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Memory and Cognition

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50 views42 pages

Memory and Cognition

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axel.3018
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© © All Rights Reserved
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Memory and Cognition

in its Social Context

Robert S. Wyer, Jr.


Thomas K. Srull
University of Illinois OF
at Urbana-Champaign

OF Psychology Press
M- Taylor & Francis Group

NEW YORK AND LONDON


First published 1989 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

Published 2014 by P sychology Press


711 Third Avenue, N ew York, NY 10017

and by P sychology Press


27 Church Road, H ove, East Sussex, BN3 2FA

Psychology Press is an imprint o f the Taylor & Francis Group,


an informa business

Copyright © 1989 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

All rights reserved. N o part of this book m ay be reprinted or


reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other m eans, now know n or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any inform ation
storage or retrieval system , w ithout perm ission in w riting from
the publishers.

Trademark notice: Product or corporate nam es m ay be


trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for
identification and explanation w ithout intent to infringe.

L ibrary of C ongress C ataloging in Publication D ata

Wyer, Robert S.
M emory and cognition in its social context / Robert S. Wyer, Jr.,
Thomas K. Srull.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
1. M emory—Social aspects. 2. Human information processing—
-Social aspects. 3. Social perception. I. Srull, Thomas K.
II. Title.
BF378.S65W94 1989
153.1'2—dc20
89-36227
CIP

ISBN 13: 978-0-805-80599-4 (hbk)

Publisher’s Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality
of this reprint but points out that some imperfections in the
original may be apparent.
Dedicated to the Memory of
Darlene Goodhart
This page intentionally left blank
Contents

Preface

1. Introduction 1

Social Cognition and Social Psychology 1


Social Cognition and Cognitive Psychology 5
An Overview of Social Cognition Research 6
The Objectives of this Book 9

2. A General M odel of Social Information Processing 13

Processing Units 18
General Systems Operation 23
Conscious vs. Subconscious Information Processing 29
Summary 32

3. The Structure and Function of the Work Space 33

Theoretical and Empirical Implications 37


Concluding Remarks 46

4. The Organization of Information in Permanent Memory 47

The Semantic Bin 49


Referent Bins 59
Organization and Storage of Information in Referent Bins 63
Headers 67
Empirical Evidence 69
Concluding Remarks 78

v
vi CONTENTS

5. R etrieval P rocesses 81

Theoretical Considerations 81
Recency and Frequency Effects on the Influence of New and Old Information 92
Spontaneous and Goal-Directed Reminding 103
Concluding Remarks 113

6. E ncoding an d O rganization: I. T he Effects of


C oncept A ccessibility on the In terp retatio n of In fo rm atio n 115

General Considerations 116


Effects of Trait Category Accessibility on Person Impression Formation 118
Individual Differences in Concept Accessibility 135
Effects of Immediate Goals and Needs on the Interpretation of Information 138
Selective Encoding of Information 140
Postinformation Effects of Concept Accessibility 142
A Theoretical Controversy: Are Trait Encodings Spontaneous? 145
Effects of Concept Accessibility on Overt Behavior 147
Methodological Implications: Diagnosing the Cognitive Mediators of Judgments
and Behavior 151
Concluding Remarks 154

7. E ncoding an d O rganization:
II.T he C ognitive R ep re sen tatio n of P ersons 157

General Considerations 159


The Cognitive Representation of Person Information 161
The Recall of Trait and Behavior Information About a Person 172
Priorities in Impression-Directed Information Processing 192
Applications and Extentions 196
Concluding Remarks 203

8. E ncoding an d O rganization:
III. T he C ognitive R ep re sen tatio n of Social Events 205

The Representation of Events in General Semantic Knowledge 206


The Representation of Specific Event Sequences: General Considerations 210
Representations of Verbally Described Prototypic Events 214
The Representation of Nonprototypic Event Sequences 223
The Representation of Personal Experiences 229
CONTENTS vii

The Representation of Observed Event Sequences 232


The Role of Representations in Comprehension and Inference 240
The Role of Event Representations in Higher Order Goal-Directed Information
Processing 244
Concluding Remarks 254

9. Inference Making: I. General Processes 255

Inferences of Category Membership 256


Belief Formation and Change: Inferences of the Validity of Propositions Based on
General World Knowledge 268
Heuristic Principles of Social Inference 279

10. Inference Making: II. Judgments of Persons 285

General Considerations 286


Primary vs. Recency Effects in Recall and Judgment 289
Effects of Predicting a Person’s Behavior on Subsequent Trait Judgments 290
Effects of Instructions to Disregard Information on the Later Recall and Use of this
Information 291
The Role of Stereotypes in Person Concept Formation and Judgments 299
Dual Processing Approaches to Person Inferences 305
Summary and Conclusions 315

11. Response Generation 317

General Principles of Interpersonal Communication: Politeness, Informativeness,


and Accuracy 318
The Use of Category Response Scales 321
Mapping of Stimulus Values onto the Response Scale 324
Assimilation vs. Contrast Effects of Context Stimuli 324
Effects of Overt Responses on Later Behavior and Judgments 335
Direct Estimation of Subjective Stimulus Values 340
Methodological Implications 343
Concluding Remarks 349
viii CONTENTS

12. The Role of Affect and Emotion in Information Processing 351

The Cognitive Representation of Affect and Emotion 352


Cognitive Determinants of Affect and Emotion 358
Cognitive Consequences of Affect and Emotion 371
Indirect Influences of Affect and Emotion on Information Processing 399
Concluding Remarks 407

13. The Self 409

The Cognitive Representation of Self 410


The Retrieval of Self-Relevant Information 418
The Effects of Self-Knowledge on Information Processing 431
Situational and Individual Differences in Self-Referential Processing 440

Appendix: Summary of Postulates 445

References 451

Author Index 477

Subject Index 485


Preface

During the late 1970s, a small group of social psychologists began to meet in
order to discuss their theoretical and empirical work in the largely uncharted waters
of “person memory”. One result was the preparation of a monograph, the objective
of which was to report current research and provide a conceptual framework that
would guide future efforts, not only in person memory but in social cognition more
generally. The two authors of this volume were assigned the task of writing a
capstone chapter that would bring together the ideas and research findings that
emerged from the individual research programs of the other contributors.
We expected our task to be a simple one. In the time-honored tradition of
information processing theory, we needed only to sketch out a flow diagram
indicating the various stages of processing, identify where “memory” played a role,
and our task would be complete. It did not take long for our naivete to become
apparent.
In order to construct a flow diagram that would be compatible with the various
phenomena our colleagues had uncovered, multiple memory and processing units
were required. It also became clear that the information flowing through the system,
even if it was just a skeleton system, had to be heavily cross-indexed. Moreover,
provision had to be made for the different cognitive processes that were likely to
occur when people processed information for different purposes. This led us to a
very early recognition of the importance of information processing “goals” or
“objectives.” We were further surprised by the mounting evidence that, whereas
some memory-based phenomena became less apparent over time, others actually
increased in strength. In short, the social mind appeared to be much more complex
than work from our cognitive colleagues had suggested.
Although our early objective was to integrate different streams of research, the
model we developed had many empirical implications that were quite novel.
Several of these were pursued and, much to our surprise, empirical support for the
model began to accumulate steadily. We also found research from other
laboratories that was quite consistent with implications of the model. In some cases,
of course, modifications in the model were required to accomodate new data.
However, these modifications had additional empirical implications, and these
implications stood up quite well in the face of further study. We then began to
X PREFACE

monitor the journals more and more closely for findings that fell within the purview
of the model.
The present book is the result of our efforts over the past seven years. It presents
a substantially refined and elaborated conceptualization of social information
processing that should be considered a new model rather than a simple extension
of our initial effort (Wyer & Srull, 1980). Encoding, organizational, storage,
retrieval, and inference processes are all specified in more detail. We also offer
new conceptualizations of the representations that are formed from person and
event information, and the way in which these representations are used to make
judgments. The role of affect in information processing, and the content and
structure of self knowledge, are also treated in some detail. Although the model is
not without deficiencies, it nonetheless accounts for a wide range of phenomena
and generates many nonobvious predictions that have been supported empirically.
Thus, the model is both integrative and heuristic.
This book is genuinely collaborative. However, the collaboration extends far
beyond the two coauthors. The University of Illinois Social Cognition Group, an
exceptionally active consortium of faculty, postdoctoral fellows and graduate
students from various social science disciplines, has met for many years to
exchange ideas. Members of this group, both individually and collectively, have
contributed in uncountable ways to nearly every aspect of our work. Their research
is highlighted throughout this volume and their theoretical ideas (not always
adequately acknowledged) are reflected in many aspects of the conceptualization
we propose. In short, the entire book is largely a result of their effort and we are
heavily in their debt.
Several people deserve special mention. Galen Bodenhausen, Bob Fuhrman,
and Meryl Lichtenstein have been invaluable collaborators. In addition, Norbert
Schwarz and Fritz Strack, colleagues with whom we have collaborated both at
Illinois and in Germany, have had an enormous influence, as have Stan Klein and
Leonard Martin who worked with us as postdoctoral fellows. Among the many
individuals who have worked with us during their tenure as graduate students at
Illinois, we are particularly indebted to Lee Budesheim, Gail Futoran, Lisa Gaelick,
Sallie Gordon, Jon Hartwick, Janice Kelly, Alan Lambert, Steve Levine, and Victor
Ottati. They are a terrific group of people and we were fortunate to have worked
with them.
More senior colleagues have also influenced our theorizing. Don Carlston,
Dave Hamilton, Reid Hastie, and Tom Ostrom were all members of the original
“person memory” group and have continued to provide inspiration through both
their own research and theorizing and their constructive criticism of our own.
Equally valuable have been our interactions with John Bargh, Tory Higgins, and
Jim Sherman. Although their influence may not always be readily apparent, it is
broader and deeper than we sometimes admit.
PREFACE xi

The theoretical and empirical work that is represented in this volume was
supported most recently by die National Institute of Mental Health (MH 3-8585,
BSR) and, previously, by numerous grants from the National Science Foundation.
Their continuing interest and support of our research is deeply appreciated. Much
of the actual writing was done while the first author was an Associate of the Center
for Advanced Study at the University of Illinois, with facilities provided by the
University of Mannheim, Germany. Appreciation is extended to both.
We are also deeply indebted to Lawrence Erlbaum for his encouragement and
for his patience in the delays that have occurred in submission of the manuscript.
Larry’s support, not only of our work but of cognitive and social psychology more
generally, has been a major force in the development of social cognition. Like the
rest of the field, we are greatly in his debt. There simply is no better publisher in
the business.
Finally, we want to acknowledge the impact that Darlene Goodhart had on
both our lives. In addition to making important contributions to social cognition,
and serving as a uniquely competent and trusted critic of our ideas, Darlene was a
valuable friend. Her support, tolerance, and love had a value that is impossible to
express in words. She was married to one of us and an inspiration to both. Darlene’s
premature death was tragic, both for us and for the field. Our consolation is that we
are much better people for having known her. We miss Darlene deeply, and it is to
her that this volume is dedicated.
Robert S. Wyer, Jr.
Thomas K. Srull
This page intentionally left blank
Chapter 1
Introduction

This is a book about social cognition. Theory and research that fall under this
rubric have captured the imagination and energies of many social and cognitive
psychologists since the mid-1970s. Several other books on the topic have appeared
(Fiske & Taylor, 1984; Hastie, Ostrom, Ebbesen, Wyer, Hamilton, & Carlston,
1980; Higgins, Herman, & Zanna, 1981; Cantor & Kihlstrom, 1981; Nisbett &
Ross, 1980; Wyer & Carlston, 1979) and, more recently, two handbooks have
emerged (Sorrentino & Higgins, 1986; Wyer & Srull, 1984). Moreover, a series of
“advances” in the area has been established and several journals devote all or many
of their pages to the topic. Given this flurry of activity, one might assume that the
domain of inquiry is well defined and can easily be differentiated from others. Yet,
“What is social cognition?” continues to be one of the most frequently asked
questions we receive at colloquia and other speaking engagements. The question
is frustrating, as there has never, to our knowledge, been a universally accepted
answer. To convey both the objectives and limitations of this book, however, an
answer must be provided.
The question actually has two more specific versions. First, what distinguishes
social cognition from social psychology more generally? Second, what distin­
guishes social cognition from cognitive psychology? The answers to these two
more specific questions are different. In combination, however, they not only
provide a perspective on social cognition, but on what the present volume hopes
to accomplish.

Social Cognition and Social Psychology

It can easily be argued that social psychology is the parent (or at least one of
them) of contemporary cognitive psychology. The current focus of cognitive
psychology on the processing of complex stimulus arrays, and the role that general
world knowledge plays, was considered revolutionary when it occurred in the
1970s, replacing the more traditional concern with learning nonsense syllables and

1
2 CHAPTER 1

unrelated word lists. In social psychology, however, a concern with knowledge


representation, and the influence it has on cognitive and social behavior, predates
this “revolution” by more than a quarter of a century. A recognition that individual
pieces of information are often represented as configural wholes, the meaning of
which cannot be captured by examining the constituent elements, dates back to
Soloman Asch’s (1946) classic work on impression formation. An analysis of the
memory organization of specific subsets of cognitions is reflected in the work of
Fritz Heider (1946, 1958/1982), and was a major thrust of social psychological
research for many years (cf. Abelson, Aronson, McGuire, Newcomb, Rosenberg,
& Tannenbaum, 1968). More general characteristics of cognitive structure such as
the differentiation and interrelatedness of the concepts that people have formed in
different knowledge domains has its roots in the work of O.J. Harvey (e.g., Harvey,
Hunt, & Schroder, 1961), William Scott (1963), and Milton Rokeach (1960). The
research on communication and persuasion that was stimulated by Hovland and
others in the 1950s (e.g., Hovland, Janis, & Kelley, 1953) was obviously concerned
with the manner in which the information one receives affects judgments and
decisions, as was research on attitude and belief change more generally (for
summaries of the early theories and research, see Insko, 1967; Wyer, 1974). More
recent work on impression formation (e.g., Anderson, 1971) and attribution (e.g.,
Kelley, 1967; Jones, Kanouse, Kelley, Nisbett, Valins, & Weiner, 1971/1987) was
also concerned with the cognitive bases of social judgment.
In short, much of social psychology has been oriented around cognitive issues
and questions. What, then, is new about social cognition? The answer, we believe,
lies simply in the emphasis that social cognition theory places on process or, more
accurately, processes. That is, social cognition, unlike cognitive social psychology
of the type described above, takes as its objective a specification of the component
cognitive operations that underlie the acquisition of social information and, along
with preexisting knowledge, its use in making a judgment or decision.
To imply that the earlier research on impression formation, communication
and persuasion, and attitude and belief change was not concerned with these matters
may seem curious, if not contradictory. Any viable conceptualization of the manner
in which information influences beliefs, attitudes, and behavior must make some
assumptions about the cognitive processes that underlie these effects. In fact,
however, the research that was performed seldom evaluated these assumptions
directly, nor did it attempt to identify the particular point in the overall sequence
of cognitive operations at which the observed effects were localized.
In contrast, the focus of social cognition is precisely on the cognitive
mechanisms that mediate judgments and behavior. The sequence of these opera­
tions is usually assumed to be divisible into several component processing stages.
These include:
INTRODUCTION 3

1. the interpretation of individual pieces of information in terms of previously


formed concepts or knowledge;
2. the organization of information in terms of a more general body of social
knowledge, and the construction of a cognitive representation of the person,
object, or event to which the information pertains;
3. the storage of this cognitive representation in memory;
4. the retrieval of the representation, along with other judgment- relevant
knowledge, at the time a judgment is anticipated;
5. the combining of the implications of various features of the representation to
arrive at a subjective inference; and
6. the transformation of the subjective inference into a response (e.g., judgment or
behavioral decision).

The effect of a situational variable on an overt response could be localized in


any one of these stages (or several of them for that matter). Moreover, the specific
cognitive operations that are performed may differ in the type and amount of
information that is acquired. They may also depend on the processing objectives
of the individual and the time at which a response is required.
Although early social psychological research was often concerned with
phenomena at one stage or another, the processing of information at this stage was
seldom isolated, either theoretically or empirically, from the effects of processing
at other stages. Nor was was an analysis provided for how the various processes
operate in concert to generate a judgment or decision. For example, several
principles of cognitive consistency (Abelson & Rosenberg, 1958; Festinger, 1957;
Heider, 1958/1982; McGuire, 1960; Osgood & Tannenbaum, 1955) were postu­
lated to govern the organization of beliefs and attitudes and the consequences of
information bearing on one cognition on others that were related to it. However, it
was never clear from the research whether the observed effects were the result of
changes in the representation of interrelated beliefs and attitudes (which would
presumably occur at the encoding and/or organizational stages) or the result of
inferences that were made at the time of judgment.
Similarly, research on communication and persuasion was often concerned
with the effects of the order in which arguments were presented (Miller &
Campbell, 1959), the relative influence of emotional versus factual content (Janis
& Feshbach, 1953), and the relative impact of informational variables versus source
characteristics (Tannenbaum, 1967). However, whether these variables had their
impact because they influenced the interpretation of information at the time it was
first received, because they induced selective attention and encoding of the infor­
mation, or because they affected the way that different pieces of information were
combined to make a judgment was never established—or even pursued. Indeed,
only William McGuire’s (1964, 1968, 1972) work reflected a systematic attempt
to understand the component processes that underlie responses to persuasive
4 CHAPTER 1

messages, to isolate the situational and informational factors that influence each
process, and to specify how these processes act together to produce judgments.
Research in person impression formation has always been concerned with the
manner in which different pieces of information combine to affect liking for the
person. A conceptualization of these processes requires assumptions about the
evaluative implications that are attached to each component piece of information
and the relative importance (weight) that is given to each. Historically, however,
the data used to evaluate these processes consisted only of liking judgments. These
judgments were in turn based on factorially organized sets of stimulus adjectives,
the weights and scale values of which (as well as the process for combining them)
were inferred post hoc from the pattern of judgments that emerged (Anderson,
1965,1970,1981). Thus, no direct evidence was obtained for any of the processes
that were postulated.1
In contrast to each of these traditions, social cognition theorists often design
experiments that are intended to tap directly into one of the various stages of
processing that underlie judgmental phenomena. In doing so, they recognize that
a process cannot usually be isolated solely on the basis of judgment data. Just as
the cognitive psychologist recognizes that behavior is only one link in a long chain
of responses, the social cognition theorist recognizes that judgments (or behavioral
decisions) are only the final link in a long psychological chain.
It is often important to understand the factors that affect the initial interpreta­
tion of information. To do this, one might obtain information about the types of
concepts that subjects use to encode the stimuli into memory, as reflected in
think-aloud protocols or open-ended descriptions of the objects. Alternatively, one
might examine the time required to make concept-related judgments, or differences
between the original information and later reports when subjects are asked to recall
it.
Similarly, theorists are often concerned with the nature of the cognitive
representations that are formed and the way they are stored in memory. Thus, they
may examine the amount and type of information that is later recalled, as well as
the order in which items are produced and the latencies between responses. Under
some circumstances, it is likely to require an assessment of the cognitions (elabora­
tions, counterarguments, etc.) that subjects generate in response to the information
and are likely to include in its representation.

1. Alternative information integration processes are often evaluated on the basis of the accuracy
with which algebraic models can describe the relation between stimulus input characteristics and the
reported judgments. As we point out in Chapter 9, however, the same algebraic equation can be
consistent with several different assumptions about the underlying integration process that subjects
employ. Thus, these assumptions are impossible to distinguish on the basis of the quantitative of the
equation alone.
INTRODUCTION 5

Finally, an understanding of the factors that underlie the transformation of


subjective inferences into overt responses may require not only knowledge of the
response that is made to the particular stimulus, but also responses that are made
to other, objectively irrelevant stimuli. These latter responses can provide evidence
of the rules that subjects are using to transform their subjective judgments into overt
responses.
It is sad but true: cut into a long chain of responses and the chain is destroyed.
To put it another way, not all of the processes we have enumerated can be
investigated in a single experiment. Thus, a research strategy must by developed
that permits the processes at each stage to be identified and isolated. At the same
time, however, a general conceptualization must be developed that will permit each
of the component processes to be fit together into a functioning system. Such a
conceptualization must specify, in general information processing terms, how the
various processes interact. This is the ultimate objective of social cognition theory
and research.

Social Cognition and Cognitive Psychology

The second issue to be raised is what distinguishes social cognition from


cognitive psychology. At one level, both are concerned with the various stages of
information processing we have outlined above. At another level, however, there
are important differences.
One difference is that some cognitive processes are more important (i.e.,
capture more variance) than others in social interaction. While a cognitive
psychologist may be very concerned about whether two meanings of a homophone
can be activated simultaneously, or whether the stimulus suffix effect is due to a
separate auditory store, or whether the time required to do mental rotation decreases
with practice, social cognition theorists are relatively unconcerned with such
matters (cf. Hamilton, in press). To the degree they shed light on how the cognitive
system operates, they are, at some level, relevant. At the same time, however, their
relevance is indirect and sometimes difficult to understand given our current
knowledge.
Another difference is that cognitive psychologists are often concerned with
the capacity of the cognitive system (cf. Holyoak & Gordon, 1984). How fast, how
accurate, how far can the system be pushed before performance is destroyed? These
are questions that are often pursued by cognitive psychologists, and some of the
historical reasons for this have been outlined elsewhere (Lachman, Lachman, &
Butterfield, 1979). The important point is that social cognition theorists are much
more concerned with how the system actually operates within a given ecological
context. To a much greater extent, we are concerned with what does happen rather
than what can happen. Another difference between the two disciplines is that they
6 CHAPTER 1

focus on different end states. Although this is not an all-or-none issue, cognitive
psychology gives much more emphasis to comprehension and learning. There is a
much greater concern with sensory information, how it is picked up from the
environment, encoded, comprehended, and ultimately represented within the cog­
nitive system. In contrast, social cognition theorists give more weight to under­
standing how people make various judgments and behavioral decisions. Because
of this, they are more concerned with specifying which aspects of the information
that people receive are actually used, as well as how they are used.
These differences are important because they often produce differences in the
task objectives that subjects are given in the research that is performed. This, in
turn, produces differences in the results that emerge and the theories that are used
to account for them. If there is one thing that we have learned from the past decade
of social cognition research, it is that on-line processing objectives have an
important impact on the interpretation that is given to information, the repre­
sentations that are formed from it, and the features of the information that are most
likely to be recalled (for a review of this literature, see Srull & Wyer, 1986).
Because of this, there will often be differences in the paradigms used, the results
obtained, and the theories developed by cognitive psychologists and social cogni­
tion researchers.

An Overview of Social Cognition Research

Many differences in task objectives occur at the input stages of processing.


They are reflected in the initial interpretation of information, the subset of pre­
viously acquired knowledge that is used for organizing it and construing its
implications, and the representation of it that is ultimately stored in memory. To
the degree that theories in cognitive psychology fail to account for these effects,
their relevance to social cognition is limited. While we believe that many of these
factors have been ignored or deemphasized in cognitive psychology, we also
believe that theories of information retrieval have highlighted many of the proces­
ses that occur in social settings. Thus, existing theories of retrieval processes (e.g.,
Raaijmakers & Shiffrin, 1980,1981; Gillund & Shiffrin, 1984) may actually be of
greater relevance to contemporary social cognition.
Some of these considerations are summarized in Figure 1.1. The figure
indicates the relations among independent and dependent variables of concern in
both cognitive and social psychology, as well as the hypothetical constructs that
mediate their relation. Independent and dependent variables are enclosed in solid
lines, and the hypothetical mediators in dashed-lines. Each pathway connecting
two variables reflects a relation that must be specified by any theory of cognitive
functioning. The diagram is obviously incomplete. As just one example, it does not
INTRODUCTION 7

Input P r o c e s s Request for Judgment Process


Judgment

Processing
Objective "I / Retrieve \ ' - . - - >
/ and \ /
^Process \
Information^"
Cognitive
Representations
Search OF
OF
l _ / « W
OF
1
Representations/ \ ™ y
Stimulus J
Informa tion
V / '

Recall P r o c e s s — ^ .
/ Retrieve \ I
Request ' and \ I
to —rt Search ' I
Recall \ RepresentationsJ I

Recalled
Information

Figure 1.1 Relations among various components of social judgment. Ob-


servable (independent and dependent) variables are enclosed by solid
lines, and mediating variables by dashed lines. Rectangles denote "states"
and ovals denote "processes."

include the influence of general world knowledge. Several observations can be


made with reference to the diagram:
1. The processing that occurs, and the mental representation that results from
it, is a function of both the information presented and the goals of the person at the
time the information is acquired. Moreover, the processes that occur may be
idiosyncratic to a particular configuration of these variables. For example, subjects
may encode and organize a set of traits and behavior descriptions differently if their
goal is to form an impression of the person than if their goal is to learn and
remember the information (Hamilton, Katz, & Leirer, 1980a, 1980b; Srull, 1983;
Wyer & Gordon, 1982; Wyer, Bodenhausen, & Srull, 1984). By the same token,
subjects with an impression formation objective may form a different type of
cognitive representation from this sort of information than they would from an
episodic sequence of observed behaviors (Allen & Ebbesen, 1981; Cohen &
Ebbesen, 1979; Newtson, 1976; Wyer & Bodenhausen, 1985).
8 CHAPTER 1

2. The mediator denoted “cognitive representation” is free floating. That is,


it is bounded on all sides by other mediating variables. In one sense, it is simply a
convenient metaphor for describing the results of information processing in a way
that facilitates theoretical statements about the consequences of this processing for
memory and judgment. There may, in fact, be several functionally equivalent
metaphors for conceptualizing the cognitive representation of information.
Whatever metaphor is chosen, however, must be tied explicitly to the other
mediating variables to which it is theoretically linked (Wyer & Srull, 1988).
3. There is a clear parallel between the generation of “recall” responses and
the generation of “judgment” responses.2 In both cases, subjects presumably
retrieve and use some aspects of the cognitive representation they have formed in
order to generate an output. However, the particular aspects of the representation
that they retrieve, and how they use these aspects, may depend on which type of
output is requested. There is, therefore, no a priori reason to believe that the
cognitive material that is extracted from a representation and used to make a
judgment, or the way it is operated on in order to arrive at this judgment, are in any
way similar to the material retrieved and the operations that are performed when
someone is asked to recall as much of the information as possible. In short, there
is no necessary direct relation between the implications of recalled information and
judgments, despite the fact that the cognitive representation that mediates these
different responses is the same.

More generally, Figure 1.1 divides the issues of social information processing
into three general areas. These pertain to:
1. input—the way that information is encoded, organized, and stored in memory
under different task objective conditions.
2. recall—the way in which the cognitive representation is accessed and used
to recall past information when people are explicitly asked to do so.
3. judgment—the manner in which cognitive representations are retrieved and
used to make different types of judgments.

The goal of the social cognition theorist is to articulate the relations among
these components and to explicate the specific processes that are involved in each.
As noted earlier, the theories that have been developed in cognitive psychology are
most likely to be useful in conceptualizing retrieval processes. One strategy that is
often productive is to apply these theories to patterns of recall data in order to infer
the content and structure of the cognitive representations that are formed under
different task objective conditions. Once the nature of these representations have

2. It is worth noting that it is important to distinguish between “recall” processes and the processes
tapped by other memory indices. Recognition memory measures, for example, are often based on
inferences about whether a stimulus item was or was not previously presented. Thus, under this scheme,
they are more appropriately considered to be governed by “judgment” processes, as denoted in Fig. 1.1.
INTRODUCTION 9

been established, the way in which they are used to make judgments can be
conceptualized and empirically investigated.

The Objectives of this Book

General Objectives

We have noted several different stages of information processing that are


involved in the acquisition and use of social information. A complete theory of
social information processing must specify the cognitive mechanisms that operate
at each stage. In addition, it must articulate how these processes function in concert
to affect judgments and decisions. The objective of this volume is to outline a model
of social information processing that may ultimately develop into such a complete
theory.
The model we propose was guided by three interrelated sets of objectives
referred to by Smith (1978) as generality, extendability, and sufficiency.
Generality. The theoretical vocabulary, the representational system, and the
psychological mechanisms postulated in a model should not be specific to any
single domain. The model should, for example, apply to the processing and
representation of information about both individuals and groups. Similarly, it
should apply to the processing of information about oneself as well as other people.
The model should also be capable of accounting not only for controlled laboratory
phenomena but also for more complex and naturalistic memory phenomena that
are known to occur. Our intention is to demonstrate that the present model stands
up quite well to all of these criteria.
Although several implications of the model are unique, others can (and should)
be accounted for by other formulations as well. In most cases, however, these
formulations apply to only a rather circumscribed set of phenomena, often involv­
ing only a single dependent variable. The proposed formulation purports to account
for a much broader range of empirical findings than that to which other existing
formulations are applicable. Moreover, it postulates a single set of cognitive
mechanisms that govern the processing of information at several different stages.
Extendability. A model should be extendable in two ways. First, the processes
it specifies should potentially subsume, be components of, or interface with those
implied by other theoretical frameworks. Similarly, it should be able to account for
the empirical phenomena investigated within these frameworks. The proposed
model meets this criterion. That is, rather than being limited to a single aspect of
information processing, it deals with encoding, storage, retrieval, judgment, and
decision mechanisms. Moreover, it is sufficiently abstract that it can incorporate
more articulated theories of specific processes. Its purpose is not to provide a final
10 CHAPTER 1

solution to all of the conceptual issues that have arisen in past work. However, the
model specifies how one set of processes interfaces with another, and suggests
when each set may be activated in natural social settings.
A second aspect of the extendability criterion is that a model must link the
various processes to one another. Social cognition researchers are not only inter­
ested in social memory and judgment as independent entities, but also the relation­
ship between them. No existing conceptual model attempts to analyze the nature
of this relationship. Our attention to this aspect of the extendability criterion
recognizes that any viable model must be able to be expanded, modified, and
articulated at a more precise level as the relevant data base grows and becomes
more diagnostic. The proposed model includes this feature of useful theory
development.
Sufficiency. A model should obviously be logically coherent, internally
consistent, and heuristically useful. We demonstrate the proposed model’s ability
to meet these criteria in several ways. First, we point out the model’s consistency
with past findings in the literature. Second we demonstrate its ability to generate
several new predictions, some of which are quite counterintuitive and yet have
received considerable empirical support. Third, we demonstrate how the model can
be used to identify the psychological mechanisms that are responsible for complex
social phenomena (e.g., affective reactions). Finally, we demonstrate how the
model can be used to integrate what have often been considered “inconsistent”
empirical findings.
There are, of course, inherent trade-offs among the three objectives noted
above, and these have also influenced the development of the proposed formula­
tion. The more general a model is, the less precise it can be. The more precise it is
in accounting for any given phenomenon, the less extendable it will be into other
domains. This is also a recognition of the fact that the model is only a tentative
explanatory scheme for our current knowledge base. Nevertheless, integrating the
current literature in social cognition into a single, unifying conceptual framework
is a difficult and important challenge. But it is one we hope to meet in the present
volume.

A Preview

Our discussion of the model and its implications for social information
processing is organized as follows:
In Chapter 2, we provide a general overview of the model, describing briefly
the functions of its various components and how they are theoretically interrelated.
Chapters 3 and 4 describe in more detail our assumptions about the content and
structure of memory. Then, in Chapter 5, we focus on the process of retrieving
information from memory.
INTRODUCTION 11

The next several chapters deal with specific processing components of the
model. They concern the initial interpretation and encoding of information (Chap­
ter 6), the more complex representations that are formed from this information
(Chapters 7 and 8), the use of new and previously acquired information to make
subjective inferences (Chapters 9 and 10), and the transformation of these subjec­
tive inferences into overt responses (Chapter 11).
The last two chapters of the volume focus on factors that enter into information
processing at all stages, and therefore deserve consideration in their own right.
Chapter 12 considers both the cognitive determinants and consequences of affect
and emotion. Chapter 13 is concerned with the representation of self knowledge
and its role in cognitive functioning.
We attempt in our discussion to be as explicit as possible about the cognitive
mechanisms that operate at each stage of information processing, and in the way
these processes interact. Formal postulates are often proposed and their empirical
implications are explored. Throughout the volume we not only provide empirical
support for unique predictions of the model, but also indicate the model’s ability
to account for a wide range of phenomena that have been identified. The model is
admittedly incomplete. Readers will undoubtedly identify phenomena that have
been neglected and processes that are not analyzed with a sufficient degree of
precision. On the other hand, the conceptual integration that the model provides is
substantial, as we hope to document in the remaining chapters.
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