Great Nationalism, Little Nationalism and Problem of Integration: A Tentative View
Author(s): Amalendu Guha
Source: Economic and Political Weekly , Feb., 1979, Vol. 14, No. 7/8, Annual Number:
Class and Caste in India (Feb., 1979), pp. 455+457-458
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4367362
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Great Nationalism Little Nationalism
and Problem of Integration
A Tentative View
Amalendu Guha
Spatial political behaviour and probletns of inttegration in Northeast India have to be understood in
their specific historical cont,ext. The present short paper is an attempt at focusing on this context.
Part 1 of the paper traces the growth of nationalism in India in general and Part It examines its spe-
cifics in Northeast India, with a view to explaining the political behaviour pattern as observed in that
region.
I l9tk century. The purpose was to all-India plane and (ii) little nationalism
bring India into the orbit of world on a linguistic-regional plane. Great
A NATIONALITY is a stable commu- capitalism so that exploitation could be nationalism emerged as the ideology of
nity of culture, historically evolved intensified. the nascent pan-Indian big bourgeoisie
within a definite territory, on the basis
Consequent upon these profound who wanted an appropriate share of
of common economic ties and language
changes, new middle classes, oriented the growing India-wide bomre market
and, also often with one or more of
to capitalism, were found operating for themselves to the exclusion of (or
other such common factors. A nationa-
amongst India's varied linguistic com- in collaboration witb) foreign capita-
lity, so defined, had, in some cases, its
munities at sub-regional, regional and lists. They also wanted an independent
rudimentary beginnings in consolidated
all-India levels. These middle classes unitary state to secure it. This was
feudal monarcbies. But its further
were objectively opposed to foreign acceptable also to large sections of the
developments, and even its beginnings
domination over the home market. professional middle classes of certain
in most cases, were integrally linked
Hence, they looked forward to esta- advanced regions like coastal Bombay
with the rise of capitalism.
blishing their own domination instead, and Bengal. For they were confident
In Europe, the rising capitalist of seizing a large share of all the pro-
so that indigenous capitalism could
classes found it convenient to emphasise fessional and other opportunities to
thrive thereby. Protection of home
the separate cultural identities of their come up in such an India-wide compe-
market- against foreign competition
respective regions so that feudalism titive market, because of their early ini-
emerged as a slogan. To promote their
could be pulled down by national de- tiation to English education and ad-
owr interests, these classes rallied
mocratic movements, and their own ministration. The Indian National Con-
popular support behind them, by ex-
class interests could be projected appa- gress represented great nationalism, in
ploiting spirituLal sentiments based on a
i'ently as wider national interests, community of culture. This happened its original undiluted form, during the
through newly formed bourgeois states. both at the regional and the all-India years 1885-1917.
Each of these capitalist classes posed levels. Alongside of Indian nationalism Little nationalism, on the other bancd,
itself as the exclusive spokesman for one often heard of Bengali or Marathi em(ierged as the ideology of the region-
all members of the regional-cultural or Assamese nationalism as well. These based small bourgeoisie (i e, the
formation, i e, the nationality it belong- nationalisms sustained-and were in regional middle classes) who feared
e(I to. This is how nationalism was turn sustained by - Indian peoples' competition from middle classes of
born as a spiritual sentiment, sharedcommon in struggle against British rule. other regions as well as from the pan-
common by members of the concerned The latter was increasingly identified as Indian big bourgeoisie. Little natio-
nationality. It was also a movement the main obstacle on the way of further nalism, therefore, stood for an exclu-
with a definite ideology and programme. growth of the Indian class society. sive control of the regional markets by
Basically anti-feudal in character, such All parts of India and all Indian their respective middle classes.
national movements tended to culminate nationalities did not come under British
into the establishment of bourgeois The concept of a unitary national
rule at one and the same point of time.
democratic states so that there could be state was not a suitable ideal for little
Nor were they at the same stage of
urnhindered development of capitalism socio-economic development when they nationalism. It looked forward to a
on the basis of widened and protected multi-national state with a federal set-
did. Moreover, even the degree of
national markets. up that would guaranktee substantial
British centralised control was not the
regional autonomy to each national
It was through British colonialisation same all over India - some were
identity. In its extreme and late form
that the ground for similar national definitely under-administered as com-
(in exceptional cases) little nationalism
movements was prepared in India and, pared to others. This unevenness was
stood, alternatively, even for secession,
for that matter, also in its northeast bound to leave its imprint on the mani-
or dual citizenship and sovereign po-
region. In the absence of a capitalist festation of niationalism at the various
litical status.
class base, the emergence of nationa- levels, both in terms of chronology and
lism before that was not possible. in terms of the emotional content and
How were great and little national-
British rule unified disjointed and re- identity. isms inter-related? In the course of
mote parts of the country through a It was broadly along two tracks that their historical evolution, they in
centralised systenm of administration asIndian nationalism was developing fronmgeneral moved in unison, continually
well as a network of railways and its very beginnings in the mid-19th tending to mergo with earh other; but
communications it built during the late century -(i) great nationalism on an on occasions, they also tended to dash
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ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY Annual Number February 1979
headlong against each other in oppo. the degree of political participation ments of other hills districts as well,
site directions. On the whole, during was perfunctory. Nagaland, Mizoram, dependibg upon the degree of auto-
the period of our anti-imperialist Arcnachal (Nefa) and the N C Hills cracy their chiefs exhibited. The basic
struggles, they moved in the same were totally excluded from any kind content of the little nationalisms of
dir ection, and overlapped with each of constitutional reforms until 1947. the hills areas however was and still
other. They thus got intertwined. This uneven constitutional and adminis- is anti-tribal, in the sense that it stands
Indian national movement since 1917 trative development, as much as the for the transformation of a tribe or a
involved a series of compromises bet- uneven economic progress, also contri- group of tribes, within a well-defined
ween great and little nationalisms so buted to the belatedness of nationalism territory, into a distinct nationality.
that all nationalist forces could bto iri the northeastern Indian society. Tribes, like castes, are expected to get
consolidated to achieve the comtnon Different segments of it came under dissolved in that process to make room
objective. Gandhi with his concept of thEl spell of nationalism at different for nationalism, in the same way as
linguistic provinces ushered in this times. Another point to note is that ,ittle nationalities in the Indian context
piocess. The dominant class view on great nationalism had only marginal are expected to get dissolved to make
the national question, as a result, under- inmpact on the hills peoples; and the room for an all-India nationalism.
went substantial changes, in favour of least or little impact on Nagaland andl
In oaLr view, great nationalism and
and towards recognition of multi-na- Mizoram, in particular. There are
little nationalism are compatible, but
tional interests, both before and after geographical and historical reasons for
not necessarily and always within a class
otur Independence. that.
society. The middle class of a late-
It was in this process, as worked out 'T he Khasi (and Puar) people were developing, small nationality is neces-
above, that castes, tribes and local com- fouind already organised into rudimen- sarily weak. This explains why the
munities were being absorbed into tary state formations, when they came gr owing middle classes of the hills
larger entities along either of the two under the British. Conscious of their areas were less involved in the modern
albove-mentioned tracks. The little local privileges, the Khasi chiefs be- phase of the anti-imperialist struggles
nationalities, too, were imperceptivelygari organising themselves into voluntary than their counterparts in the plains.
getting integrated with a still larger associations since 1900. This factor and These very middle classes, after inde-
national entity - the Indian nation- the location of the provincial capital in pendence, were nevertheless able to
hood in the making. Shillong since 1874 largely accounted force changes into the Indian consti-
In the Indian context, there was andfor the early politicisation of the tution to create new autonomous natio-
is also a growing understanding that Khasis, relatively to other hills people. nal states within the Indian Union.
only by eliminating bourgeois distor- It was only during World War II that Helwever, the lopsidedness of the eco-
the Garos, the Mizos and the Nagas
tions couild a basis for tnre nationalism nomic development, in the interests of
be found-also that one's loyalty to had their first nationality-wide political the Indian monopoly houses, poses a
regional culture is quite compatible organisations formed. This process of new danger -that of these little auto-
with true nationalism and intemational- politicisation was essentially linked nomous segments being swamped bv
ism, once class exploitation is removed with little nationalism. floods of immigration. To avoid this,
fiom the scene. Northeast India needs a different pat-
The formation of an educated, tern of economic development, with
Chlristian middle class helped the pro- emphasis on maximum utilisatioin of
II
cess. In 1901 there were only 26
local manpower, even if that meani
For economy in administration, the Clhristians in Mizoram. By 1951, theydown of the pace of modern
slowing
British rulers organised the conquered constituted 90 per cent of the Mizoram development in the conventional sense.
northeastern territories into a multi- population. Similar progress of Chris- Otherxvise, little nationalism will pro-
tianity, though not equally spectacular, bably take the Naga-Mizo path to
lingual, composite province. Only
Bengali of all languages of the province was there in other hills areas as well. separatism.
had some official recognition for limited In the matter of literacy, too, the level
purposes during the years 1837-73. It achieved in the hills compared favour- There is no admllinistrative or military
was with this background that Assamese ably with the all-India average. In short-cut to achievement of nationhood.
little nationalism had. its beginnings, some cases, it was even much higher, Indian nationalismai and the associated
alongside of great nationalism. Through- as in Mizoram where the male literacy process of state formations are still in
out the 19th century, regional and all- rate was 46.2 per cent and female thce making. Today the only way to de-
India consciousness co-existed peace- literacy rate 16.7 per cent in 1951. emphasise the tribal exclusiveness as
fully all over the plains of Northeast Christianity contributed not only to well as differences in religion, castes
India. In the hills areas, however, the literacy movement, but also to the and ethnicity is to realise the import-
nationalism - great or little - was development of tribal dialects as ance of cohesion of respective regional
written languages in Roman script.
conspicuously absent du-ring the cen- communities. In the very process of
tury. There it is a 20th century pheno-
this being achieved, regional commu-
Thus, the language became inter-
nities will also feel to be themselves
menon, associated with the rise of alia a unifying and modernising factor
local, educated middle classes during parts of the bigger Indian societies.
in the hills, finally leading to the
Meanwhile the Centre-state relations
tht inter-war and World War II period. growth of hills r;ationalities and their
need a thorough reshuffling to make
The people of the plains of Assam little nationalisms. In Mizoram, from the
were associated with a provincial very beginning, Mizo nationalism had such voluntary emotional integration
possible.
legislature since 1906; and the people an anti-feudal content. It was directed
of the partially excluided hills areas, priimarily against the autocratic chiefs. To conclude, India is a multi-natio-
This anti-feudeal content is present, to
ie, the Khasi, Garo and Mikir Hills, nal state which is not dlominated by
since 1937. 1Hnwever, in the latter case,
a lesser extent, in the national move- any particullar nationality. No single
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Annual Number February 1979 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL WEEKLY
nationality has an absolute majority in which are required to be financed from fact that the increase in the fares and
India, so far as the numeric-al strength surplus revenues (Rs 153 crcres). The freight charges have not kept pace with
is concerned. No single nationality temporary borrowings on this account increase in the price levels is mainly
dominates all facets of power and in- outstanding at the end of 1976-77 responsible for the unhealthy finanicial
fluence either. Besides, all the natio- amounted to Rs 463 crores. Further, position of the Railways. In this con-
nalities developed a historic sense of these deficits have been incurred in nection, it has been brought out that,
unity in course of their common spite of the fact that the provision during the period 1950-51 to 1976-77,
struggles against the British rule, and made for depreciation has not been while the average cost per Railway em-
they were found keen to retain this adequate resulting in considerable ployee has increased by 400 per cent,
sense of unity even after Independence. arrears in renewals and replacements, the price of coal by 370 per cent and
In the process of economic transition, and the provision made for pensionary that of mineral oils by 443 per cent, the
hundreds ancl thousands of workers liability has also been less than warrant- average earnings per passenger kilo-
from different linguistic groups became edl. metre and per tinne kilometre of
intermingled. The Indian working The Rail Tariff Committee is of the goods have increased only by 134 per
class, therefore, stands as much above view that, among other factors, the cent and 180 per cent, respectively.
parochial little nationalism as above
aggressive great nationalism. In its
conception, true nationalism, can absorb
what is good in little nationalism and
stands also for internationalism. It
stands for Indian unity within the Visvesvaraya Iron
multinational state of India. It looks'
forward to a United India organised on &k Steel Limited
the basis of (i) the recognition uF
Indian multinationality, (ii) federal Bhadravati 577 301
principles of state organisation with
single citizenship and (iii) protection (KARNATAKA)
of the democratic rights of all national
minorities and their languages all over
Inidia, including the right of self-
determination.
Manufacturers of Alloy & High Grade steels,
[An earlier draft on this paper was Mild and Tor Steel, Pig Iron
presented at a Seminar held at Shillong,
ndcer the auispices of the North East Steel Castings, C. I. Castings,
Hills University on 1 Sept-2 Oct 1978.] Spun Pipes (Cast Iron) Ferro
Alloys, Cement, Ferro Sili-
Railway Finances con, Refractories etc.
A GENERAL examination of the
finarncial positionl of Indian Railways
Regd, Office & Bhadravati-577 301
by the Rail Tariff Enquiry Commmittee
Factory
has come to the conclusion that "the
financial position of the Railways has
not been satisfactory".
Bratnch Offices:
At present the railways are requjir-
ed to pay divid-lnd at 5.5 per cent on
Bangalore 'Bhadravati', 812 , 6th Floor,
capital invested upto March 1964 and
J. C. Road,
6 per cent on fresh investment there-
Bauigaloi-e-560 002.
after. In the Draft Sixth Plan, the
Planning Commnission has sugge.sted Bombay 4, Asha Mahal,
that the. "retlurn from investment in 46, Pedder Road,
Central and state enterprises should Bombay-400 026.
be raised by econom-lies anid price
adjustments to a post-tax level Calcutta VI Floor, Everest House, 46,
of about 10 per cent". Actually, Chowringhee,
Railways have not been able to meet Calcutta-700 016.
their obligations even under the
Delhi - Prakash Deep Buildiig,
existing Convention. The working of
C-9, II Floor,
the Railways has resulted in a deficit,
S. D. A. Hauz Khas,
after payment of dividend, almost con-
New Delhi-11O 016
tinuously since 1966 67. Consequently,
the Railways have had to take loans Madras 1 Floor, Mysore Bank Building,
from the General Revenues to meet N. S. C. Bose Road,
the dividend liability when the net re- Madras-600 001.
venue was not sufficient for the pur-
pose (Rs 309 clrores) and to meet the
expenditure on development wforks
AQg
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