Memory and Cognition
Memory and Cognition
OF Psychology Press
M- Taylor & Francis Group
Wyer, Robert S.
M emory and cognition in its social context / Robert S. Wyer, Jr.,
Thomas K. Srull.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
1. M emory—Social aspects. 2. Human information processing—
-Social aspects. 3. Social perception. I. Srull, Thomas K.
II. Title.
BF378.S65W94 1989
153.1'2—dc20
89-36227
CIP
Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality
of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the
original may be apparent.
Dedicated to the Memory of
Darlene Goodhart
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Contents
Preface
1. Introduction 1
Processing Units 18
General Systems Operation 23
Conscious vs. Subconscious Information Processing 29
Summary 32
v
vi CONTENTS
5. R etrieval P rocesses 81
Theoretical Considerations 81
Recency and Frequency Effects on the Influence of New and Old Information 92
Spontaneous and Goal-Directed Reminding 103
Concluding Remarks 113
7. E ncoding an d O rganization:
II.T he C ognitive R ep re sen tatio n of P ersons 157
8. E ncoding an d O rganization:
III. T he C ognitive R ep re sen tatio n of Social Events 205
References 451
During the late 1970s, a small group of social psychologists began to meet in
order to discuss their theoretical and empirical work in the largely uncharted waters
of “person memory”. One result was the preparation of a monograph, the objective
of which was to report current research and provide a conceptual framework that
would guide future efforts, not only in person memory but in social cognition more
generally. The two authors of this volume were assigned the task of writing a
capstone chapter that would bring together the ideas and research findings that
emerged from the individual research programs of the other contributors.
We expected our task to be a simple one. In the time-honored tradition of
information processing theory, we needed only to sketch out a flow diagram
indicating the various stages of processing, identify where “memory” played a role,
and our task would be complete. It did not take long for our naivete to become
apparent.
In order to construct a flow diagram that would be compatible with the various
phenomena our colleagues had uncovered, multiple memory and processing units
were required. It also became clear that the information flowing through the system,
even if it was just a skeleton system, had to be heavily cross-indexed. Moreover,
provision had to be made for the different cognitive processes that were likely to
occur when people processed information for different purposes. This led us to a
very early recognition of the importance of information processing “goals” or
“objectives.” We were further surprised by the mounting evidence that, whereas
some memory-based phenomena became less apparent over time, others actually
increased in strength. In short, the social mind appeared to be much more complex
than work from our cognitive colleagues had suggested.
Although our early objective was to integrate different streams of research, the
model we developed had many empirical implications that were quite novel.
Several of these were pursued and, much to our surprise, empirical support for the
model began to accumulate steadily. We also found research from other
laboratories that was quite consistent with implications of the model. In some cases,
of course, modifications in the model were required to accomodate new data.
However, these modifications had additional empirical implications, and these
implications stood up quite well in the face of further study. We then began to
X PREFACE
monitor the journals more and more closely for findings that fell within the purview
of the model.
The present book is the result of our efforts over the past seven years. It presents
a substantially refined and elaborated conceptualization of social information
processing that should be considered a new model rather than a simple extension
of our initial effort (Wyer & Srull, 1980). Encoding, organizational, storage,
retrieval, and inference processes are all specified in more detail. We also offer
new conceptualizations of the representations that are formed from person and
event information, and the way in which these representations are used to make
judgments. The role of affect in information processing, and the content and
structure of self knowledge, are also treated in some detail. Although the model is
not without deficiencies, it nonetheless accounts for a wide range of phenomena
and generates many nonobvious predictions that have been supported empirically.
Thus, the model is both integrative and heuristic.
This book is genuinely collaborative. However, the collaboration extends far
beyond the two coauthors. The University of Illinois Social Cognition Group, an
exceptionally active consortium of faculty, postdoctoral fellows and graduate
students from various social science disciplines, has met for many years to
exchange ideas. Members of this group, both individually and collectively, have
contributed in uncountable ways to nearly every aspect of our work. Their research
is highlighted throughout this volume and their theoretical ideas (not always
adequately acknowledged) are reflected in many aspects of the conceptualization
we propose. In short, the entire book is largely a result of their effort and we are
heavily in their debt.
Several people deserve special mention. Galen Bodenhausen, Bob Fuhrman,
and Meryl Lichtenstein have been invaluable collaborators. In addition, Norbert
Schwarz and Fritz Strack, colleagues with whom we have collaborated both at
Illinois and in Germany, have had an enormous influence, as have Stan Klein and
Leonard Martin who worked with us as postdoctoral fellows. Among the many
individuals who have worked with us during their tenure as graduate students at
Illinois, we are particularly indebted to Lee Budesheim, Gail Futoran, Lisa Gaelick,
Sallie Gordon, Jon Hartwick, Janice Kelly, Alan Lambert, Steve Levine, and Victor
Ottati. They are a terrific group of people and we were fortunate to have worked
with them.
More senior colleagues have also influenced our theorizing. Don Carlston,
Dave Hamilton, Reid Hastie, and Tom Ostrom were all members of the original
“person memory” group and have continued to provide inspiration through both
their own research and theorizing and their constructive criticism of our own.
Equally valuable have been our interactions with John Bargh, Tory Higgins, and
Jim Sherman. Although their influence may not always be readily apparent, it is
broader and deeper than we sometimes admit.
PREFACE xi
The theoretical and empirical work that is represented in this volume was
supported most recently by die National Institute of Mental Health (MH 3-8585,
BSR) and, previously, by numerous grants from the National Science Foundation.
Their continuing interest and support of our research is deeply appreciated. Much
of the actual writing was done while the first author was an Associate of the Center
for Advanced Study at the University of Illinois, with facilities provided by the
University of Mannheim, Germany. Appreciation is extended to both.
We are also deeply indebted to Lawrence Erlbaum for his encouragement and
for his patience in the delays that have occurred in submission of the manuscript.
Larry’s support, not only of our work but of cognitive and social psychology more
generally, has been a major force in the development of social cognition. Like the
rest of the field, we are greatly in his debt. There simply is no better publisher in
the business.
Finally, we want to acknowledge the impact that Darlene Goodhart had on
both our lives. In addition to making important contributions to social cognition,
and serving as a uniquely competent and trusted critic of our ideas, Darlene was a
valuable friend. Her support, tolerance, and love had a value that is impossible to
express in words. She was married to one of us and an inspiration to both. Darlene’s
premature death was tragic, both for us and for the field. Our consolation is that we
are much better people for having known her. We miss Darlene deeply, and it is to
her that this volume is dedicated.
Robert S. Wyer, Jr.
Thomas K. Srull
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Chapter 1
Introduction
This is a book about social cognition. Theory and research that fall under this
rubric have captured the imagination and energies of many social and cognitive
psychologists since the mid-1970s. Several other books on the topic have appeared
(Fiske & Taylor, 1984; Hastie, Ostrom, Ebbesen, Wyer, Hamilton, & Carlston,
1980; Higgins, Herman, & Zanna, 1981; Cantor & Kihlstrom, 1981; Nisbett &
Ross, 1980; Wyer & Carlston, 1979) and, more recently, two handbooks have
emerged (Sorrentino & Higgins, 1986; Wyer & Srull, 1984). Moreover, a series of
“advances” in the area has been established and several journals devote all or many
of their pages to the topic. Given this flurry of activity, one might assume that the
domain of inquiry is well defined and can easily be differentiated from others. Yet,
“What is social cognition?” continues to be one of the most frequently asked
questions we receive at colloquia and other speaking engagements. The question
is frustrating, as there has never, to our knowledge, been a universally accepted
answer. To convey both the objectives and limitations of this book, however, an
answer must be provided.
The question actually has two more specific versions. First, what distinguishes
social cognition from social psychology more generally? Second, what distin
guishes social cognition from cognitive psychology? The answers to these two
more specific questions are different. In combination, however, they not only
provide a perspective on social cognition, but on what the present volume hopes
to accomplish.
It can easily be argued that social psychology is the parent (or at least one of
them) of contemporary cognitive psychology. The current focus of cognitive
psychology on the processing of complex stimulus arrays, and the role that general
world knowledge plays, was considered revolutionary when it occurred in the
1970s, replacing the more traditional concern with learning nonsense syllables and
1
2 CHAPTER 1
messages, to isolate the situational and informational factors that influence each
process, and to specify how these processes act together to produce judgments.
Research in person impression formation has always been concerned with the
manner in which different pieces of information combine to affect liking for the
person. A conceptualization of these processes requires assumptions about the
evaluative implications that are attached to each component piece of information
and the relative importance (weight) that is given to each. Historically, however,
the data used to evaluate these processes consisted only of liking judgments. These
judgments were in turn based on factorially organized sets of stimulus adjectives,
the weights and scale values of which (as well as the process for combining them)
were inferred post hoc from the pattern of judgments that emerged (Anderson,
1965,1970,1981). Thus, no direct evidence was obtained for any of the processes
that were postulated.1
In contrast to each of these traditions, social cognition theorists often design
experiments that are intended to tap directly into one of the various stages of
processing that underlie judgmental phenomena. In doing so, they recognize that
a process cannot usually be isolated solely on the basis of judgment data. Just as
the cognitive psychologist recognizes that behavior is only one link in a long chain
of responses, the social cognition theorist recognizes that judgments (or behavioral
decisions) are only the final link in a long psychological chain.
It is often important to understand the factors that affect the initial interpreta
tion of information. To do this, one might obtain information about the types of
concepts that subjects use to encode the stimuli into memory, as reflected in
think-aloud protocols or open-ended descriptions of the objects. Alternatively, one
might examine the time required to make concept-related judgments, or differences
between the original information and later reports when subjects are asked to recall
it.
Similarly, theorists are often concerned with the nature of the cognitive
representations that are formed and the way they are stored in memory. Thus, they
may examine the amount and type of information that is later recalled, as well as
the order in which items are produced and the latencies between responses. Under
some circumstances, it is likely to require an assessment of the cognitions (elabora
tions, counterarguments, etc.) that subjects generate in response to the information
and are likely to include in its representation.
1. Alternative information integration processes are often evaluated on the basis of the accuracy
with which algebraic models can describe the relation between stimulus input characteristics and the
reported judgments. As we point out in Chapter 9, however, the same algebraic equation can be
consistent with several different assumptions about the underlying integration process that subjects
employ. Thus, these assumptions are impossible to distinguish on the basis of the quantitative of the
equation alone.
INTRODUCTION 5
focus on different end states. Although this is not an all-or-none issue, cognitive
psychology gives much more emphasis to comprehension and learning. There is a
much greater concern with sensory information, how it is picked up from the
environment, encoded, comprehended, and ultimately represented within the cog
nitive system. In contrast, social cognition theorists give more weight to under
standing how people make various judgments and behavioral decisions. Because
of this, they are more concerned with specifying which aspects of the information
that people receive are actually used, as well as how they are used.
These differences are important because they often produce differences in the
task objectives that subjects are given in the research that is performed. This, in
turn, produces differences in the results that emerge and the theories that are used
to account for them. If there is one thing that we have learned from the past decade
of social cognition research, it is that on-line processing objectives have an
important impact on the interpretation that is given to information, the repre
sentations that are formed from it, and the features of the information that are most
likely to be recalled (for a review of this literature, see Srull & Wyer, 1986).
Because of this, there will often be differences in the paradigms used, the results
obtained, and the theories developed by cognitive psychologists and social cogni
tion researchers.
Processing
Objective "I / Retrieve \ ' - . - - >
/ and \ /
^Process \
Information^"
Cognitive
Representations
Search OF
OF
l _ / « W
OF
1
Representations/ \ ™ y
Stimulus J
Informa tion
V / '
Recall P r o c e s s — ^ .
/ Retrieve \ I
Request ' and \ I
to —rt Search ' I
Recall \ RepresentationsJ I
Recalled
Information
More generally, Figure 1.1 divides the issues of social information processing
into three general areas. These pertain to:
1. input—the way that information is encoded, organized, and stored in memory
under different task objective conditions.
2. recall—the way in which the cognitive representation is accessed and used
to recall past information when people are explicitly asked to do so.
3. judgment—the manner in which cognitive representations are retrieved and
used to make different types of judgments.
The goal of the social cognition theorist is to articulate the relations among
these components and to explicate the specific processes that are involved in each.
As noted earlier, the theories that have been developed in cognitive psychology are
most likely to be useful in conceptualizing retrieval processes. One strategy that is
often productive is to apply these theories to patterns of recall data in order to infer
the content and structure of the cognitive representations that are formed under
different task objective conditions. Once the nature of these representations have
2. It is worth noting that it is important to distinguish between “recall” processes and the processes
tapped by other memory indices. Recognition memory measures, for example, are often based on
inferences about whether a stimulus item was or was not previously presented. Thus, under this scheme,
they are more appropriately considered to be governed by “judgment” processes, as denoted in Fig. 1.1.
INTRODUCTION 9
been established, the way in which they are used to make judgments can be
conceptualized and empirically investigated.
General Objectives
solution to all of the conceptual issues that have arisen in past work. However, the
model specifies how one set of processes interfaces with another, and suggests
when each set may be activated in natural social settings.
A second aspect of the extendability criterion is that a model must link the
various processes to one another. Social cognition researchers are not only inter
ested in social memory and judgment as independent entities, but also the relation
ship between them. No existing conceptual model attempts to analyze the nature
of this relationship. Our attention to this aspect of the extendability criterion
recognizes that any viable model must be able to be expanded, modified, and
articulated at a more precise level as the relevant data base grows and becomes
more diagnostic. The proposed model includes this feature of useful theory
development.
Sufficiency. A model should obviously be logically coherent, internally
consistent, and heuristically useful. We demonstrate the proposed model’s ability
to meet these criteria in several ways. First, we point out the model’s consistency
with past findings in the literature. Second we demonstrate its ability to generate
several new predictions, some of which are quite counterintuitive and yet have
received considerable empirical support. Third, we demonstrate how the model can
be used to identify the psychological mechanisms that are responsible for complex
social phenomena (e.g., affective reactions). Finally, we demonstrate how the
model can be used to integrate what have often been considered “inconsistent”
empirical findings.
There are, of course, inherent trade-offs among the three objectives noted
above, and these have also influenced the development of the proposed formula
tion. The more general a model is, the less precise it can be. The more precise it is
in accounting for any given phenomenon, the less extendable it will be into other
domains. This is also a recognition of the fact that the model is only a tentative
explanatory scheme for our current knowledge base. Nevertheless, integrating the
current literature in social cognition into a single, unifying conceptual framework
is a difficult and important challenge. But it is one we hope to meet in the present
volume.
A Preview
Our discussion of the model and its implications for social information
processing is organized as follows:
In Chapter 2, we provide a general overview of the model, describing briefly
the functions of its various components and how they are theoretically interrelated.
Chapters 3 and 4 describe in more detail our assumptions about the content and
structure of memory. Then, in Chapter 5, we focus on the process of retrieving
information from memory.
INTRODUCTION 11
The next several chapters deal with specific processing components of the
model. They concern the initial interpretation and encoding of information (Chap
ter 6), the more complex representations that are formed from this information
(Chapters 7 and 8), the use of new and previously acquired information to make
subjective inferences (Chapters 9 and 10), and the transformation of these subjec
tive inferences into overt responses (Chapter 11).
The last two chapters of the volume focus on factors that enter into information
processing at all stages, and therefore deserve consideration in their own right.
Chapter 12 considers both the cognitive determinants and consequences of affect
and emotion. Chapter 13 is concerned with the representation of self knowledge
and its role in cognitive functioning.
We attempt in our discussion to be as explicit as possible about the cognitive
mechanisms that operate at each stage of information processing, and in the way
these processes interact. Formal postulates are often proposed and their empirical
implications are explored. Throughout the volume we not only provide empirical
support for unique predictions of the model, but also indicate the model’s ability
to account for a wide range of phenomena that have been identified. The model is
admittedly incomplete. Readers will undoubtedly identify phenomena that have
been neglected and processes that are not analyzed with a sufficient degree of
precision. On the other hand, the conceptual integration that the model provides is
substantial, as we hope to document in the remaining chapters.
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