BASOTHO FAMILY ODES (DIBOKO) AND ORAL TRADITION BY WILLIAM MORUTI TSIU Submitted in the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the subject AFRICAN LANGUAGES, at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR : PROF C.F. SWANEPOEL DATE OF SUBMISSION : NOVEMBER 2001SUMMARY Basotho family odes (diboko) form part of oral literature, and refer to names of families, clans or totems. They constitute poetic compositions conveying information about clans’ historical origin, philosophy and ancestors. The performance of this oral art form makes use of formulaic techniques such as linking, parallelism, alliteration, etc., which are commonly used in praise poetry. As basic to the content of these oral art forms, the genealogies of the various Basotho clans are discussed to show the reflection of the progenitor names in the. clan praises. The functions of the family odes are of educational, social and religious nature. Other functions include their use in compositions of other genres, such as, praise Poems, mine workers’ chants, traditional doctors’ falls (mawa) and songs. The recitation of this oral art form is characterised by the instability of the texts, which takes the form of extensions, additions, truncations, improvisations and genre transitions. KEY TERMS Basotho Family odes (diboko) Progenitors Clans Oral tradition Genealogies Performance Mmantilatilane Recitationea ons BewwoNNNNS SAS One 1.3.4 1.3.4.1 1.3.4.2 1.3.4.3 1.3.4.4 14 1.5 24 2.2 2.2.1 2.2.1.1 2.2.1.2 ae 2.2.2 CONTENTS Declaration Acknowledgement Dedication CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Aim of study Theoretical underpinning Methodology Basotho nation The name “Basotho” Historical establishment Clan system Family odes (Diboko): Preamble Definition Patrilineal nature The unity between the Basotho and the diboko Derivation of the diboko Names of founders Names from totems Historical events Emergence of various diboko CONCLUSION Scheme of Work CHAPTER 2 FORMULAIC COMPOSITION AND PERFORMANCE INTRODUCTION Definition of structure Linear composition Introduction Body Ending Length 28 28 29 29 33 38 402.2.2.1 anaes 2.2.2.3 2.2.3 2.2.3.4 2.2.3.2 2.2.3.3 2.234 2.2.3.5 2.2.3.6 2.2.3.6.1 2.2.3.6.2 2.2,.3.6.3 2.2.3.7 2.2.3.8 2.2.3.9 2.2.3.10 2.2.3.11 2.2.3.12 2.24 34 3.2 3.2.1 3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.4 3.2.5 3.2.6 3.2.7 3.2.8 3.2.9 3.2.10 3.2.11 3.2.12 3.3 Multi-stanzaic clan praises Stanzaic clan praises Truncated forms Formulaic techniques The naming formula The patronymic formula The typonymic formula The mythical formula Linking / Interlocking Parallelism Initial linking Final linking Horizontal parallelism Question and answer Ideophones Alliteration Assonance Compound words Noun and cognate verb CONCLUSION CHAPTER 3 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Genealogies Bafokeng Bataung Bakwena Bahlakwana Batloung Makgwakgwa Bakgatla Makgolokwe Batlokwa Basia Baphuthi Batshweneng CONCLUSION 40 43 46 46 49 49 50 51 51 51 52 52 53 53 55 55 57 58 59 63 66 69 71 74 78 80 83 85 87 89CHAPTER 4 EDUCATIONAL, SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS FUNCTIONS 44 INTRODUCTION 42 The Educational Function 424 Mmantilatiiane / O tswa kae? 4.2.2 Interpreting Ho thella 43 Social functions 43.1 Group identity 432 National, communal, identity “document” 433 Children 434 Greetings 435 Thanksgiving 436 Initiation 437 Consoling 438 Wedding 439 Persuasion 43.10 Funerals 4.3.11 Expression of shock 4.3.12 Swearing an Oath 43.13 Special occasions 44 The religious usage of clan praises 45 Functions in other oral compositions 454 Praise poems 452 Mine workers’ chants (Ditsamayanaha poetry) 453 The traditional doctors’ falls (Mawa) 454 Boy initiates’ poems (Dikoma /Makolwane) 455 Choral Songs 46 CONCLUSION CHAPTER 5 DIBOKO AND ORAL TRADITION 54 INTRODUCTION 5.2 Oral Tradition / Literature : Definition 53 Authorship 54 Oral features 541 The instability of the text 5.4.2 Extensions ae 1 92 93 95 96 99 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 114 115, 115, 117 123 124 127 128 130 131 132 133 133 1365.4.3 5.4.4 54.5 5.4.6 5.4.7 5.4.8 Additions Abridgement / Omissions Truncations Displacement Improvisations and genre transition CONCLUSION CHAPTER 6 GENERAL CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX 137 138 140 142 145 153 155 164 174DECLARATION 'declare that BASOTHO FAMILY ODES (DIBOKO) AND ORAL TRADITION is my own work and that all the sources I have quoted have been acknowledged by means of complete references. ALTE Date Belifaooy “MW TéiuACKNOWLEDGEMENT | am deeply indebted and thankful to the Research and Busaries Committee of the University of South Africa through whose financial aid studies towards this project were made possible and also the university for providing me with the car with which | was able to visit various places of the Free State and Lesotho where | met the informants whose recorded contributions form part of this work. My grateful thanks and profound appreciation are expressed to the following people: My promoter, advisor and first reader, Professor C.F.Swanepoel, whose wisdom, experience and knowledge helped me throughout the entire process of collecting, recording, translating, transcribing and typing the information in this work. | wish to thank him in particular for occasions on which we travelled together to Clarens in the Free State, for the recordings we made together, for accommodation at his house, in Clarens, free access to his telephone, the many hours we spent discussing various aspects of my dissertation, his untiring efforts to keep me informed on any useful publication, and a numerous number of his ‘own books relevant to my research which he loaned me. His advices helped me greatly to articulate the ideas and concepts which are hopefully understandable in this dissertation. All these cannot be adequately matched by any expression of gratitude on my part. To him | say O hole, o kgokgobe! The second readers of this dissertation, Prof. JM Lenake and Prof. MIP Mokitimi who are assigned to meticulously read this work and air their views. | thank them for their knowledge, expetise and guidance in this respect. | also thank Prof. FZA Matéela for his contribution and information he shared with me during our discussion at his home at Roma. Le ka moso! Mrs Bapsie Boulton, for her role in ensuring that a hired car was made available to me for field work which | successfully conducted. Tshwara jwalo, mme! My colleagues in the Sesotho section, Prof. RH Moeketsi, Mrs G Mischke, Mrs NB Sekere, for their advices, motivation and support during the research process. To them I say Letshwele le beta poho! Allthe Basotho, the informants, whose names appear in the bibliography, whose willingness and contributions resulted in the tape recordings of their recitations, the transcriptions thereof and the ultimate production of this dissertation. Without their help this project would have reached a cul-de-sac. To them all | say Dinne di sise, di tswale mafahla, Basotho!My wife, Mmamonaheng, for her constant motivation, advice and moral support throughout all my endevours, even in the most depressing moments. Mosadi wa sebele o etsa jwalo! Ke a leboha Mokwena wa ha Mokotedi! My children, for their understanding, moral support and coping without my fatherly love during the research period. Finally, my God, for all his mercies upon me, without whom the undertaking of this magnitude would not have materialized. TO YOU ALL,! SAY: Kcomo TsEo!DEDICATION This work is dedicated to my wife Mmamonaheng, for her constant support and inspiration in undertaking work of this magnitude. This work is also dedicated to the Basotho, with the hope that their oral literature will continue to flourish and become one of the richest in the African heritage.CHAPTER 1 414 INTRODUCTION 1.1.1 Aim of study The objective in this study is to investigate the Basotho family odes (Diboko in Sesotho) with the view to understanding their origin, structure, content, functions, performance, as well as the role played by orality in their transmission. The influence of industrialisation and/or urbanisation, christianity, other religions and literacy will also form part of this investigation. The study also aims at giving advice on how the transmission, either oral or otherwise, of this Sesotho art form, can be maintained and improved as a heritage important to every Mosotho. A family ode or seboko is defined by A. Mabille and H. Dieterlen (1912:393) as a, Coat of arms, name of a clan, of a family; totem from which a clan takes its name. Asa vehicle of important information about one’s clan, ancestors, culture, history and origin, and for the facilitation of memorisation, it is accompanied by a poetic composition which is recited by all who belong to a clan. The importance underlying this oral art form is exhibited by the fact that every Mosotho child is expected to memorise, know and be able to recite a seboko for Purposes of identification, It is against this background that | find an investigation of this oral art necessary and worthwhile. It is ironical that the Basotho who have previously relied on the oral mode of thought, have, for more than a century, been exposed to the culture of literacy, but very litte has been done by way of written compilation of their diboko. To my knowledge only two collections have so far been made, namely, Lipapali le Lithothokiso tsa Basotho (1954) by AK. TSiu, and ‘Mantilatilane (1993) by F.Z.A. MatSela and R.I.M. Moletsane. Many of the diboko which | collected during my field work do not appear in these collections. Still very itle or nothing has been done, to date, by scholars of oral literature in the direction of in-depth research in this oral art form, in particular. An M.A. dissertation, entitled, A study of Nguni clan praises in Natal and Zululand (1979) , by D.Mzolo, is confined to clan praises of the Zulus. The traditional praise poetry of the Xhosa : Iziduko and izibongo, (1973), an M.A. dissertation by W.Kuse, is also confined to the non-Sotho clan praises, namely, that of the amaXhosa. Nevertheless, scholars who did attempt some noteworthy research in this field, although confined to particular Basotho clans, and all at honours level at the 1National University of Lesotho, are BM Ntaote on A general analysis of the clan praise poems (Lithothokiso tsa liboko) of the Bataung (1977); ME Pae on Boigapelo ba Lithothokiso (Composition of praise poems;1992); and M Rapeane on Tihahlobo ea Lithoko tsa Batloung (A survey of the Batloung praise poems; 1992). To my knowledge, no research has thus far been extensively engaged into in this field. It is my belief that an attempt in doing research in this field will be a stimulus to inspire others to do further research in this rich corpus of the Basotho which appears to have largely been neglected. 1.1.2 Theoretical underpinning By virtue of their nature, the Basotho diboko, as oral art, form part of the oral tradition, and have therefore characteristics peculiar to oral compositions. Their discussion will best be fruitful if done against the background of oral tradition. What follows is a survey of numerous manifestations of this art form, and these will constitute the theoretical underpinning on which this. ‘study is based. However, in chapter 5 a considerable list of topics of theoretical nature is discussed in closer reference to the data provided in this study as a whole. The use of this oral art form has been in existence from as far back as the origin of this nation. The words, seboko the singular form, and diboko the plural, are derived from the verb stem, ho boka, meaning “to praise’, “to give thanks" or “to salute”. Every clan or family distingushes itself by a particular name, known as its seboko. Damane and Sanders (1974 : 1) share the view of Dieterlen and Mabille (1912 : 393) in terms of a seboko, by saying, Each of the Basotho groups had its own name, which was usually formed from that of one of its chiefs, past or present, or from that of the animal or object which it revered as its totem. The study of this art form shows that apart from being used to distinguish a family or clan from the other, the various names have their derivation from different sources. Names such as Bahlakwana and Makgwakgwa are examples of names derived from historical incidents related to the establishment of a clan or family. The Makgwakgwa clan, according to Ellenberger (translated from French to English by Macgregor, 1912 : 72), used to erect a strong fence or screen made of interlaced branches of trees round the baskets in which they kept their grain to protect it from thieves and wild beasts, and this fence was called lekgwakgwa. For this reason this clan came to be called Makgwakgwa. Further derivation of names from historical incidents will be discussed under point 1.3.4.3.Clan names such as Bakwena (The Crocodile clan), Bataung (The Lion clan), Batloung (The Elephant clan), are examples of names derived from emblems, commonly called totems, Other clan names are derived from names of the founders of the clans. These are names such as Basia, from Mosia, Batlokwa (Motiokwa), Makgolokwe (MoKgolokwe), and Maphuthing (Mophuthing). Clans are further characterised by subdivisions which are distinguished by names of their early ancestors. This is the reason for subdivisions such as Bataung ba ha Moletsane (The Lion people of Moletsane’s house), Bataung ba ha Molete (The Lion people of Molete’s), Bakoena ba ha Monaheng (The Crocodile people of Monaheng’s house), Bakoena ba ha Molibeli (The Crocodile People Molibeli’s house), and so forth, Among the Basotho clans or tribes, there were various causes for cleavages that resulted in clans separating themselves from their parent clans and forming new ones with their new leaders, MatSela and Moletsane (1993:3) aptly summarise causes for emergence of various clans, by saying, Hangata leloko le hlahite ka baka la phapang e hlahisoang ke ho tloloa ha molao oa moetlo, kapa tIhaho e sa tloaelehang, kapa ka gabang e malebana le lefa (leruo), kapa takatso ya ho itaola ha monyane/moena, a lahla moholoane ke hona; kapa ka mabaka a mang, kamoo ‘mole (kapa neano ea taba) o supang kateng. Usually a tribe/clan came into being because of difference caused by violation of the law of culture, or an unusual birth, or conflict related to inheritance (wealth), or desire for independence by a younger brother, therefore abandoning his elder brother; or through other reasons, according to oral tradition. The Basotho, especially those of old, believe that in some mysterious and inexplicable way, they derive their existence from these totems which they view as sacred. Apart from this, they also believe in the existence of the Invisible One. The sacredness of the totems emanates from the fact that they, as tangible, represent and symbolise the so-called “Modimo wa kgale” (The God of old) to whom they address “heir prayers and thanks for the benefits enjoyed. Some even have superstitious beliefs regarding these animals. in this respect says Ellenberger (1912 : 241), if anyone found the animal which represented his coat of armour dead in the field, he would approach it backwards, open the cranium, take out the brain and anoint his eyes with it for fear of being struck blind should he neglect his duty. This belief therefore helps strengthen the unity between Basotho and their 3totems. As for the sacredness of these totems, their stock (Ashton 1952 : 13) bear its mark as a sign of protection. The Basotho put it on their shields, on their domestic utensils, on their skin mantles; they swear by these animals, and by them they conjure dithotsela (evil spirits). Bourgeois history, in capturing the origin of this nation, traces it from the end of the eighteenth century, when they first came into contact with the whites, but according to oral literature (Guma 1971:4), they originated from a hillock known as Ntswanatsatsi. The Afrikaans name is Tafelkop, and it is regarded as the place where the sun rises or the place of the rising sun. It is said to have been surrounded by tall reeds, and to this day in consequence thereof, a reed or its substitute is usually erected outside a hut in which there is a newly born baby. To the vast majority of the Basotho, Ntswanatsatsi is a mythical place whose exact geographical location is unknown, except for the fact that it is said to be somewhere in the East, in the direction from which the sun rises. In view of this wide-spread belief, it is interesting to note that according to Ellenberger, this place lies mid-way between Frankfort and Vrede in the Free State, and just across the borders of Lesotho. Itwas at this mythical place where different tribes, so says oral traditions, were each given a totem-name as a distinguishing mark from other tribes. The ‘strong unity between Basotho and their diboko can be attributed to this belief, as well as the fact that the totem name is not only used as a clan name, but also as a metaphorical eulogue in which the attributes associated with the animal are believed to be bestowed upon the clan members. The composition of the poetic recitation that. accompanies the name of the clan, the family or a totem, shows that it is consciously an art; there is a conscious striving for literary effect and a conscious effort to attain a richer, more evocative, more emotive, and a more memorable use of language. It exhibits usual characteristics of poetry - an exalted figurative language, repetitions, formulaic composition, manner of delivery which is often faster than normal speech, and others. The intention in composing this particular art form is that it be memorised and recited verbatim. To accomplish this and to facilitate memorisation, children, from a very early age, are taught their respective diboko recitations through a game called Mmantilatilane or O tswa kae? (Where do you come from?) which, like all other games, is enjoyable to children. The game is played, in turns, by, at least, two children, with the one asking questions, and’ the other. responding. This is how it is played: Question: O tswa kae? (Where do you come from?) Answer: Ha Mmantilatilane (From Mmantilatilane’s place) 4Question: Wa jang? (What did you eat?) Answer: Ka ja b ohobe ba mabele (| ate sorghum bread) Question: Wa futswela kang? (What liquid did you eat it with?) Answer: Ka metsi a pula (With rain water) The one asking questions then commands: Thella he! (Recite now!) The respondent will then recite the poetic composition accompanying his or her seboko. In this way, such regular recitations become indelibly committed to memory, and are remembered as children grow up until they reach adulthood, The reason behind the use of a game in this leaming process is that the game, by virtue of its enjoyment by children, helps encourage and facilitate memorisation through its regular performance. This may be the reason why the majority of the informants | interviewed during my field work were able and Prepared to recite their various diboko without hesitation. Through this game, serving as a vehicle for the transmission of important information on their origin, culture and ancestors, the Basotho have been able to pass on this art form as well as its contents from one person to the other and from one generation to the next. Lack of exposure to the culture of writing and reading left them no other option except oral transmission of this nature. Memory was their only history book they had recourse to, and recitation was an attempt to preserve a stable text. Itis on this foundation that the popular Basotho saying was born, namely, Sefjhaba se hlokang meetio se a shwal (A nation without culture dies!). All oral compositions which are meant for word-for-word memorisation, have characteristics perculiar to them; and the diboko are no exception. These oral recitations are characterised by changes such as extensions, truncations, additions, omissions and improvisations. For instance, during the field work | undertook in Lesotho | happened to meet in Makakamela village, the district of Leribe, an informant who recited his seboko which | recorded on tape. The following day | met his elder brother whom | asked to recite his seboko. My intention was to compare their recitations. Knowing that | had recorded his younger brother's recitation the previous day, he was rather reluctant. Out of curiosity he requested me to replay the recorded version of his younger brother 80 as to avoid possible and unnecessary duplication. After this, he disapproved of his brother's version as he felt it was incorrect and incomplete. He then recited the version that he said was authentic. My comparison of the two versions showed some perculiar features common to oral recitations, namely, extensions, additions, omissions and improvisations which make it difficult to know the original authentic versions. This exercise confirmed the statement often made, that the instability of the text constitutes a feature of oral compositions. Says Finnegan (1988 : 51),{n oral literature there is no concept of an authentic or correct version. Both the composition and the recitation of this art form serve as a vehicle for the preservation and transmission of information about one’s clan or family, ancestors, origin, history, culture or philosophy. The following recitation of the Bafokeng, by Moipone Mofokeng, from Mzimhlophe, in Soweto, serves as an example: Ke Lehowana la boTlalane, Ke motho wa Mahase a Mpewana, Ke hasa dikgomo, Ke hasa le batho, Ke hasa le dipudungwana naheng, Ke ngwana tau ya Matsebela, Nong ha e nfje, mmane e mpone, E tshaba ha e tla tshwehla molomo! (No.111 in the“Appendix’ ) | am a descendant of Howana, of the family of Tlalane, A descendant of Mahase, son of Mpewana, I scatter the cattle, | scatter the people too, | scatter even the small black wildbeests in the veld, 1am a young lion of Tsebela descendants. A vulture does not eat me, lightning having struck me, Fearing it would ooze from the mouth! The reciteris a descendant of the ancestors, Howana, Tlalane, and Mahase, son of Mpewana. Courage and valour as virtues of prowess are extolled by the reciter as characteristics of tris clan. This is attributed to the scattering of the cattle, the people as well as the black wildbeests as they are attacked by this group. This is further confirmed by reference to himself as a young lion. If a member of this clan may happen to die as a result of being struck by lightning, his/her corpse is not devoured by a vulture, the reason being fear of oozing fat and blood from it mouth. This is the spirit of heroism manifested by members of this clan. It is against this view that the diboko may be regarded as oral carriers of part of the people's history, culture and origin. This is confirmed by Patrick Bereng, an informant from Maseru, who knows much about Basotho culture, and explains verbally that, Mokgwa wa Basotho wa ho boloka diboko ke mokgwa wa ho boloka setso sa bona. Ka baka la ho se tsebe ho bala le ho ngola, ba ne ba boloka nalane ya bona ka ho e kenya kelellong.The Basotho custom of preserving the family odes was the way of preserving their culture. Because they could not read or write, they Preserved their historical background by committing it to memory. It is interesting to note that there are cases where a clan, being ridiculed by others on account of its behaviour or its way of life, eventually ends up taking the very ridicule as a demonstration of its pride. The Bahlakwana clan, for instance, are known for their lack of generosity in easily giving food to others. As a result, they have not only accepted this ridicule, but included it in their clan recitation, where they say (MatSela and Moletsane, 1993 : 27), Bahlakwana le ba etele mariha, Hoba hlabula ba futswella matlung; The Bahlakwana people are to be visited in winter, As in summer they eat in their huts. In summer, when there is an abundance of food, this clan did not eat their food publicly outside their huts, but inside, for fear that a passer-by might ask for food. But in winter, they are highly hospitable, as there is nothing to eat, and therefore nothing to hide, and this is the right time to pay them a visit. This oral art form is used largely in social situations, Even before the introduction of “Pass laws,” this art form was used as a national communal identity “document” to identify where a person came from, his chief, his village of origin, his relatives and his ancestors. Itis used for purposes of group identity. Itis also used in greetings, in thanksgiving, in initiation, where initiates, during performance of certain cultural rites, are arranged according to the seniority of their diboko. This art form is sometimes used in truncated form, such as Mokwena e motte! (Ahandsome Mokwena!), Sebata sa ha Motaung! (Wild beast of the Lion people!) for purposes of consoling, persuading and swearing an oath, where one appears either as the accused or someone with a locus standi. The recitation of this art form sometimes forms part of funeral occasions and other special occasions, such as graduation and baptism parties which are common today. Other genres which have reached the writing stage, have included the diboko as part of their compositions. These are genres, such as, praise poems, mine workers’ chants (difela), traditional doctors’ falls (commonly known as mawa) in Which the position of the bones on the ground after being thrown down, determines the fate of the sick person seeking help. Other genres are the poem compositions by the boy initiates at the completion of their initiation course, as well as songs, especially choral songs. 7‘Among the Basotho clans and families, patrilineal descent is invariably through the male line, The foundation of this principle is the common belief that it is the man who proposes love to and marries a woman, and not vice versa. The composition of this art form among the Basotho evinces characteristics similar to those of other oral art forms, namely, that the performance takes place before an audience consisting of one or more people. However, in the case of the diboko, this may also take place in the physical absence of an audience, that is, when a reciter prayerfully appeals to his or her ancestors. More often than not, the recitation prayer takes the truncated form, such as, Bakwena ba ka! (My Crocodile ancestors!) which means “To you, my ancestors, | am appealing for your help in my present situation!” The actual authors of these art forms, as it is the case with all other oral art forms, are not known. The composition is a matter of collective heredity. Chief Patrick Lehloenya, of Mahloenyeng village,in the district of Matsieng, verbally adds that the composition of this art form was originally the responsibility of the chief together with his men at the kraal (kgotla). From there, each man would have to ensure that he teaches his children the recitation of his particular seboko. The composition of this art form as poetry, makes use of formulaic structures commonly found in other poetries, such as heroic or praise poetries. In their linear compositions, structures such as the introduction, the body and the ending are generally used. The introduction conveys information about the ancestors from whom the reciter descended as well as the clan to which he or she belongs. The body conveys some historical information, culture, philosophy or a particular incident related to the clan, which extols the virtues of the clan. The ending part in this oral art form takes various forms. It usually consists of concluding sentence that captures the main theme of the recitation, a re- emphasis of the names of the early ancestors on whom the recitation is based, and a rhetorical question aimed at emphasizing the group of descendants to which the reciter belongs. This ending may also be characterised by the reduction of speed in the recitation as well as the heightening or lowering of the pitch of the voice to mark the ending. There are some who believe that oral tradition, in general, and the diboko, in particular, are on the decline. They cite urbanisation, industrialisation and modernisation as the primary causes that broke families and villages by forcing people to leave their stable places of birth, and to seek work and greener pastures in the metropolitan cities, where people of different cultures converge. The result is the tendency among some people to look down on their cultures and to inherit the new culture which makes them feel proud to be part of 8“modernisation”. Christianity and other religions, through the preaching of the “new way of living” have contributed negatively in making some Basotho see the Practice of their culture as association with heathenism, hence perhaps also the apparent decline in the oral creativity, transmission and preservation of their oral art forms. However, | have found the tradition of the diboko still very lively among the informants | met during my field work. The emergence of literacy, whilst contributing to the maintenance of written texts, however, also contributes to the partial or complete lack of dependency on oral recitations and transmissions as before. The question is: How can all Basotho oral art forms (including the diboko) be revived, maintained and improved to ensure that, despite the emergence of the culture of literacy, the practice of various religions and modem technology, this art form remains a living and perpetual Basotho heritage? The preceding discussion which constitutes my views and understanding on the nature and characteristics of this oral art form, forms the foundation on which further discussion in this research will be based. 1.4.3 Methodology The transcriptions of the recorded diboko (with English translations) will be found under the heading, APPENDIX, and the following designation will be used to indicate where they can be fo.nd and listened to on the various cassettes: The “C’ followed by a numeral refers to the number of the cassette; the “A” or “B”, to. the either side of the cassette, and the “numeral” to the number at which a particular seboko recitation stands on the cassette. For instance, C3/B/9 means that the recitation in question can be found and listened to on cassette number 3, side “B”, and is the ninth in terms of numerical order. Each informant interviewed was requested to recite his or her seboko, which was tape-recorded. After being interviewed on the historical background of his/her seboko, the informant was asked to recite it again. The following are some of the discoveries that came to the fore: In some cases, the second recitation was the same as the first. In other cases, the second differed from the first, in that some words were either omitted or new ones included; some sentences were either displaced or their structure changed. This was the case in Makakamela village, in the district of Leribe, where I happened to record on tape a recitation as described on page 5 in the previous section. In Clarens, a small town in the Free State, | recorded a person whose clan recitation was rather long, and my promoter was quick to draw my attention to the fact that the actual seboko consisted of the first few lines, and the rest that followed was a sefela (a mine worker's chant) added to it. 9In capturing the recitals of these oral art forms and their historical background on tape, | visited some informants who live in an industrialised city of Gauteng area, with the intention of assessing the degree to which these art forms are still a living practice among the Basotho. | realized that, to some, who largely grew up in the environment of industrial cities, and who have, therefore, lost contact with their original place of birth, Lesotho, the recital of these art forms and historical knowledge pertaining to them, appear to be no more of any serious value. Some even admitted that their present environmentis, to some extent, to blame, because the multilingual nature of the environment does not necessitate the need for either the recital of this art form or any historical knowledge related to it. Some informants even went further to say that since they have been converted to christianity, they have decided not to recite their particular seboko in its entirety because it contains vulgar words that are in conflict with both christianity and the values of the communities in which they live. J also visited semi-rural places, Clarens and Phuthaditjhaba, in the Fee State, and Matatiele, in the Eastern Cape, where the population consists largely of people who come from different provinces of South Africa, many of whom appear to have lost roots of their cultural life. A few were able to recite word-for- word their diboko, and could relate something about the historical background pertaining to them, while on the contrary, many had but a hazy knowledge about both. The visit | paid to Lesotho was rewarding in that | was able to meet informants at Leribe, Morija, Matsieng and Maseru, where this art form is still orally recited verbatim and preserved as important. One contributory factor to this is that in Lesotho there are still many villages where each has its own chief, and is largely made up of groups of families which belong to a particular clan, as for instance, the village, Mahloenyeng, in the district of Matsieng, where most families are the Bafokeng, under chief Lehloenya . The other factor is that the preservation of culture from the forefathers is still highly valued, and includes, among others, oral transmission of the Basotho diboko. Even at Lesotho, modem life and christianity appear to have had an influence in that | met some of the informants who felt they had to bring about some changes in their recitations, since theirs contain vulgar words that are both in conflict with their christian life and the socially accepted way of speaking, especially among children. But at my request they acceded and allowed me to. record their recitations. Professor MatSela of NUL explains that, to the Basotho of old, who did not view their culture through the modem or the christian eye, this was not vulgarism, but a normal way of speaking. 10The other source of information is some of the tapes | received from the SABC’s Sesotho section, Lesedi Stereo. These contain recitations of the Batshweneng (The Baboon people), Bataung (The Lion people) and Makgolokwe (The Kgolokwe) as well as historical information on their origin. These are part of radio programmes broadcast in 1993. All this information on tapes was transcribed for use in this study. 1.2 Basotho nation For better understanding the development of the Basotho diboko, itis necessary to investigate some of the issues which form the foundation on which this oral art form is based,namely the circumstances contributing to the origin of the name, Basotho, the historical establishment of the Basotho and their clan system. 1.24 The name Basotho Since the eighteenth century (cf. Ellenberger 1912:34) the Bapeli were in touch with their neighbours, the Amaswazi (Swazis). These used to laugh at the breech-cloth of the Bapeli, and the trouble they took to make one of the three ends pass between the legs and join the other two in a knot behind, thinking their own fashion of a mocha, or sporran, made of jackals’ tails or the dressed skins of rock-rabbit, more dignified. So, they called the Bapeli Abashuntu, a derivative of the verb uku shunta, “to make a knot’. This designation, though bestowed in derision, was adopted with pride by the Bapeli, and later by other tribes similarly clothed, and was the origin of the present term, Basotho. Ellenberger (1912:31) further states that Mathulare, daughter of the Bafokeng chief, who was married to chief Tabane of the Bakgatla, became the mother of the founders of five great tribes - viz. the Bapeli, Makgolokwe, Maphuthing , Batlokwa and the Basia, may be called the first Basotho because they were the first to bear that name. The term, Basotho (cf. Matela and Moletsane 1993 : 1) is to-day inclusively used to refer to people who are the inhabitants of Lesotho. They may be the Basotho, some Zulus, some Xhosas, etc. It is also used to refer to people of African origin, who have accepted Basotho culture and language, irrespective of where they live, in or outside the boundaries of Lesotho. These may thus be referred to as the Basotho of Qwaqwa, of Bloemfontein, Matatiele, Natal or Gauteng, etc. 1.2.2 Historical establishment The first inhabitants of Lesotho were the people of three small clans from the banks of the Tugela, namely, the Maphetla, the Mapolane and the Baphuthi. uThe Maphetla, (Ellenberger 1912:21) previously known as Amateza, of the tribe ‘Amazizi, who were troubled by their more powerful neighbours, the Amahlubi, crossed the Drakensberg mountains during or about the year 1600 on their way to Lesotho. This clan came to be called the Maphetla or Pioneers because it was they who opened the road to the “new country’. These were later followed by the Mapolane and later, by the Baphuthi. Along with these, were other small groups that followed suit and were collectively called the Matebele. According to Hammond -Tooke (1974 : 73), these groups were followed by the tribes of Basotho stock, Baphuthing, Makgolokwe, Basia, Batlokwa, Bafokeng, Bakwena, Bahlakwana, Dihoja, Bataung and others. All these tribes lived peacefully and undisturbed until 1822 when the period known as Lifaqane began, during which the Basotho were invaded and ruined by successive invasions: by the Mahlubi of Pakalitha, the Amangwane of Matiwane, the Batlokwa of Manthatisi, the Matebele of Moselekatse, Amazulu of Chaka, the Griquas and Korannas, as well as by the ravages of large numbers of cannibals. This period was characterised by chaos. Tribes were dislodged from their homes and, destitute and hungry, fell upon others, setting up a chain reaction of attack and flight. Ellenberger (1912:117) defines Lifaqane by saying, The word Lifagane is of Setebele origin, and denotes a state of migration. It is used here as describing the struggles of wandering tribes accompanied by their families, flocks, and herds, as distinct from the ordinary expeditions of inter-tribal warfare in which as a rule only the fighting men took part. At the end of the Lifaqane, by 1833, Moshoeshoe, with great political wisdom, accepted all stray and diverse people who came to him for protection, built up a great tribe, and extending his rule, founded what we today know as the Basotho nation (Schapera 1946:59). Oral tradition gives a different version of the origin of the Basotho. According to Guma (1971:4), it tells us that, They originated from a place called Ntsoana-tsatsi, i.e, where the sun rises on the place of the rising sun. It is said to have been surrounded by tall reeds, and to this day in consequence thereof, a reed or its substitute is usually erected outside a hut in which there is a newly bom baby. To the vast majority of Basotho, Ntsoana- tsatsi is a mythical place whose exact geographical location is unknown, except for the fact that itis said to be somewhere in the East, in the direction from which the sun rises. In view of this wide-spread belief, it is 12rather interesting to note according to Ellenberger and Macgregor, this place lies mid-way between Frankfort and Vrede in the Orange Free State, and just across the borders of Lesotho. The belief that the Basotho originated from Ntswanatsatsi is confirmed by erecting a reed outside a house to indicate the birth of a baby and to bury the dead facing to the East where the sun rises. According to popular tradition, Ntswanatsatsi lies on the N3, between Villiers and Harrismith in the Free State. This is North East of Lesotho. 1.2.3 The clan system The Basotho are divided into various groups of families distinguishable by names of their common ancestors who were their leaders and from whom they believe to have descended. In distinguishing themselves by the names of their ancestors, only the names of their male ancestors are considered. In defining a olan, says Schapera (1949:80), The clan is a kinship group. It consists of a group of people claiming descent, and taking its name from a common ancestor in the male line. Bryant in Mzolo (1979 : 4) defines it as, but a magnified family consisting of a single forefather who is claimed to be the founder of the clan. These social groupings or affiliations are also distinguishable by totem (emblem) or other cultural features. For instance, Bakwena ba Kadi a Tsholo (The Crocodile people of Kadi, son of Tsholo) refers to a group whose totem is a crocodile, and whose common ancestor from whom they believe to have descended, is Kadi, the son of Tsholo. Another example is Batioung ba ha Malunga (The Elephant people of Malunga), whose totem is the elephant, and whose leader or ancestor is Malunga. The most common clans (Ashton 1952:12) to be found at present in Lesotho are the Bafokeng, Bahlakwana, Makgwakgwa, Baphuthing (People of the duiker), Batlokwa, Basia, Bataung, Batloung, Makgolokwe, Maphetla (The Pioneers) and Mapolane. These will be discussed in more detail under point 1.3.4. Most of the Basotho clans have subdivisions which were usually caused by cleavages ina clan or tribe, and the section which broke away, invariably, but not always, formed a new clan with a new name. This usually resulted in the 13appropriation of different names of the ancestors. The following is an example from Mat&ela and Moletsane (1993:9-17), of subdivisions of the Bafokeng clan which may help clarify this point: Bafokeng: * Ba ha Manti (Descendants of Manti), * Ba ha Mamatlaokwane (Descendants of Matlaokwane), * Ba Mokgadi wa Motialane (Descendants of Mokgadi, son of Motlalane), * Ba Moraredi wa Phohole (Descendants of Moraredi, son of Phohole), * Ba Maotwana-finyela (The Footprints descendants), Ba ha Manti a Mmope (Descendants of Manti, son of Mmope), Ba ha Mare a Tsikwe (Descendants of Mare, son of Tsikwe), Ba ha Mantsukunyane (Descendants of Ntsukunyane), Ba Mantsukunyane a Kata a Sefiri (Descendants of Ntsukunyane, son Kata, son of Sefiri), * Ba ha Tshele a Lekotwane (Of the house of Tshele, son of Lekotwane), etc. The same principle of subdivision applies to other clans as well. 1.3: Family odes (Diboko) : Preamble The division of the Basotho nation into different clans, believed to have originated from particular ancestors, has certain implications to which the Basotho strictly adhere, especially in matters pertaining to marriages. The origin of the totem names as well as the role they play in the life of the Basotho are viewed as being so important that they form the very existence and culture of the people. Apart from totem names, some of the clan names are derived from other sources, such as, names of clan founders and historical events associated with the clans. Cleavages among different clans or trbes have subsequently resulted in the emergence of various diboko. These issues, being basic to the understanding of this oral art form, will therefore form the subject of discussion in the following section of this chapter. 1.3.1 Definition Ebewo (1997 : 53) defines an ode as, A long lyrical poem with a dignified theme. It is often composed to celebrate an event or an individual. It uses elevated tone, heightened imagination and elaborate thought. By “family odes" is therefore meant poems of this nature as composed for and recited by members of families which together constitute a clan. Basotho family odes (diboko) are generally short, and their dignified theme is centered around 4a shared surname or name of the family by which itis distingushed. They convey information pertaining to the historical establishment of the clan and/or the clan’s tribal characteristics. Every clan among the Basotho is distinguished by a seboko, derived from the verb stem, “ho boka”, meaning “to praise”, “to give thanks” or “to salute”. On the meaning of the term seboko, (isibongo in Zulu) says Mzolo (1979 : 36), It simply means a surname, He (1979 : 9) adds that, The clan name, isibongo, was simply the personal name of the clan's founder. However, the concept of seboko among the Basotho, is not confined to the names of the clan founders, but includes, among others, names of various totems as names of the clans to which they belong. For instance, Bataung (People of the Lion) venerate a lion and therefore take it as their totem. In the same manner, the Batshweneng venerate the baboon; the Bafokeng, who have more than one totem, venerate the dew, wild grapes, the rhebok or the rabbit; the Baphuthi, the duiker; the Bapedi, the porcupine; the Batloung, the elephant, etc. The seboko may sometimes be derived from the name of the clan founder. For instance, the Basia derive their name from Mosia; Batlokwa from Motlokwa; Makgolokwe from Kgolokwe; Maphuthing from Mophuthing, and Bapedi from Mopedi. The word seboko has an extended meaning. It also refers to the poem recited by members of a clan. For instance, Ntebelle Khasi, from Makakamela village, Leribe, recites the following as her seboko (7. C1/A/7): Ke thelle jwang, Ke le Mofokeng, Wa Mantsukunyane a Kata a Sefiri, Bakgwejana ba ho titima mabitleng, Batho ba Mamodise a Kata a Sefiri! How can | pay homage, Being a Fokeng (one of the Bafokeng), Descendant of Ntsukunyane, son of Kata, son of Sefiri, The young Kgwele people who ran on top of the graves, Descendants of Modise, son of Kata, son of Sefiri! The Basotho honour and venerate their totem animals because they view them 15as symbolising their protection and as endowing them with their virtues and material benefits. Many Basotho today do not seem to be upholding these superstitious beliefs anymore, except that many stil believe in the virtues and material benefits they are endowed with by their totem animals. 1.3.2 Patrilineal nature Among the Basotho clans and families, patrilineal descent is invariably through the male line. Schapera (1949 : 80) confirms this in his definition of a clan as, consisting of a group of people claiming descent, and taking its name from a common ancestor in the male line. A similar view is expressed by Marivate in Murwamphida (1993 : 23) where he defines a clan as families which are, «inked by patrilineal ties between their male heads and can be regarded as one large family. This patrilineage has certain implications on the maiden seboko (sumame) in marriage. When a Mosotho woman gets married, her maiden seboko is not viewed as important in the family of her in-laws; neither is the memorisation and its recitation thereof by her children. Lepekola Sekgwane, an informant from Clarens, in the Free State, verbally explains this situation by pointing to the fact that, Lenyalong, mosadi ha a nyalwa, kgomo e reka seboko sa hae. In marriage, when a woman is married, a cow buys her surname. Through the customary payment of cattle by the family of the bridegroom to that of the bride, the latter enters into marriage and becomes a member of her husband's family. In other words, her maiden seboko is “absorbed” by that of her husband. This is also the case in polygamous marriages. In some cases, and out of curiosity, children may still be able to recite the maiden seboko of their mother. This, however, does not affect the maintenance of the patrilineal system. Intermarriage among the Basotho clans is allowed as long as relationship between the couple is not too close; the reason being fear that childem with physical or mental deformities will be born out of such marriages. In cases where such a relationship is not taken into account, there emerges a common saying, Dikgomo di boetse sakeng! (The cattle have returned to the kraall), meaning, the 16cattle that would have gone to the in-laws outside the family are now retained within the family members. In cases of polygamous marriages, the seboko of the father is invariably that of the family. In all cases mentioned above, the whole principle is based on the common Sesotho belief that it is the man who proposes love to and marries a ‘woman, and not vice versa. 1.3.3 The unity between the Basotho and the diboko There exists a close unity between the Basotho and their totems from which their diboko are derived. This is attributed to the belief that when they came out of the marsh at Ntswanatsatsi, each “tribe” received a different animal as an emblem which would be for it a god-protector, and which they respected and praised. As evidence of the sacredness of these totems, Ashton (1952:13) records that, these totems were regarded as sacred. Their stock bear its mark as a sign of protection. They put it on their shields, on their domestic utensils, on their skin mantles; they swear by these animals, and by them they conjure dithotsela (evil spirits). They believed that in some mysterious and inexplicable way they derived their existence from these totems. The Basotho, from the beginning, believed in the existence of the Invisible One, and also in the mediation of the spirits of the departed. Apart from these (Ellenberger 1912: 243), they wanted something more tangible, something they could see, whereby they could symbolise the Molimo oa khale - the God of old, to which they address their prayers for aid and soccour in their undertakings and dangers, and their thanks for the benefits enjoyed. This belief strengthened the unity between the Basotho and their diboko (totems). Even today this unity still exists, although the belief is no more strictly adhered to. This unity is also strengthened by the fact that the diboko, especially their recitation, carry part of the history of their origin, which, to the Basotho, is very important. Memorisation was the only way in which this could be preserved, the only history “book” they had recourse to. Verbally explains Patrick Bereng, an informant from Maseru, this state of affairs as follows, Mokgwa wa Basotho wa ho boloka diboko ke mokgwa wa ho boloka setso sa bona. Ka baka la ho se tsebe ho bala Ie ho ngola, ba ne ba boloka nalane ya bona ka ho e kenya kelellong. The Basotho custom of preserving the diboko was the way of preserving their culture. Because they could neither read nor write, 7they preserved their historical background through memory. RaletSabisa Motale, from the village Dikhelekeng, in Butha-Buthe,who has much knowledge of Basotho culture, makes the following verbal addition on the reason behind the need for recitations: Ka ho thella ke ho ikgetholla hwa motho, ho itlhalosa ka ho hlahlamana ha lelapa la motho, leo a tswang ho lona. The recitation of the seboko means an identification of a person, a self-explanation according to the order of one’s family from which one descends. Belief in the totems and perpetuation of their historical descent through these art forms, help strengthen the unity existing between the Basotho and their diboko. It is therefore very difficult for a Mosotho to abandon his original seboko in exchange for a new one. If that should happen, it must be in very extreme cases, where good reasons should be advanced for that, and where eventually madi a tshwanetse ho tsholoha (blood should be spilt), that is, a cow should be slaughtered to ensure a new agreement with the ancestors. 1.3.4 Derivation of the diboko Different names attached to clans are derived from various sources, as will be shown in the following discussion: 1.3.4.1 Names of founders Among the Basotho clans or tribes, cleavages were usually caused by violation of the law of culture, an unusual birth, any conflict related to inheritance or wealth, or desire for independence, etc. The multiplication of various clans can be attributed to such cleavages. In breaking away from the mother clan, the subclans in some cases took the clan names from those of their clan founders, dating far back in history and including ancestral tribes which belonged to the Sotho group of nations. ‘The following are such clans, with the names of their founders as well as their totem names: CLAN NAME FOUNDER TOTEM Bapedi Mopeli Noko (porcupine), originally kgatla (monkey) Makgolokwe MoKgolokwe —_Kgoho (domestic fowl) Maphuthing Mophuthing ——_Phuthi (duiker) Batlokwa Motlokwa Katse/Nkwe (cat/leopard) Basia Mosia Katse (wild cat), porcupine 18Bakgatla Mokgatla Nong/lekgolokgolo (vulture) Bangwaketsi © Ngwaketsi Kwena (crocodile) Dihoja Sehoja Kubu (hippo) Bamangwato Ngwato Phuthi (duiker) Mathulare (Ellenberger 1912:31), daughter of the Bafokeng chief, was married to the Bakgatla chief, Tabane, and thus became the mother of the founders of five great tribes - viz. Bapedi from Mopeli; Makgolokwe from MoKgolokwe; Maphuthing, Mophuthing; Batlokwa, Motlokwa; and Basia from Mosia. These offshoots chose each a new seboko when they left the parent tribe. 1.3.4.2 Names from totems The following clans derive their names mostly from animals, commonly called totems (cf. Mat8ela and Moletsane 1993:7): CLAN NAME FROM TOTEM Bakwena Kwena (crocodile) Bafokeng Phoka (dew), morara (wild vine), mmutla (rabbit) Batloung Tlou (elephant) Batshweneng Tshwene (baboon) Bakubung Kubu (hippopotamus) Maphuthing Phuthi (duiker), lejwe (stone) Bafula-kolobeng Kolobe (wild pig) Bahlaping Tihapi (fish) Banareng Nare (buffalo) Bataung Tau (lion) When members of a clan had occupied a district and found a particular animal abounding there, they usually ended up calling themselves by its name. The first Bakwena, for instance, lived between the Mariko and Limpopo Rivers, which were full of crocodiles whilst the Bataung began their tribal existence in a district which had many lions, Ellenberger (1912:242) confirms this by saying, Each tribe had its own seboko or emblem, and each of them occupied a district, which, while they remained there, was known by the name of the animal of their worship. It is worth noticing that the Basotho were highly selective in their choice of animals as their totems, in that these were to be wild animals which they viewed as symbolising Modimo wa kgale (The God of old), and also as having particular characteristics which they believed to have been endowed with.1.3.4.3 Historical events ‘Some of the clan names are derived from incidents related to the establishment of the clans. (cf. Ashton 1952:13, Ellenberger 1912:241-246): Makgwakgwa This clan used to erect a strong fence made of interlaced branches of trees round the baskets in which they kept their grain to protect it from thieves and wild beasts. This fence was called lekgwakgwa. For this reason they called themselves Makgwakgwa (People-of-interlaced-tree-branches). Philip Mojaki, from Makakamela village, in Lesotho, and who belongs to this clan, verbally relates this information: Ha ba ne ba bua ditaba, ba ne ba atisa ho abana e le bona. Ha taba e le teng e kang nyewe, ho se ho thwe ba kgwakgwanya puo, le moahlodio se a tla timellwa hore o leba kae. When they had a dispute, they used to quarrel among themselves. When there is an issue, such as a court case, they mixed up the case, and the judge ended up being confused and not knowing what to do next. Just as their makgwakgwa were impregnable to thieves and wild animals, so were their disputes impregnable fences of inaccuracies and misstatements. This is how the name, Makgwakgwa came to be applied to this clan/tribe. However, Samson Motlokoa, from Motlokoa village, in the district of Peka, in Lesotho, verbally adds that the name came about as a result of the conflict between the sons of Kgerehiwa, namely, Sefako and Mahlatsi. Mahlatsi, the younger, fought his elder brother over the chieftaincy of the tribe. This was where the impregnable inaccuracies and misstatements took place, which resulted in this tribe, formerly the Bakwena, calling themselves the Makgwakgwa. According to Pae (1992 : 9), wife of chief Molapo of the Bakoena was at one time confined within the “lekhoakhoa’ for the whole period of her pregnancy until the child was born. The child born as a result of this incident as well as those born later, were called Makhoakhoa. Batshweneng According to legend, the barren wife of a chief, was made to conceive (bipiswa) by physical contact with the body or skin of a baboon. It was by reason of this incident that the clan took the baboon for its name. The child born was named Motshwene, and the clan, previously part of the Bakwena (The Crocodile people) was then called the Batshweneng (The Baboon people).Bahlakwana The origin of the clan name, Bahlakwana, cannot be determined with accuracy because of varying explanations in this regard. Ellenberger (1988 : 74) comments under correction that the eldest son of Disema was either Fumane, Nkokoto or Mohlakwana. Though this cannot be stated with accuracy, what is known is that Disema’s eldest son was also nicknamed Mohlakwana, from whom the name, Bahlakwana, probably might have originated. Samson Motlokoa's verbal information, as recorded by Pae (1992 : 7), says the the name originated as a result of an incident that took place within the village under chief Motebang. This village was divided into two sections between which were kraals. On the upper part of the kraals, lived the chief together with his proud wives who, by birth, were the chiefs’ daughters. On the lower part of the kraals, lived Motebang’s other wives, his concubines, those who were of lower rank and who, by birth, were daughters of ordinary citizens. Out of contempt, the proud women of the chief used to look down on those of the lower rank, and referred to them as women belonging to Tihakwaneng (The hoof), meaning those who, like the hoof of the cow or the horse, are at the lowest and the farthest end. In other words, those that are least important and least loved by the chief. This derogatory appellation, Bahlakwana, became the name by which this clan came to be known. Verbal information by Paul Makuta of the village, Roma, as recorded also by Pae (1992 : 8) says that within the Bakwena tribe there was at one time a general manifestation of a high rate of birth of deformed children on account of marriages between people closely related to each other. Chief Disema issued an order that young men of his tribe should no more marry within the Bakwena tribe. With derision all women married outside the tribe were referred to by the appellation, Bahlaha - kwana (Those that come from yonder), which, in a shortened form, became Bahlakwana. Barolong The Barolong (Elienberger : xvili) were established in the neighbourhood of Mosika, where there was much iron, and one of their chiefs, an expert in the art of Vulcan, took to forging it. He was, as a result, called Morolong, i.e. blacksmith, because this name was derived from the old word, rola, “to forge”. His son, Noto ~ that is, the hammer - also bore the name of the iron instrument which took the place of the primitive flint. Father and son from that time were able to forge much; and were celebrated among the tribes for the agricultural instruments and weapons which they made. It is from this that the Barolong (smiths), whose emblem is the iron (tshepe) and the hammer (nofo), took their name. The above discussion confirms that clan or family names are derived from various 21sources, namely, those of the clan founders, the totem names as well as historical incidents contributing to the origin of the clans. Also to be noticed is that the change in clan name from the one to the other was a possibility which shows that a totem was but a mere symbol, and just as good as another for the purpose of symbolising Him who created all clan people. 1.3.4.4 Emergence of various diboko Reasons for cleavages and ernergence of various diboko are many and diverse. They include violation of the law of culture, unusual birth of a leader which, for instance, resulted in a leader being viewed as culturally unfit and unacceptable to head a clan or tribe, conflict related to wealth or inheritance, and desire for independence by a younger brother or search for new pastures. Ellenberger (1912: 16), for instance, relates that after the death of a Mofokeng chief, Sekete 11, who was married to a Khoisan, the tribe prevented one of his sons from inheriting the throne, the reason being Ha re batle ho buswa ke Morwal (We do not want to be ruled by a Bushman!). In the division that resulted, each of the sons took his separate way with his followers. Such cleavages usually resulted in proliferations, not only of subclans, subclan names,each with its own leader, but of clan recitations as well. All these show some relation to the parent clan from which they originate. Confirming this, Rapeane (1992 : 9) says, Batho ba ka kopanela seboko se le seng, se seholo, empa se ka ba le likaroloana tse ling. Dikaroloana tsena li ikamahanya le tsoalo ea ea ithokang. Motho a ka ithoka ka ntatae kapa baholo ba bang ba hae. Ha monna a na le bara ba leshome, likaroloana tsa seboko sa hae li ka ba leshome le motso 0 le mong. Karolo ea pele ke ea ntata bara, ha tse leshome tse latelang, e le tsa bara ba hae. Taba enae bonahala lithokong tsa Batloung, moo ho nang le ba ha Sekhoane, ba ha Matonka, le ba bang. People may share the one main clan, which may have some subclans. These subclans may be related to the lineage of the reciter. One can recite about his father or some of his ancestors. If @ man has ten sons, the subclans of his clan may be eleven in number. The first part is the father’s, whilst the others belong to his sons. This can be seen in the recitations of the Batloung, where there are those of the family of Sekgwane, the family of Malonka (Malunga), and others. The proliferation of the clans took place hand in hand with the compositions of clan praises (diboko) for the clans. However, it must be noted that some of the ‘subclans have more than one recitation. In cases like these, the Praises are recited differently, with emphasis placed on other aspects pertaining to the cultural 22characteristics of the same clan, and the reason is attributed to mere originality and eloquence on the part of the members of a clan. During fieldwork | conducted in Gauteng, the Free State and Lesotho, I was able to. compile numerous clan recitations which show the proliferation of various clan names and clan recitations, and which also show various leaders of subclans that belong to particular parent clans. These can be arranged as follows: Parent clan Subclan Bahlakwana: - Pholo ya Disema (Ox of Disema) - Mantsane (Descendants of Ntsane) - Tele a Motawana (Tele, son of Motawana) Bataung: - Ba ha Hilalele (Of Hlalele’s house) - Ba Maloisane (Of Maloisane) - Manthethe a Morapedi (Descendants of Nthethe, son of Morapedi) ~ Ba Sefatsa sa Tshukudu (Of Sefatsa, son of Tshukudu) - Makobasia (Kobasia descendants) - Ba ha Moletsane (Of Moletsane’s house) ~ Ba Ramokgele a Maphoto (Descendants of Ramokgele, son of of Maphoto) Bakwena: - Ba ha Maieane (Of the house of Maieane) - Makadi a Tsholo (Descendants of Kadi, son of Tsholo) - Mamphutlane a Makeka (Descendants of Mphutlane, son of Makeka) - Mantsane a Monaheng (Descendants of Ntsane, son of Monaheng) ~ Mankopane a Mathunya (Descendants of Nkopane, son of Mathunya) ~ Batebang ba Napo a Mosito (Descendants of Motebang, son of Napo, son of Mosito ~ Ba ha Modibedi (Of the house of Modibedi) - Mantai (Descendants of Ntai) - Tumane a Potsela (Tumane, son of Potsela) - Ba ha Mahlatsi (Of the house of Mahlatsi) Batlokwa: ~ Manthatisi (Descendants of Mmanthatisi) - Ba Tshotetsi Lebaka (Descendants of Tshotetsi, son of Lebaka) 23Basia: - Batubatsi (Swearers-by-the-porcupine) Bafokeng: - Mantsukunyane a Kata a Sefiri (Descendants of Ntsukunyane, son of Kata, son of Sefiri - Maotwana (small Footprints - Maotwana-finyela (Contract your footprints) - Mantho-e-kgolo (Those strange things) - Ba ha Kgetsi a Malekele (Descendants of Kgetsi, son of Malekele) - Mamphane (Descendants of Mphane) - Mantoto (Descendants of Ntoto) - Ba ha Dijane (Descendants of Dijane) ~ Ba Moraredi a Phohole (Descendants of Moraredi, son of Phohole) - Ba ha Tshele (Descendants of Tshele) - Mamare a Ntsikwe (Descendants of Mare, son of Ntsikwe) Makgwakgwa: - Baha Sedimo, nthole (Descendants of Sedimo, take-off-my-load) - - Ba ha Mahlatsi (Descendants of Mahlatsi) Bakubung: - Ba Mahwete a Komane (Descendants of Hwete, son of Komane) Bafula-kolobeng (People of the wild pig): - Marasakane (Descendants of Rasakane) Bakgatla: -Mankwane (Descendants of Nkwane) - Baananong (Swearers-by-the-eagle) Makgolokwe: - Aha Kgetsi (Those of Kgetsi) - Aha Mokgolane (Those of Mokgolane) - Aha Mathula le Mohlaodi (Those of Mathula and Mohlaodi) Batshweneng: - Ba ha Kgiba le Kgamadi (Those of Kgiba and Kgamadi) The above compilation of parent clans as well as their subclans is neither complete nor exhaustive in that the subclans are too many and have not as yet been fully researched and recorded. Any attempt to compile all of them is not only difficult but impossible because most of the Basotho are scattered all over the provinces of our country, even in Lesotho where one would expect to find 24villages consisting of clans whose members belong to the same family as it was largely the case in the past. The other problem is that an attempt to collect them in their entirety cannot guarantee proof of their complete collection. Nevertheless, this compilation proves the fact that subclans did break away from their parent clans and either called themselves by the name of their new leader or by the incident related to the historical establishment of the clan. 1.4 CONCLUSION The appellation Basotho refers to a nation founded by King Moshoeshoe who accepted stray and diverse people who came to him for protection as a result of chaos and destruction caused by the Lifaqane wars roughly between 1821 and 1833. The Amaswazi called the Bapedi Abashuntu , a derivative of the verb uku shunta, “to make a knot” because of the breech cloth they used to wear, which passed between their legs and joined the other two in a knot behind. This designation was later adopted by other tribes similarly clothed, and became the origin of the term Basotho. The Basotho nation was divided into various clans or families who claim descent from common ancestors, and who were distinguished by names of animals known as totems. According to Bourgeois history the various clans originated at a place called Ntswanatsatsi where each tribe was given a totem. This totem is referred to as seboko, a word derived from the verb stem, “ho boka”, meaning “to praise”, “to give thanks” or “to salute’. Itis a coat of arms, name of a clan, of a family or a totem from which a clan takes its name (Cf. Mabille and Dieterlen 1912:392). The Basotho regarded their totems as sacred and believed that in some mysterious and inexplicable way they derived their existence from them. From the beginning, they believed in both the Invisible One and the spirits of the departed. Apart from these, they wanted something more tangible, something they could see, which symbolised the Modimo wa kgale - “the God of old’, to which they appealed for aid during their undertakings and dangers, and their thanks for benefits enjoyed. This belief served as a unifying force between Basotho and their totems. These totems had particular poetic recitations attached to them which conveyed information about one’s ancestors, origin, and part of culture and philosophy. However, other clan names were derived from names of leaders of clans which broke away from their parent clans. This is the reason for the emergence of various subclans, names and the diboko (recitations) that we have today. Others were derived from historical incidents associated with the establishment of those clans. To facilitate memorisation, especially among children, the transmission of 25