any way. Targeted recruitment was necessary for practical

229
purposes, but the impact of foregrounding that aspect of women's lives, rather than looking at
it as just one aspect of their lives (May, 2004), must be acknowledged.

While comparison enables conditions that promote or impede processes to be assessed (Bryman,
2012), potential limitations to comparative approaches must be recognised. Lawson points out
benefits of comparative research, but adds that a posteriori contrasts are evident in many
situations. This research was undertaken with an open mind as to how women in the two
locations might regard stigma. While contrasts on matters such as labour markets between the
two locations were evident previously, qualitative detail offers understandings of affectivity in
response to the research questions and the analysis offers valuable theoretical insights. A
limitation of the sample was that none of the participants in the council estate or market town
settings could be seen as living 'alternative lifestyles' (Klett-Davies, 2007), which recruitment
from an inner-city or other location might have provided.

Moving forward
This work has gone as far as it can with the time and resources available but offers potential for
its ideas to be consolidated and taken forward in the following ways:

 With interest in cross-fertilisation of feminism and critical realism increasing and

'expanding dialogue' between the two (Gunnarsson et al., 2016), opportunities to
contribute to this dialogue would be welcomed.
 Participants' case dynamics have been broken up into thematic chapters and comparative
points in this thesis. Writing up full case studies based on the stories of a selection of
women who displayed examples of 'modes' of SSL would help demonstrate the factors
and dynamics contributing towards and militating against stigma and illustrate the
process of 'judgement of judgement' in detail.
 Further refining the concept of SSL and looking at its potential as an approach for
researching stigma among a wider range of single parents is suggested.
 Similarly, the focus on judgement as a process emerged from the data. Further
investigation of judgement as a general sociological process and theoretical resource
could be warranted.

Based on limitations of the sample and ideas generated during the study that could not be
pursued, suggestions for future research include a number of areas:

 Research involving a wider range of people who are parenting alone, including fathers,
Black and Minority Ethnic, 'alternative' and lesbian mothers and also 'single mothers by
choice' is recommended. Experiences of women without children in a family-oriented
society could be also possibly be explored.
 When discussing the research findings informally with the group of lone mothers, they
made interesting points, which echoed comments by the research participants, about
having given their children their father's surnames and now having different surnames
230
 from their children. This suggests potential for empirical feminist research on patrilineal
naming practices (Pitcher, 2016).
 The reluctance of women in the deprived area to engage in discussion of class conforms
with observations by Savage (2015), among others. Addressing a need to consider
innovative methods to engage participants who resist classification in conversations on
class, in ways that sensitively explore dis-identification from their subjective
perspectives, would be of interest in any future research on class.

Conclusion

The thesis has reviewed literature and presented data from an original study using qualitative
methods to investigate lone mothers' experiences of stigma in the contemporary UK context.
This concluding chapter has brought together key findings and arguments from the research and
evaluated its strengths and limitations. Ways in which the research contributes to knowledge
have been evidenced through discussions, analyses and presentation of empirical evidence
throughout this thesis. That contribution has been summarised in this chapter.

The introductory chapter established my motivations in undertaking this research. Furthering

understanding of lone mothers experiences of stigma is can be beneficial in helping address the
effects of stigma on women who may be doing their utmost to bring up children in challenging
circumstances and require support rather than criticism. It is to be hoped that, in addition to
disseminating these research findings in academic fora, demonstrating the damaging impacts of
the persistence of stigmatisation of lone mothers will contribute in any modest way possible
towards challenging that stigma. Whilst there is not sufficient space here to do justice to policy
considerations, findings from this work will be disseminated to appropriate bodies and might
help inform future policy development and campaigns. As one research participant commented:
"We need to bust these myths".

231
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254
Appendix A: History of policies affecting lone mothers table
DATE ACT/POLICY SIGNIFICANCE

1601 Poor Law for England and Wales Unmarried mothers had to go through 'bastardy examinations'

1610 Bastardy Act A mother who was not married could be imprisoned

1834 Poor Law Amendment Act Made it more difficult for mothers alone to claim money

1843 Poor Law Commission Treated widows and unmarried mothers differently

1913 Mental Deficiency Act Allowed local authorities to certify unmarried pregnant women

1918 National Council for the Unmarried Mother and her Child Established to pursue legislative reform and accommodation

1923 Bastardy Act Doubled maximum weekly amount payable by named fathers

1926 Legitimacy Act Legitimised children whose parents married after their birth

1929 Public Assistance Introduced as renamed Poor Law

1948 Creation of Welfare State National Insurance and Family Allowance paid to mothers

1948 National Assistance Means tested payments for lone mothers with no work condition

1949 Adoption of Children Act Tightened laws against informal adoption

1959 Legitimacy Act Legitimised children whose parents later married

1966 Supplementary Benefits Introduced as renamed National Assistance

1967 Abortion Act Widened the grounds for a legal abortion

1969 Divorce Act Made divorce easier to obtain and led to increase in divorces

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1974 Finer Committee Report on One-Parent Families Review of laws and welfare relating to lone parents

1977 Homeless Persons Act Allowed pregnant women and single mothers access to housing

1987 Family Law Reform Act Ended distinction between legitimate and illegitimate children

1989 Children Act Focused on parental responsibility

1991 Child Support Act Aimed to reduce state intervention and force fathers to pay

1996 Family Law Act Aimed to make divorce less adversarial

1996 Department of Social Security assessment scheme Aimed to help lone parents into employment

1996 Housing Act Reduced lone mothers' access to accommodation only

1998 New Deal for Lone Parents Interviews focused on getting lone parents into work

2000 Part-time Workers' Regulations Requires part-time work contracts to be comparable to full-time

2003 Child Tax Credit Tax credit for people with dependent children

2003 Employment Act Rights for parents of young or disabled children to work flexibly

2008 Social Security (Lone Parents Amendments) Regulations Lone parents go from Income Support to Job Seekers Allowance

2010 Changes to benefits Lone parents with children over 7 go to Job Seeker's Allowance

2012 Welfare Reform Act Increased requirement for lone parents to look for work

2013 Universal Credit Lone parents of children over 5 go on to Job Seekers' Allowance

2014 Child Support Agency replaced Child Maintenance Service introduced

2017 Lone Parent Obligation change Lone parents with children under the age of 3 required to actively seek work

2017 Limits on benefits for third child Benefit payments for third child in family born to be stopped

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Appendix B: Participant recruitment information leaflet

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Appendix C: Participant recruitment information sheet

HUDDERSFIELD UNIVERSITY RESEARCH INVOLVING LONE MOTHERS

INFORMATION FOR PARTICIPANTS

You are being invited to take part in a study of the experiences and views of female single parents living
in different parts of XXX. Before you decide to participate, it is important that you understand why the
research is being done and what it will involve. Please take time to read the following information carefully
and discuss it with me if you wish. Please do not hesitate to ask if there is anything that is not clear or if
you would like more information.

What is the study about?

The purpose of the research is to look at the first-hand experiences of mothers who are single, widowed,
divorced, separated or who previously cohabited and are now living alone with their children some or all of
the time. It will gather and compare views of mothers in different locations on issues such as; media
portrayals of single mothers, local social networks, employment and childcare opportunities and ways in
which government policies impact upon their lives.

Who is doing it?

I am a student at Huddersfield University and I will be carrying out interviews with lone mothers for my
PhD research. The research is funded by the university and is not for any commercial or official government
purpose. It is supervised at the School of Human and Health Science.

Why I have been approached?

You have been asked to take part because you have been identified as a lone mother who may have
experiences and opinions you are willing to share that will make a valuable contribution to the study.

Do I have to take part?

It is your decision whether or not you take part. If you decide to take part, you will be asked to sign a
consent form. You will be free to withdraw at any time and without giving a reason. A decision not to take
part or to withdraw at any time will not affect you in any way.

What will I need to do?

If you agree to take part in the research, you will be asked to take part in a confidential interview with me,
which will last for around an hour and take place at a time and place that are convenient for you. The
interview will be recorded on a voice recorder with your permission and some notes will be taken.
Participants will be given a £20 retail voucher following the interview as a small token of appreciation. The
researcher has a list of contact information for appropriate national and local organisations which you can
be given if you wish.

Will my identity be disclosed?

Your name and any means of identifying you will be removed from material gathered during the interview,
so your identity will be kept anonymous. All information shared during the interview will be kept fully
confidential, except where legal obligations or significant danger to yourself or someone else would require
disclosure by the researcher to appropriate personnel.

What will happen to the information?

All information collected from you during this research will be kept secure and any identifying material,
such as names or locations, will be removed in order to ensure anonymity. You will be offered a transcript
of the interview to review, should you wish to do so. It is anticipated that the research may, at some point,
be published in an academic journal or report. If this should happen, your anonymity will be ensured,
although it may be necessary to use your words in presentation of the findings using a pseudonym in place
of your real name, and your permission for this is included in the consent form.

Who can I contact for further information?

If you require any further information about the research, please contact:

CONTACTS: PhD researcher: Nicola Carroll

Email: [email protected] Telephone: 01484 472581 Text/Mobile: 07507 215075

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Appendix D: Consent form

Project: PhD research involving lone mothers Researcher: Nicola Carroll

It is important that you read, understand and sign the consent form. Your contribution to this research is
entirely voluntary and you are not obliged in any way to participate.

If you are satisfied that you understand the information and are happy to take part in this project please
put a tick in the box next to each sentence and print and sign below. If you require any further details or
clarification please ask the researcher.

I have been fully informed of the nature and aims of this research □

I consent to taking part in it □

I understand that I have the right to withdraw from the research at any time □
without giving any reason

I give permission for the interview to be recorded □

I give permission for notes to be taken □

I give permission for my words to be quoted - by use of pseudonym □

I understand that the information collected will be kept in secure conditions □

for a period of five years at the University of Huddersfield

I understand that no person other than the researcher will □

have access to the information provided

I understand that my identity will be protected by the use of pseudonym in write-ups □

of the research and that no written information that could lead to my being specifically
identified will be included in any materials produced or published following the research

I understand that information provided will be confidential, but that if during the □
interview, myself or another person is revealed to be in significant and immediate
danger, the researcher will be obliged to take action in response to that disclosure

SIGNATURE OF PARTICIPANT SIGNATURE OF RESEARCHER

________________________ ________________________

PRINT NAME PRINT NAME

________________________ ________________________

(one copy to be retained by Participant / one copy to be retained by Researcher)

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Appendix E: Topic guide for semi-structured interviews with lone mothers

Introduction
Introduction, briefing and consent form, anonymity.
Participants have scope to set the agenda
No need to answer anything not comfortable with or can come back to questions later.
Support organisation contact information list available.

Circumstances
Number/age of children. Age of mother. How long a lone mother.
Route to lone motherhood. Paternal input.
Any other relevant factors such as ethnicity, disability or sexuality (if raised by participant).

'Lone mother' identity

Route to lone motherhood. Term preferred. Telling people their family situation.
Similarities/differences and difficulties/advantages of parenting alone.
Attitudes expressed by extended family, friends, employers, colleagues, professionals or general public.

Background and area profile

Time in area and where previously, geographic mobility.
Knowing people locally and/or fitting in locally.
Views on area profile and services.
Perception of proportion of lone mothers locally and attitudes towards lone mothers locally.

Social/kinship networks
Average day, evening or weekend. Family nearby, friends nearby. Frequency of contact. Practical and
emotional support.
Family structure of friends and extended family.
Participation in community events/organisations/church/social events or isolation. Barriers to social
contact.
Significance of lone motherhood to social life. Adult/child orientated activities. Hobbies/relaxation.

Financial situation
Housing type and tenure.
Main source of income. Sense of financial hardship/survival/security/affluence.
Coping/struggling financially - debt/rent arrears/ covering basics - food and rent/disposable income eg
outings, holidays.

Employment/childcare
If employed: Type of job. How work and childcare are balanced.
If unemployed: Last job and reasons it ended. Feelings about not working. Experience of benefits. Job
opportunities.
All: Education level. Work orientation/aspirations. Barriers to employment. Availability of childcare.

Media
Views on media portrayal of lone mothers.
Personal consumption of media/sources.

National policies
Personal impact of government policies.
Rights and responsibilities - own/paternal/state responsibility for self and child.
Views on policies towards lone parents generally.
Ability to influence situations/make changes or otherwise. Political interest/participation/voting.

Status of lone motherhood

Perception of public attitudes to lone mothers generally - locally and nationally.
Attitudes of neighbours/public/in shops/professionals/employers/using services - personal egs.
Importance of other people's opinions.
260
Reflections on situation
Coping - attitude and strategies.
Contentment/discontentment with situation/choices.
Sense of self-worth/fulfilment in relation to motherhood/employment/networks/self/society.

Class
Identification with a particular class or group. Perceptions of class generally.

Future
Priorities, plans and aspirations for self and for child/ren.
Sense of ability to change and improve situation.

Round-up
Thanks. Debriefing. Check how participant feels. Check whether anything was not covered they would
like to discuss.
Voucher. Offer support organisation contact list. Offer to send transcript of the interview.

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Appendix F: Analytical memo on thematic coding of data

The data was coded thematically using NVivo software, for purposes of speed, ease and consistency
(Spencer et al., 2014a). This was done on a 'selective' basis in relation to the research questions, but aired
on the side of inclusivity so as not to overlook data which did not accord with preconceived assumptions
(Bryman: 2012). Three transcripts from each location were used to establish codes at the outset, some of
which were superseded or supplemented as further transcripts were coded. Coding was initially paper-
based to allow flexible interaction with the texts but this was quickly replaced by Computer Aided Qualitative
Data

Substantive themes which emerged from coding at this stage included: 'lack of choice' over circumstances,
negative associations with the 'single mum stereotype'. A tendency towards emphasising characteristics by
which women distanced themselves from stereotype was apparent. Participants appeared eager to display
their 'good mother' credentials, which included comments on 'pride', 'being mum and dad' and examples
of putting the children first. There were frequent references to being different from the 'normal family'. The
data reveals the women’s strong 'worker' orientation. Strong work orientation coupled with inability to
access or sustain employment among many women in Location A lead to a new 'frustrated worker' theme.
Women in both locations articulated a strong sense of being 'judged' according to standards implied by
normative family and employment expectations.

Where participants referred specifically to 'stigma', this was broken down contextually according comments
on matters such as benefits and maternal age. Codes were also attached to material that reflected
characteristics of stigma (as identified by Goffman, 1990; Link and Phelan, 20011) such as 'labelling',
'stereotyping', 'isolation' and 'exclusion' from social events. 'Judgement' was readily identifiable as a core
theme. For comparative purposes, material was also placed in codes which reflected varying and
contrasting comments on a topic; for example positive and negative feelings about 'parenting alone'; and
'managing' or 'struggling' financially. Some passages were assigned multiple codes as they contained
compounds of information and opinion which were at the heart of issues under scrutiny; for example where
participants referred to deliberations over balancing work and childcare and feeling judged for their
decisions in the same sentence.

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Appendix G: Summary of Context Matrices
CONTEXT/ LOCATIONS A AND B: KEY THEMES CHAPTE
CONTENTS POINTS OF COMMONALLITY AND CONTRAST R
FOCUS
Discursive - Questions about terminology prompted strong views in both locations - 'single Media as key source of 5
parent' preferred overall. judgement.
preferred term; associations Negative association with 'single mother' and 'single mum'. Anger at media stereotyping.
with terms; media Ambivalence as these terms was also used by women 'Maternal hierarchy'.
stereotyping; distancing from Negative media stereotypes prevail and are strongly associated with: age, benefit Judging self and others in
stereotype. dependency, appearance and behaviour, laziness, promiscuity, poor parenting. hierarchy.
Discursive (on relationships) - Mothers in B tended to be divorced, whereas in A they tended to have cohabited. Emphasis on lack of choice. 5
5 relationships in A ended while the participant was pregnant, 2 in B
route to lone motherhood; Some younger, never married mothers in A and some in B did not share the 'Judged for a situation you can't
choice; relationship history; patriarchal ideal. control'.
maternal age. Labelling
Material - The majority of participant had to move house after splitting up and become 'settled' Agency in 'managing' limited 6
again. resources.
housing tenure; financial 3 women in A were former home owners; 1 home owner, mainly council tenants; Being the 'provider'.
situation; main income 3 home owners in B, mainly private tenants. Some materially less well off
source; Mothers in both areas worse off financially since split. than when in a relationship;
managing/getting by/ Some in B were significantly worse off. ' 'Worse off' in comparison with
struggling Relative' financial inferiority in B. two parent families.
Benefits main source of income in A, women's salaries in B.
Income commonly a combination of salary, benefits and maintenance in both.
More fathers pay maintenance in B than in A.
More financial support from grandparents in B than in A.
Employment/benefits - Strong work orientation among participants in both locations. Strong work orientation – own 6
Parents' work ethic. parents working.
worker identity - worker Majority of women in B work; only 3 in A work FT and 2 work PT. Work ethic 'frustrated' for some.
identity frustrated; Much higher educational qualifications and skills in B. Balancing mother/worker roles.
enablements/constraints; Lack of suitable jobs in A and lack of childcare a barrier for many mothers. Non-financial benefits of work:
balancing; decision-making; Participants experienced a strong sense of being judged for not working, despite 'confidence'; 'other adults';
non-financial positives constraints. 'break from kids'; 'role model'
Age of children; for children.
Policies - Stigma associated closely with claiming benefits. Deserving/undeserving. 6
Very strong sense of benefits stigma among participants in A who were not working. Response to benefits stigma.
Attitude to politics; state role; Most participants in B had also claimed benefits at some point or were now getting Judging self if unemployed.
experience of claiming Tax Credits. Judging others for lack of work

263
benefits; benefits stigma. Low political interest or sense of ability to influence - higher in B than A. ethic.
Parenting - Many participants in A and B share strong normative views on two parent family 'Good mother identity';'putting 7
model. children first', 'mum and dad'.
Perception of 'normal' family; Two-parent family ideal less strong in A than B; less strong among those who were Pride in children.
Maternal identity; paternal never married or cohabiting. Local reproductive norms.
input; grandparents' and Maternal identity - 'Spoilt' family ideal for some.
friends' support; parenting Mothers in both locations the main carers with responsibility for children. Judging self and others in
alone; Importance of grandparents' support stressed repeatedly. performing parenting role.
Parenting alone is 'not that different' and has positives as well as difficulties for
some.
Spatial - Perceptions of A and B show contrasts in area profiles and norms. Conscious of local affluence/ 7
Much greater affluence in B, higher proportion of single mothers in A council estate' stigma.
local area profile; sense of Women in A had limited mobility outside of the area compared with those in B. 'Fitting in' locally/'not fitting in'.
local belonging; mobility
outside of area.
Social connections – Women in B generally have a much more active social life than those in A. 'Time to just be me'. 7
A number of women in A had no social connections beyond immediate family; 'Left out' from social events.
social life; experiences of some said they had no interest in socialising. Importance of knowing people in
being excluded; negotiating Social life more difficult when children are younger. the 'same situation'.
exclusion; face to face Lack of social life due to lack of childcare/money for some in B rather than active
incidents. exclusion.
Importance of knowing other single parents was stressed.
Personal - Matriarchal – support from mothers, family and friends Self judgement – blaming self 7
As well as external factors, attitude/relationships/personal problems affect and internalising stigma.
attitudes; coping; journey or perspectives. Pragmatism: 'just get on with it'.
transition;new relationships. A journey for some becoming less sensitive to stigma over time and more pragmatic. Pride in coping and resilience.
Pride in autonomy.
'Journey' to independence.
Developing a 'thicker skin'.
Social class - Complexity of class identification – avoidance of classification. Participants' own class identity
Most in A did not identify with any class, 2 identified as 'working class' and indicators of;
class identity; capitals (see More class identification in B – 3 identified as 'middle class', the majority as 'mixed'. Cultural capital 5
respective matrices). Economic capital 6
Dis-identification from classed stereotypes. Social capital 7

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Appendix H: Analytical memo on revisiting the provisional conceptual
framework

Figure 3: Iterative Research Cycle shows how taking an 'abductive' stance meant developing a loose
'Provisional Conceptual Framework' which could be returned to as the research progressed. Following initial
analysis of the data, abduction was applied to support 're-conceptualisation' (Sayer, 1992). This enabled
the initial provisional iteration of the 'prism of legitimacy' framework to be adapted and refined, with some
ideas abandoned and new ideas introduced in light of evidence that emerged from the data. Several months
passed between producing the provisional framework and analysing the data, and it was not referred to
until the data had been coded descriptively, as described. Although I was inevitably conscious of the ideas
it contained, I was aware of a need to keep as open a mind as possible rather than 'forcing' the data into
this framework. Revisiting the provisional framework revealed that whilst some elements were of value,
descriptive and explanatory inadequacies were also apparent.

Firstly, Archer's separation of PEPs, SEPs and CEPs (2000; 2003; 2007) was valuable in analysing their
interplay in women's accounts. Some characteristics of stigma cited by Goffman (1990) and Link and Phelan
(2001) and Scambler (2009) were more prevalent as indicators of stigma than others. After looking for
evidence of degrees and manifestations of stigma in women's accounts, the most frequently cited
characteristics of stigma were found to be: labelling, stereotyping, and adverse social judgement, with
indicators of exclusion and a sense of 'difference' and financial or financial inferiority. Notably 'shame' was
a characteristic of stigma highlighted by Goffman (1990) which was referred to only twice. The women saw
averse social judgement as manifesting in discourse, and in prejudice about them based on stereotypes.
Incidences of direct comments or unpleasant looks were cited by some women, but appeared to be
infrequent. Indicators of capitals (Bourdieu, 1989) were also evident in the data.

Thirdly, elements of the provisional framework were revelatory in parts, without providing comprehensive
explanations. Aspects of the framework were applicable to different aspect of the data. For example,
'symbolic violence' (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990) was remarkably salient when examining media
stereotyping of lone mothers without fully explaining women's subjective absorption of stigmatising
rhetoric. A 'hierarchy of maternal legitimacy' (Song, 1996; Carabine, 2001; Pulkingham et al., 2010) could
be discerned in participants' tendency towards distancing from stereotypes. Normalising judgement
(Foucault, 1977) was helpful in relation to women's differential investment in the two-parent family model.
However, previous studies have coupled normalising judgement and 'othering' in analysing self-surveillance
and distancing from stereotypes (e.g. Mitchell and Green, 2002; McCormack, 2004), when the active
denigration of women in the same taxonomic category was only evident in certain cases in the present
study and some women were empathetic. Subtle differentiation between hierarchisation, distancing and
othering was therefore required.

Fourthly, while SSL had strong descriptive value as a site of agency/structure interplay using Archer's
concepts of PEPs, SEPs and CEPs (2000; 2003; 2007), its application to women's stories revealed it to be
dynamic and subject to underlying processes, rather than being as a process in itself. Fifthly, the framework
did not fully reflect the importance of 'judgement', which emerged as a very strong theme in the data. This
therefore required attention conceptually. A rudimentary search for appropriate sociological literature using
the term 'judgement' suggested a lack of material that could be deemed more pertinent for the

265
conceptualisation of judgement than its treatment by Archer's (2000), Skeggs (2005), Sayer (2005) and
Skeggs and Loveday (2012). Cooley's 'looking glass self' connects external judgement with internal
affectivity whereby we imagine our appearance to others, imagine their judgement of that appearance and
the pride or mortification resulting from that judgement (1902, cited in Schubert, 1998). This offers insight
at an inter-personal or social psychological level but was not appropriate when the need to consider stigma
in relation to structural power relations (Link and Phelanm 2001; Scambler, 2009; and Tyler, 2013) had
been identified. Archer's (2000) focuses on evaluative judgement in relation to social norms and subjective
concerns is useful in questioning which or whose standard people believe are being judged against. Skeggs
(1997), Skeggs (2005), Sayer (2005) and Skeggs and Loveday (2012) attend to judgement in terms of
gender and class. The provisional framework included Skeggs and Loveday's (2012) work on de-
legitimation, judgement and class, which was highly salient.

The prevalence of judgement in the data, which manifested in self-judgement and judging others as well
as feeling judged, also suggested its potential as a 'candidate mechanism' (Sayer, 1992) underpinning
women's experiences of stigma during the 'retroduction' phase of the Iterative Research Cycle.
Comparative analysis can facilitate retroductive inference by, 'describing conditions that make a
phenomenon what it is' (Danermark et al., 2001: 45). Sayer (1992) recommends investigating candidate
mechanism to determine which have the strongest explanatory powers. As discussed above, whilst
elements of the provisional conceptual framework were highly relevant to aspects of the data, none of
these held sufficiently explanatory powers to be regarded as mechanisms underpinning women's
experiences of stigma. Bygstand and Munvold (2011) suggest that mechanisms should be neither too
general nor too specific. Although the breadth of 'legitimacy' gave it value as an overarching theoretical
resource, it proved too general to hold sufficient explanatory power at the more ideographic level.
Judgement proved powerful explanatorily because it arose from women's own words and was meaningful
to them and had potential for 'synthesising' (Layder, 1998) with analytical interpretation. It is also a
somewhat general process however. In considering experiences not only normative judgement, but
women's own judgement of the norms was what led to feeling subjectively stigmatised or not. Analysing
women's mode of SSL showed some women internalised judgment and others did not and 'judgement of
judgement' therefore offered more precision.

I was conscious that thematic prominence of judgement in lone mothers' accounts weighted evaluation of
alternatives in its favour. Whilst judgement was readily identified as a theme in participants' accounts and
appeared a forceful process in promoting or impeding experiences of stigma among people interviewed,
Sayer (1992) suggests investigating a series of 'candidate mechanisms'. Among these was 'stratified
reproduction' (Colen, 1986, cited McCormack, 2004; Pulkingham et al., 2010), which was of interest in
highlighting the 'political economy of reproduction' but could not sufficiently reflect experience of mothers
from affluent backgrounds who took part in the study. 'Moral value' (Skeggs and Loveday, 2012) has
emotional resonance but was found to rest ultimately upon evaluative judgement of morality. Consideration
of merits and limitations of alternative 'candidate mechanisms' arrived at no stronger alternative than
'judging the judgement', which held sufficient 'practical adequacy' (Sayer, 2000) and coherence for the
purposes of this study. I am, however, aware that alternatives were confined to what I had been told by
research participants, observed or ascertained from literature whereas social systems are 'open' and
complex and it is not possible to achieve 'closure' in social research.

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Appendix I: Excerpts from SSL Case Dynamics Matrix summary
LOCATION/ PERCEPTION OF STIGMA AGENTIAL RESPONSES PERCEPTION OF INDICATING 'MODE' OF SLL
NAME/ TO STIGMA PERSONAL LEGITIMACY
ROUTE/
PREFERRED
TERM
GEMMA Labelling 'it's the 'single' – what Distancing from Good mother has low No indicators of feeling stigmatised or adverse social
does it matter if I'm single'. stereotype of 'young income and puts son first judgement. 'I just feel like it don't bother me. I'm a single
'Single girls with babies who financially. mum. I don't mind that.'
mum' 'I'm not bothered but some don't know who the dads Lack of choice as Cheerful and laughs a lot during interview. Says
people it must though'. are' and 'girls at school partner ended the frequently that her and her son are 'happy as we are'.
NM or C Stereotype 'young girls with who had kids when they relationship and denied Says frequently: 'I'm not bothered what people think'
babies and they don't know who were 14 or 15' Does not paternity. Says she is unusual in having a job as most of her
the dads are' and not working. seem personally relevant Pride in her work. neighbours don't work. Work is important to her view of
When asked, not overly at all. Strong work ethic in her herself: 'I like people to think 'she's got a job' and I'm not
conscious of media 'why are Stresses that being a family fulfilled. just on benefits.'
there no single parents on tv? young single parent Local norm Single Not conscious of class.
I've never thought of that norm locally, relativity of motherhood is 'normal Grew up locally speaks fondly of her large extended
before.' her age and being in round here'. family and close circle of friends nearby. Appreciates
Does not refer to adverse social employment. Social connections with friendly neighbours.
judgement, being different, large family and close Is not concerned about not being with a partner - was
excluded or inferior. circle of friends. going on a date that evening and said she would make it
clear that her son was her priority.

Overall 'positive'

HANNAH Labelling - had daughter at 18 Information control Good mother – says 'We're happy'.
and conscious of young single Would not 'broadcast' how much she enjoys Moved to the area from the city because it is a 'nice area'
'Single mum image. that she's a single time with her daughter. and'. Pleased there are 'good schools' and it's a better
parent' Stereotyping – Conscious of parent. Pride in good mother environment for her child. Aware of being in an affluent
media images and upset by TV Critical of media role area and eager to dis-identify from class stereotypes.
C programmes - 'young girls in stereotyping for Pride in her work – Grew up in a working-class area but feels her and her
trackies', smoking etc. 'age adds 'stirring it up' and feels 'valued' in her job. daughter 'fit in well' in their new area.
to the stigma'. Says frequently believes it's politically Working towards a Emphasises that she is working. Emphasises her 'values'
that 'people judge young single motivated. degree part-time and and 'morals'.
parents'. Distancing – based on sees 'opportunities' for Pride that she dresses her daughter well.
Adverse social judgement employment. career progression. Is very aware of 'how people portray themselves' and
Refers to 'judgement' frequently. Is very aware of benefits Social connections – behaving 'properly', not smoking or swearing etc. clothes
Until people know your stigma and makes sure member of single etc.
circumstances, that you're people know she is parents' group. Believes that not being on benefits helps negate stigma of
working and providing, they can working and 'providing' Role model – her own being a young single parent.
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 judge'. 'When people at work talk for her daughter. mother was a lone In control financially and speaks of managing well on her
about single mothers, there's Instrumental mother who trained as a income.
that judgement'. Judgement of young social worker while she Wide sphere of reference – takes her daughter to visit
Difference Conscious of being in single parents 'made me was a child. friends and relatives around the UK and on holiday
the minority as a single parent in want to build a better abroad. Member of single parents' organisation.
the area. Felt 'awkward' at school life and people see I'm Has internalised social judgement from the media to some
open day as the only single not that kind of person'. degree but is bolstered by being able to demonstrate that
parent. Makes an effort with she is different from the stereotype.
Excluded 'it's at weekends when 'presentation'.
people are doing family things Overall 'performative'
you notice it more'.

Note: 'NM' is an abbreviation of never married, C is formerly cohabited, 'D' is divorced and 'S' is separated pending divorce.
Note: Many of these points are précises rather than verbatim quotations and full excerpts of passages which support them are available in the relevant context
matrice

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 Appendix J: Excerpts from Judgement and SSL Case Dynamics Matrix summary
LOCATION A OVERALL BEING JUDGED JUDGING SELF JUDGEMENT NORMATIVITY IDENTIFIED AGENCY OTHER CONTRIBUTING/
PSEUDONYN/ MODE OF OTHERS CLASS/ MITIGATING FACTORS
TERM/ SSL CAPITALS
ROUTE
CARRIE Positive Single parents’ Empathy and 'I just don't care' No patriarchal Working Proactive in Older, flexible employer, likes
'Single 'paranoid' due to distancing family ideal – Stable E, decision-making job, strong social network,
parent' media stigma. single parents high S around work and support of extended African-
NM or C 'the norm' social life Caribbean family
locally
DEBBIE Defensive Incidents – Critical of 'I don't care what No patriarchal None Focused internally Family lives locally, stays with
'Just a mum' 'looked down on' migrants on people think' normative Low ECS – meaning-making them when she has no
NM or C due to age by 'the benefits. family ideal. in maternal identity money.
'older generation' Wants to work Work ethic Mother very supportive.
GINA Mixed No sense of being Strong 'My mum's is the Strong None Proactive in Has family locally but has no
'Single mum judged judgement of only judgement traditional Complex E - decision-making social life and feels 'lonely'
is a label.' Negative others 'rinsing that counts' family ideal, owns home, around setting up
C maternal the system' - Angry about feels son runs salon business.
feels superior to situation rather misses proper but also Pride in her
Positive local 'benefit than self-judging, family life. struggles resilience.
worker dependency' Work ethic
JULIE Negative Highly conscious Distancing by Blames self for Family ideal. None Returned to work Partner left when pregnant,
'Single mum' of media stigma. age, ten-year trusting partner Strong work Low E and C but inflexible illness and post-natal
NM or C Very conscious of work history, who left when ethic employer made job depression.
benefits stigma. relationship pregnant. frustrated. unsustainable. Not working.
history. Feels victimised Proactive decision
for having to to start Access
leave her job course next term.
after 10 years.
NADIRAH Negative Conscious of Distancing in Compares her Strong family 'I want to Agency in coping Partner left when pregnant,
'Single mum' media stigma. presentation – situation with her ideal. look like a with no family or estranged from British
NM or C Incidents due to judged young aspirations working-class friends and little Pakistani Muslim family,
age and not being parents, now Lack of mum.' money after isolated in a flat on her own,
married. sees it 'from the confidence to go Low ECS becoming pregnant struggles financially.
Racist incidents. other side' out. at 18.
Abbreviations: 'NM' is an abbreviation of never married, C is formerly cohabited, 'D' is divorced and 'S' is separated pending divorce. 'E' is an abbreviation for
'economic capital', 'C' for 'cultural capital', and 'S' for social capital' (Bourdieu, 1989). 'DV' is an abbreviation of domestic violence
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LOCATION B SUBJECTIVE BEING JUDGED JUDGING SELF JUDGEMENT NORMATIVITY SELF AGENCY OTHER
PSEUDONYN/ SOCIAL OTHERS IDENTIFIED CONTRIBUTING/
TERM LEGITIMACY CLASS MITIGATING
/ROUTE /CAPITALS FACTORS

SONIA Positive No sense of Non- Proud to have left Assumption of Middle Left abusive Emphasis on work
Single mother stigma. Does judgemental – abusive marriage Stable E, relationship. and education,
not see has a critical relationship. locally but has high C and S Member of lone recently met a new
C stereotypes as political Critical of the wider sphere mothers' group. partner.
personally perspective. 'system' rather of reference. Balances work and
relevant. than herself. childcare.
CIARA Positive None Non- Judges her Normative None Made decision to Employed, ex-
Single parent judgemental – parenting. family Stable E, end marriage. husband involved in
D sees diversity expectations high C and S Plans career. childcare, family
in her job and but sees Balances childcare support, new
is empathetic diversity in with responsible partner.
her job. work.
JASMINE Performative/ Conscious of Distancing but Judged herself Had strong Mixed Was left with debt Has an 'alternative'
Single mother Transformative 'ingrained' non- after husband traditional Stable E, high S after divorce and and feminist
judgement. judgemental as left, doesn't family ideal and C proud to now own perspective.
Comments from criticises challenge people and was home, feminist
D neighbour, fathers not who excluded her distressed but values and
excluded from mothers but also now has member of
social events conscious of feminist women's group.
injustice of it. perspective
HANNAH Performative Awkward among Distancing not Worries her Sees family Mixed Focus on Enjoys job and
'Single mum' two parent judgemental as daughter will be diversity in High S presentation, takes motherhood.
families at sees diversity the odd one out job. Conscious trips away with Work mitigates
C child's school in her job. at school. of being only daughter, likes the stigma.
lone mother 'control'
at school
events.
EMMA Negative Excluded from Distancing – Judges self Feels out of Mixed Coped with DV, Low self-esteem
'Never social events, but not harshly for place in the Stable E, low S finally ended after abusive
thought of it' comments from judgemental staying in an affluent area abusive marriage, feels she
S other teachers abusive relationship after ruined her life,
relationship and 20 years. stressed about
not doing more divorce settlement.
for her children

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Appendix K: Analytical memo on attitudes to 'others'

Although participants were critical of television programmes and newspapers, lack of channels through
which to challenge stigmatising stereotypes instrumentally (Skeggs and Loveday, 2012) appears to have
resulted in most of them feeling compelled to differentiate themselves from them personally. Analysis shows
they positioned themselves in a 'hierarchy of maternal legitimacy' (Song, 1996; Carabine, 2001):

Top of hierarchy - Two parent ideal Bottom of hierarchy - 'Single mum’ stereotype

Planned parenthood Intentionally having babies to live on benefits

'Decent age' Young
Married/stable couple Sexual morality – multiple/unknown fathers
Employed Lazy 'scroungers'
Middle class parenting standard Irresponsible/poor parenting
Clean, smart, 'Scruffy'/'chavvy' appearance
'Respectable' public behaviour Smoking, drinking, drugs, shouting and swearing

'Othering' (Lister, 2004) is identified as a device in negotiating stigma shown in several studies (e.g.
Phenonix, 1998; McCormack, 2004). Skeggs observes that women in her research judged themselves by
measuring against 'real and imagined others' (Skeggs, 1997: 90). Sayer writes that people, 'define
themselves in relation to others, by attributing negative properties to them' (2005: 58). Analysing the data
suggests that distancing and hierarchisation does not necessarily involve denigrative 'othering' however.
Most women seemed to either be neutral or express empathy despite distancing tactics. Analysis reveals
greater complexity and nuance in women's attitudes to 'other' lone mothers (and to benefit claimants
generally) than straightforward 'othering' suggests. This prompts questions of:

- Do ways in which participants cite differences from stereotypes connect to modes of SSL?
- When distancing and hierarchising, are participants referring to lone mothers (LMs) they know personally
or 'imagined others' (Skeggs, 1997)?
- What distancing criteria are used by women in different situations/with different modes of SSL?

Attitude to others: Judging, hierarchising or othering?

Location SSL Judges Judges Views on Real or imagined Attitude Distancing tactic -
A: Name self others stereotypes others? to others criteria
Bella Negative Yes No Links media to One friend who Neutral Work ethic, good
judgement is LM on benefits mother role
Carrie Positive No No Links media with LMs known Empathy Age/work
'paranoia' in the through
past but less now work/family
Clare Negative Yes Yes Not overly focused Refers to 'council Critical Hierarchises -
on media estate people' age/relationship
Debbie Defensive No Neutral Media - 'blackens Little reference Critical Work ethic -
your name' to other LMs othering of
migrants
Gemma Positive No No 'Young girls who Girls from school Neutral Relative age/work
don't know who had babies at 15
the fathers are'

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Gina Mixed No Yes Hardly referred to People locally on Critical Denigrative
benefits othering - Work,
relationship
Julie Negative Yes No Upset by Focuses on Neutral Hierarchises –
stereotypes - links stereotyping age, work,
to judgement relationship
Katherine Negative Yes No Upset by Aware that other Empathy Instrumental –
stereotypes - links LMs live locally came off benefits
to judgement
Lucy Defensive No Yes Angry at Known LMs and Critical Hierarchises
stereotype but imagined 'others' – denigrative
reproduces them othering
Nadirah Negative Yes No Stereotype of On TV and out in Empathy Appearance,
young parents public maternal capability
Marta Negative Yes No Mentions but not Little reference Neutral Little heriarchising
main focus - Age
Sheila Positive No No Focus on age and Knows LM locally Neutral Not seen as
benefits personally relevant
Theresa Defensive No Yes Angry at social Little reference Critical Wants to work.
media circulating to other LMs Denigrative
judgement from othering of
TV migrants

Location SSL Judges Judges Views on Real or imagined Attitude Distancing tactic -
B: Name self others stereotypes others? to others criteria
Alison Transfor No No Upset her at first – LM friends locally Neutral Hierarchises –
mative less so now multiple factors
Ciara Positive No No Stereotype not Knows LMs Empathy Not seen as
representative through job personally
relevant
Della Mixed No Yes Angry at Believes the Critical Hierarchises –
stereotype but stereotype exists denigrative
reproduces it - but not locally othering
Emma Negative Yes No Hardly mentions A few LM friends Neutral Complex due to
stereotype being stressed
Hannah Performa Yes No Upset at Sees family Neutral Hierarchises –
tive stereotype diversity in job work, behaviour
Jasmine Mixed Yes No Angry, critiques LM friends Empathy Challenges
media from stereotype but still
feminist stance 'overcompensates'
Joanne Performa Yes Yes Conscious of A few LM friends Neutral Hierarchises -
tive 'black single education, work,
mother' class, relationship
stereotype
Laura Performa Yes No Conscious of LM friends Neutral Hierarchises –
tive stereotype education, class
Mandy Negative Yes Yes Very conscious of Young LMs in Neutral/ Hierarchises - not
stereotype previous area critical 'chavy'
Mena Performa Yes Yes Links stereotype Refers to TV and Mixed Hierarchises -
tive to judgement LMs she knows work, behaviour

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Moira Positive No No Cites JK Rowling Media is Empathy Does not seem
as role model 'exploitative' personally
relevant
Sonia Positive No No Aware but not Critical of Neutral Does not seem
focused on stereotype itself personally
stereotype not mothers relevant

Valerie Performa Yes No Compares reality LM friends Neutral Hierarchises –

tive with ideal family in work, education,
the media relationship

273