S2611191 – Final Essay
Japanese imperialism between the Meiji restoration and the First World War was, to a large
extent, a consequence of its modernisation and industrialisation.
Word Count: 2065
Japan’s imperial expansion between the Meiji restoration and the First World War is undeniably a
result of its engagement in the modern world and its rapid industrialisation. Such a strong causal
relationship can be derived from an analysis of the nature and circumstance of Japan’s
modernisation, the country’s response to a dynamic and expansionist modern world order and the
nation’s reaction to the economic challenges that arise from rapid industrialisation. Although
modern historical analysis of Japan’s imperialist era is complex, there remains an academic
consensus on the broad pillars of its cause. William Beasley notes the influence that “economic
imperialism” had on Japan’s expansionism, which was an inevitable result of “a particular stage” in
Japan’s “economic development,”1 whilst John Benson expresses the importance that Japan’s
“search for security” had on its foreign policy during a period of international “power politics.” 2 This
essay establishes the certain link between these broad drivers of Japanese imperialism and their
ultimate source in Japan’s modernisation and industrialisation.
To understand Japan’s imperialist behaviour between the Meiji restoration and the First World War,
one must first understand the context under which this transformation begun. In 1639, Japan’s
former Shōgun Iemitsu enacted a strong isolationist policy that effectively closed Japan’s borders to
international influence and trade until the arrival of an American fleet led by Commodore Matthew
Perry in 1853.3 This arrival of a power “far in advance of Japan in military, economic and
technological affairs” forced the nation to reconsider its international policy, ultimately leading to
the establishment of trading ports, the import of foreign ideas and industrial technologies and the
restoration of imperial rule.4 This sudden opening of the country saw Japan forced to compete for a
place in the international community; yet, repeated attempts from Western powers through means
such as the “unequal treaties” cast Japan as second-tier due to its historical backwardness and racial
composition.5 Thus, it became clear that for Japan to be duly recognized by the Western powers, it
must emulate their proven and accepted methods for modernisation.
Japan’s adoption of a Western model of modernisation inevitably led the nation to imitate the well-
established path of imperialism. The opening of Japan’s borders sparked an era of rapid change, with
the country transitioning from their traditional economy to a modern industrial one, as was present
in Western countries. The obvious way to do this was to “emulate Western techniques” 6 by
“propagating Western knowledge,” utilising “modern imported machinery” and learning from
1
W.G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 1
2
John Benson; Takao Matsumura, Japan, 1868-1945: From Isolation to Occupation (Great Britain: Pearson
Education, 2001), 55
3
Mikiso Hane, Modern Japan: A Historical Survey (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), 24, 67
4
Ibid, 68
5
Marius Jansen, “Japanese Imperialism: Late Meiji Perspectives,” in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945
ed. Ramon Myers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 62
6
Ibid, 63
S2611191 – Final Essay
“foreign technicians.”7 This was highly successful, with Japan moving from the construction of its first
telegraph and railroad lines in 1869 and 1872 respectively, to having 4000 miles of telegraph lines
and 2000 miles of railroad lines by 1893.8 Such rapid progress in the domestic industrial economy
provided the bargaining power necessary to successfully revise the “unequal treaties” imposed on
Japan.9 This acted as firm encouragement that Japan’s path of Western-based modernisation was
succeeding in transforming Japan into “a ‘civilised nation’ equal with those of the west”; 10 yet,
Japan’s domestic economy still could not compete with the Western international economies, such
as the British in India, the French in Indochina and the Dutch in Indonesia. 11 Hence, as Foreign
Minister Inoue Kaoru stated, Japan had to “make [an] empire like the countries of Europe” 12 and in
1894, after disputes regarding their competing influences in Korea, Japan declared war on China.
Following a successful military campaign, Japan’s empire begun, as it acquired Taiwan and the
Liaotung Peninsula in addition to signing a treaty that “embod[ied] the same terms as China had
already granted to European countries.” 13 Hence, Japan’s aggressive foreign behaviour had provided
it with privileges equal to those granted to the Western powers. Thus, it is clear that Japan’s
adoption of Western-based modernisation goes hand in hand with its establishment as an imperial
power, as without Japan’s replication of the West’s expansionist behaviour, it could not have
successfully achieved parity amongst the modern global powers. Such an observation highlights the
direct impact of Japan’s modernisation on its imperialism.
In addition to the impact of Japan’s Western-based modernisation on its imperialism, the nation’s
desire to remain independent of Western influence, once it was part of the modern international
world, also drove its expansionism. Historians such as James Hoare highlight the impact of the
encroaching West on the newly modernised Japan, with “the British advance in China, the Russian
push into north-east Asia and the United States’ realisation that it was a Pacific power” ultimately
“forc[ing]” the nation “into the nineteenth-century world of power politics.” 14 This can be seen when
considering the nature of the modernised globe that Japan found itself part of, with the nation’s
progress towards a modernised state threatened by the ruthless European competition for Asia. 15
Hence, for Japan to retain its independence, it became apparent that “there [was] no way to counter
[the West’s] economic power and resources without [its own] economic power and resources.” 16 In
fact, this extended beyond Japan domestically. Since Japan was the first in Asia to achieve Western
modernisation, it felt obliged to guarantee others, such as China, freedom from Western
incursions.17 The most logical way of ensuring that the Asian continent was not entirely subjugated
by the Western powers was for Japan to establish imperial control of its neighbours itself. And such
7
Mikiso Hane, Modern Japan: A Historical Survey (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), 98-99
8
Ibid
9
W.G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 6
10
John Benson; Takao Matsumura, Japan, 1868-1945: From Isolation to Occupation (Great Britain: Pearson
Education, 2001), 58
11
Mark Peattie, “Introduction,” in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945 ed. Ramon Myers (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1984), 47
12
Marius Jansen, “Japanese Imperialism: Late Meiji Perspectives,” in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945
ed. Ramon Myers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 64
13
W.G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 61
14
J.E. Hoare, “Japan’s Road to War” in Asian Affairs, (Accessed online: Asian Affairs, 1987), 57
15
Marius Jansen, “Japanese Imperialism: Late Meiji Perspectives,” in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945
ed. Ramon Myers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 63
16
Sharon Minichiello, Retreat from Reform (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2022), 2
17
Marius Jansen, “Pan-Asianism,” in The Emergence of Imperial Japan ed. Marlene Mayo (Massachusetts: D.C.
Heath and Company, 1970), 55
S2611191 – Final Essay
was so, with Japan’s 1905 victory in the Russo-Japanese war providing Japan control of Southern
Manchuria and Sakhalin Island and the victory consequently leading to the Japanese annexation of
Korea in 1910.18 This marks a significant turning point in Japanese imperialism, as now formerly
Western-influenced regions had come under Japanese imperial control. It is therefore undeniable
that Japanese imperialism in neighbouring countries was driven by its desire to retain Asian
independence in Asia and oppose Western-led infringements. Furthermore, it is Japan’s
modernisation itself that directly justified such expansionism into the surrounding under-developed
nations, ultimately leading to Japan’s establishment as an imperial power.
Japan’s modernisation not only drove imperialism through competition with modernised Western
countries, but it also demanded expansionism to fuel the nation’s rapidly industrialising economy.
Japan’s recognition of the technological superiority of the West presented the need to “transform
the nation into an industrial society.” 19 However, Japan’s small landmass and large population
caused difficulties in industrialisation, as in 1880, 75% of the country’s workforce was engaged in the
agricultural practices necessary to feed the country. 20 Hence, even after advances in productivity
from modern farming techniques, Japan was unable to transition its agrarian workforce to industrial
pursuits without establishing alternative sources of food. 21 Therefore, Japan looked outward,
realising that it could sustain its transition to an industrial economy by gaining imperial control in
neighbouring nations and then increasing their agricultural production for Japanese consumption. 22
This was highly successful, with Korea and Taiwan ultimately “bec[oming] agricultural appendages of
Japan.”23 However, the industrial causes of Japan’s imperialism were not limited to agricultural
productivity; the industrial development itself also required imports of raw materials. Primary
among these imports were iron, coal, oil, and scrap metal. Although much of the raw materials were
imported through trade, there remained a significant portion derived from the empire. For example,
by 1930 Taiwan and Korea provided 7.5% of Japan’s total metals and materials imports, whilst
Manchuria, which was “very close to being a [Japanese] dependent territory,” was providing 60% of
its coal and 23% of its pig-iron. 24 Hence, it is clear that Japan’s modernising and industrialising
economy demanded raw materials provided by an empire. Therefore, it is undeniable that Japan’s
industrialisation directly led to its imperialism, as the establishment of reliable sources of foodstuffs
and raw materials within its empire allowed Japanese workers to engage in modern industries and
Japan’s industrial material requirements to be met.
The pressure for Japanese imperialism due to its rapid industrialisation stretched beyond the
acquisition of resources, as the nation also strove to establish itself in the markets necessary to
export new industrial products. Japan’s newly modernised economy saw large imports in
technologies and raw materials, which ultimately resulted in “Japan’s total exports [being] unable to
18
Mikiso Hane, Modern Japan: A Historical Survey (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), 179-180
19
Ibid, 97
20
Yamada Saburō, “Agricultural Development in the Empire,” in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945 ed.
Ramon Myers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 424
21
Samuel Pao-San Ho, “Colonialism and Development: Korea, Taiwan and Kwantung,” in The Japanese Colonial
Empire, 1895-1945 ed. Ramon Myers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 349
22
Ibid, 350
23
Ibid
24
W.G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 129, 132
S2611191 – Final Essay
keep pace with the import demands of rapid industrialisation.” 25 This imbalance meant that for
Japan to sustain its rate of industrialisation, which was partly dependent on importing raw materials
and technology, the nation had to establish strong export markets that would provide the necessary
capital. This was difficult, as many of the key Asian trading ports were already bound under treaties
with Western powers, meaning Japanese exports were disadvantaged. 26 Hence, Japan’s need for
accessible markets for its industrial products drove the nation to imperialism, which would in turn
allow the establishment of Japanese-controlled ports. This was highly successful. For example, the
privileges granted to Japan in China after the Sino-Japanese War allowed Japan “to develop
substantial markets there”;27 additionally, by 1930, 21.5% of all Japanese exports were to the
imperially-controlled Taiwan and Korea, a substantial increase from the 7.7% share prior to their
occupations.28 Thus, the success of Japan’s imperialism on the nation’s access to export markets is
irrefutable. In fact, the requirement for such markets through which Japan could export its industrial
products served as an indisputable driver for the nation’s imperialism.
Ultimately, it is undeniable that Japan’s imperialism between the Meiji restoration and the First
World War was, to a large extent, a consequence of the nation’s modernisation and industrialisation.
Such an observation is evidenced by the nature of Japan’s modernisation, with the country faithfully
emulating the long-established Western behaviour of imperialism. However, it was not just
emulation of Western modernisation that drove Japanese imperialism; in fact, Japan’s exclusive
position as a modernised Asian nation forced its hand into expansionism to curb the Western
incursion on Japan’s Asian neighbours. Moreover, an industrialising Japan’s requirements for
agricultural produce and raw materials that could not be filled domestically due to the country’s size
compelled imperialism. Once access to such resources became available, Japan needed markets to
export its industrial products to and gain the necessary capital for sustained growth. These markets
were acquired by the expansion of Japan’s empire and the establishment of Japanese-controlled
ports through which to trade. Japan’s sudden thrust into the modern industrial world is unparalleled
and it is only through careful examination that the strong causative impacts of such unique
modernisation and industrialisation on the nation’s imperialist behaviour can be observed.
25
Samuel Pao-San Ho, “Colonialism and Development: Korea, Taiwan and Kwantung,” in The Japanese Colonial
Empire, 1895-1945 ed. Ramon Myers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 348
26
Marius Jansen, “Japanese Imperialism: Late Meiji Perspectives,” in The Japanese Colonial Empire, 1895-1945
ed. Ramon Myers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 62
27
W.G. Beasley, Japanese Imperialism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 39
28
Ibid, 132
S2611191 – Final Essay
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