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Clement of Alexandria and the Logos
Lois Eveleth
Salve Regina University,
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Clement of Alexandria and the Logos
The word tradition, in its very etymology, means to hand down and to hand over.
The word has positive overtones, because what is handed down or handed over is
something good. It is what our ancestors who have handed down to us, through time,
something that is good, something to be treasured, and something for us, in turn, to
hand down to those who come after us. And so it is with what we may term our
Christian Intellectual Tradition, i.e. the broad sweep of cultural and intellectual
efforts made by vast numbers of individuals to articulate Christian faith and
experience, to understand it, and to disseminate its good news to others.
Such efforts in articulating, understanding, and disseminating began right after
the Holy Spirit came down upon the apostles, as we read in the New Testament; and
the historian Eusebius was the first chronicler of this early history. In the first
century, men who had been taught by Christ’s apostles or by disciples of the apostles
preached the Gospel and founded many communities of Christians within the
Hellenistic Roman world. By the time that the first century was drawing to a close,
the need to articulate and write down what Christianity entailed was recognized and
addressed by scholars who had converted to Christianity. History calls them Fathers
of the Church, fathers, because these early scholars gave a new form of life to the
Church, an intellectual life. “…it became apparent that Christian theology, if it were
to survive, must justify itself philosophically...” 1 Ignatius of Antioch, Justin Martyr,
and Irenaeus are among the earliest mentioned by Eusebius. What this emerging group
of scholars knew was the literature, philosophy, mythology, and cultural life of the
Graeco-Roman world; by means of the latter, they shaped the understanding of
Christianity.
1
In our own on-going search for understanding of our faith, we may find many
principles by which to be guided; one in particular recommends itself to those of us
for whom the first two centuries of Christianity may seem, at times, too distant. It is
that there are plenty of models to inspire us, and I am claiming here that Clement of
Alexandria is one of these. We can be enabled to appropriate our legacy, partly by
seeing how Clement appropriated his.
Clement of Alexandria
Clement was one of the earliest Christian scholars who saw the need to construct
conceptual-linguistic frameworks suitable for disseminating Christian faith, or, as he
would say, Christian wisdom. Titus Flavius Clemens, which was his legal Roman
name, was born, probably in Athens, in approximately 150 CE, and had the advantage
of vast erudition in the philosophy, literature, history, and mythology of ancient
Greece; and it was from this tradition that he selected anything from Hellenistic
culture that he considered useful for his task.2 He was, in the words of Pope Benedict
XVI, “…one of the pioneers of the dialogue between faith and reason in the Christian
tradition.” 3While the content of his writings is usually complex, rich, even dense in
allusion and quotation, his approach is elegantly simple, viz. a blending of the new
with the old. A convert, he was new to Christianity; an intellectual educated in both
Athens and Alexandria, he had cultural treasures at his disposal. Such blending,
though, was no mere syncretism. His decisions about the blending were guided by,
were consonant with, the faith itself, as its intellectualization was emerging in the
late-second and early-third centuries. These decisions were part of the faith itself, as
he understood it. More specifically, his approach makes an intimate connection
between the Christian and the Platonic concepts of word or logos; this connection is a
singular achievement of early Christianity.
This achievement, though, was not without influential precedents. Emerging out
of Judaism, Christianity was close to its spiritual origins; this is especially clear in the
inspiration offered by the work of Philo of Alexandria (20 BCE – 50 CE). A Jewish
Scripture scholar, Philo adopted concepts and expressions from Platonism to his
2
interpretation and commentary on books of the Old Testament, a new approach which
brought Jewish scholarship a wider audience among the educated class in Alexandria.4
Clement was most at home intellectually with Platonism, which, more than any other
intellectual tradition of the ancient world, provided a conceptual framework and
vocabulary that would allow for the notion of an utterly transcendent and ineffable
God. While encouraged by Philo’s hellenization of Judaism and personally disposed by
background and education to do so, Clement nonetheless would face a more daunting
task in accounting for what would develop into a theology of the Trinity.
When Clement, the Greek intellectual, became Clement the Christian, he neither
rejected the Bible as unsystematic nor Platonism as pagan. He might have done so;
he was not blind to limitations in each tradition. According to his book Miscellanies,
Christians, who were his readers, were both easier and more difficult to address:
easier, in that they were already Christian; more difficult, in that many of them
distrusted the intellectual life because they associated such efforts with pagans.
Wary and fearful of paganism, especially while there were persecutions of Christians
within the Empire, they thought that hearing the faith preached was not only
necessary but sufficient for their spiritual well-being and for salvation. “They demand
bare faith alone,” he complains. Truth, though, “….is a river in which…streams flow
from all sides.” 5 Neither was he overly patient with his fellow philosophers. Many of
them were materialists, making material things into gods. Even the Stoics went
wrong, writing that the divine nature permeated all matter. Most philosophers
“…babble in high-flown language…” 6The traditional gods and goddesses are wicked,
unholy, and licentiousness; the mystery religions are orgies that are “…full of
deception…” 7; the sacrifices and games are bloodthirsty and profane. Pagan worship
generally is degrading of mankind.
Whatever the limitations of each tradition, Clement viewed them both as part of
God’s total revelation, and we see his best work in the three major works that have
generated the most commentary through the centuries. Exhortation to the Greeks
(Protreptikos pros Ellenes) was written for Greeks whom he hoped to convert to
Christianity or who had asked to be baptized; Pedagogue (Paidagogos) named Christ
3
as the Divine Teacher and extracted moral lessons from the Bible. Its original purpose
was the instruction of catechumens and the recently-baptized in Alexandria. 8
Miscellanies (Stromateis) was intended for fellow Christians whose faith would be
strengthened, as Clement believed, by familiarity with Platonism. These books were
written while Clement was director of the catechetical school in Alexandria,
sometime between 190 and 202 CE. His books, as Robert Casey has established, are
among “…the first Christian writings that assume the existence of an educated
Christian public.” 9
Clement approached his task with an unswerving conviction that God is the
ultimate source of all reality and all truths, and that, wherever and whenever
knowledge, wisdom, or truths emerge, these must have their origin in Him. Like the
sower of seed in the Gospel, God “rained down the Word” on all persons. To his
fellow Christians he insists that faith alone is not enough. If some of God’s wisdom
exists among other peoples in other places, we are morally bound to seek out those
truths, precisely because they are God’s. No one race or people has all of God’s
truths, and we must bring everything to bear on our search for truth, culling whatever
is useful for guarding the faith. 10 This advice to his readers to remain open to truth is
advice that he himself follows in appropriating his past. His descriptions of Christ as
logos constitute the best example of this appropriation of his dual legacy.
The Logos
The primary meaning for logos is word, and its use as a metaphysical principle
extends back into the pre-Socratic past, in the surviving fragments of Heraclitus (ca
535 – 475 BCE). Greek and Roman Stoicism refined and expanded the word to account
for the reasonability of the cosmos, and it was the Stoic influence on Middle
Platonism which accounts for the adoption of the concept of logos in Platonism of this
period (2nd c. BCE to 3rd c. CE).11
Intellectually at home in both ancient and Middle Platonism, Clement took up the
question of explaining Christ to Greek catechumens, without lapsing into polytheism;
his question was posed in the Prologue to John’s Gospel. His special challenge: The
4
Word was with God…the Word was God. His question was analogous to that of Philo
before him, viz. how to explain how Wisdom is God and yet is an attribute of God.
Like Philo, he saw Middle Platonism as offering the best approach to some degree of
clarification. Unlike the work of Philo, what he decided to teach about Christ, and
what found its way into his three major works would, in time, influence the doctrine
of the Trinity.
If we view, with Clement, the Logos in a timeless realm, in the absence of a
cosmos, Logos refers to ideas and plans for creating the cosmos and its human
inhabitants in the mind of God. God, because He is One and Simple, is not separated
from his ideas and plans; thus the Logos is God, because God cannot be said to have
parts. This perspective appears in Clement’s Exhortation. Logos is the pre-existent
reasonability according to which God created all things; it was “…before the morning
star”… it is “…the divine beginning of all things…” 12 The Logos was present at, and
necessary to, the creation and governance of the world. Clement has the Logos
saying, “Give ear, ye myriad peoples…the whole race of men I call, I who was their
Creator by the Father’s will.” 13 His Greek readers were well prepared by philosophy
to accept the universe as orderly and reasonable. They were ready to accept that the
One emanates the Word, inaugurating the cosmos and everything therein; but, urging
his readers forward, Clement here gives the One a new name, i.e. God. The One
emanated all things and keeps them in existence; God created all things and keeps
them in existence. The One emanated the Word; God gave the world Christ. While
both God and the One are metaphysically necessary to their respective systems, God
alone is worthy of worship, while the One is not. Platonism was right but not right
enough.
This identification of God and the Logos, however, is only part of his task. Clearly,
New Testament references to Father and Spirit abound, and some account of this
distinction must be offered. The Johannine formulation occupies Clement most; not
only is the Word God; the Word is just as clearly said to be with God. Focusing thus on
understanding Christ, Clement returns to Plato, to the dialogue Parmenides, which
provides some degree, albeit small, of resolution. Plato’s doctrine of the Forms
5
allows for two kinds of unity: a simple unity (one and nothing but one) and complex
unity (one and many). “Loosely speaking, we may distinguish these as the unity of
the pinpoint and the unity of the spider’s web…A one is either a bare unity which can
be nothing but one, or a universal whole which unites all things.” It is best understood
as a reciprocity or relation. “For Clement, what John is trying to say is that the
relationship of the logos to God joins these two relations. The word is God and in
relation to God…Son is in father and father in son.” 14
Clement now feels free to write that Christ is the Logos. The significance of Christ
being the Logos is that Christ is the self-revelation of God/ the One, a self-revelation
that cannot disrupt the divine simplicity. God and His self-revelation must be one.
“What then is the purpose of this instrument, the Word of God, the Lord, and the New
Song....to reveal God to foolish men…” 15 The Word is what God wishes us to know
about Himself; it is God speaking about Himself. Christ is all that we can bear to
know about God. “The Word is our true teacher…the whole world has by this time
become an Athens and a Greece through the Word.” 16 While God has communicated
something of Himself in his universe, His self-revelation in Christ, as recorded in
Scripture, is the completeness of truth for human understanding.
Accordingly, Clement has to modify the conventional definition of truth: truth is
not a characteristic of a successful statement; rather, it is whatever we should know,
as well as whatever path in life’s journey that we should take, in order to, in
Clement’s words, “…become God, since God so wills.” 17 Truth is defined in terms of
the human destiny of being assimilated into God’s life, a destiny that Clement calls
the true gnosis (knowledge). Furthermore, true to the Platonist move to hypostasize,
Clement knows that truth is a Person. The Logos is what we should know; it is the
path in life’s journey that we should take. Being assimilated to Christ, the Christian
is assimilated to truth. In a Platonist world-view, each being is not only an emanate
from the One but must also return to the One. To a Christian, each person returns to
his creator, a return that is shaped by his knowledge and his moral choices.
6
Such assimilation of persons to the One through the Word proceeds on dual tracks;
like all Platonists, Clement makes the intellectual and the moral coterminous.
Resisting what he sees as an anti-intellectualism among some Christians of his day,
Clement embraces knowledge from any source; all reality and all knowledge come
from God. Embracing the great gifts of knowledge and truth, we embrace the
Giftgiver; an intellectual life is one more moral obligation. His primary reason for an
open-ended search for knowledge is given clearly: all human knowledge is necessary
for the understanding of Scripture and for guarding the faith. “I call him truly learned
who brings everything to bear on the truth…he brings everything to bear on a right
life…”. 18 The more he knows, the better able he is “…to distinguish expressions which
are ambiguous, and which in the Testaments are used synonymously.” Clement names
this open-ended search for knowledge philosophy; not a specific discipline or subject
matter, philosophy is the process itself of seeking knowledge wherever it may be
found. It is not “…a pottering about the arts or learning many things…” 19 Since all
knowledge is God’s own, the search for knowledge is part of one’s search for God. To
reject a search for knowledge is to reject part of God’s Word.
Not all human knowledge, though, is equally suited for reading Scripture,
guarding the faith, or seeking God. All sects contain a germ of truth, just as there are
both high notes and low notes in music. Though different, and though they produce
harmony when taken together, a culling process is a necessary part of one’s search for
a wisdom that produces such harmony. Clement identifies the Word as the
touchstone. We can know the One only by knowing the Word. Partial knowledge or
faulty knowledge can be made complete only by knowing Christ through Scripture and
judging all things by His teaching and life. Knowing Christ is the culling process. If
this world is like a vineyard, writes Clement, philosophizing in the light of Christ is
the fence and wall of that vineyard. 20
This search for wisdom or philosophizing in the light of Christ has a counterpart in
Plato, and Clement draws analogies and cites precedents frequently. Throughout the
dialogues, Plato envisions mankind as on a journey, making an ascent from this
material, incomplete world, a cave in which we are prisoners, to a transcendent
7
world of Forms, Forms being the perfection of whatever may be experienced in this
material world. Ascending in wisdom, or insight into the Forms, a person ascends also
in virtue. Clement transcribes the Platonic journey to the Forms as the ascent of the
Christian to God. “Like will be dear to like…and that therefore he that would be dear
to God must…become such as He is…It is incumbent to reach the unaccomplished end,
obeying the commands—that is, God—and living according to them…” 21 For Plato, the
goal is wisdom; to Clement, that wisdom is a Person.
Christ as Logos and Truth is further developed in Clement’s second significant
work, Paedagogus (The Teacher). Not only is the Logos the Way; it is our heavenly
guide, our paedagogue. His aim is to “…improve the soul…” Those “…who are
diseased in soul require a pedagogue to cure our maladies…and then a teacher, to
train and guide the soul to all requisite knowledge when it is made able to admit the
revelation of the Word. “ 22 In Exhortation, Clement has established a basis for this
intimacy of paedagogue and student. Christ is an image of the One; analogously, man
is to be an image of Christ. He writes: “And an image of the Word is the true man,
that is, the mind in man, who on this account is said to have been created ‘in the
‘image’ of God, and ‘in His likeness,” because through his understanding heart he is
made like the divine Word or Reason, and so reasonable.” 23 This claim involving
images is a clear application of Platonism, i.e. that every reality is an image of a
perfect Form existing in a transcendent realm. For the Christian, though, there has to
be a moral perfectibility that depends on human reason, whether reason is defined as
faculty or as quality.
The challenging moral expectations within Christianity are advanced gently in
Exhortation. His strategy is music. “How in the world is it that you have given
credence to worthless legends, imagining brute beasts to be enchanted by music…”
The Greeks should be listening instead to “…new music, with its eternal strain that
bears the name of God. This is a new Song…” Christ is the new minstrel, God’s own.
“But far different is my minstrel, for He has come to bring to a speedy end the bitter
slavery of the daemons that lord it over us. He is the new, the heavenly minstrel.” 24
HIs is a mighty song, for it once “…composed the entire creation into melodious
8
order, and tuned into concert the discord of the elements, that the whole universe
might be in harmony with it.” But, the Word accounts for more than cosmic order; He
has “…tamed the most intractable of all wild beasts, man.” Just as He has given
harmony to the cosmos, He has also arranged “…the little world of man too, body and
soul together; and on this many-voiced instrument of the universe He makes music to
God, and sings to the human instrument.” 25 To the extent that men listen to his new
song, to that extent there is an end to the corruption of sin, death is vanquished, and
disobedient sons are reconciled to God. Obedience has become harmony. Like Plato,
Clement identifies three dimensions to the human soul, i.e. the rational, the spirited,
and the appetitive. As Plato had done, he associates moral development with a
harmonization of the disparate elements within the soul and between the soul and
body. The Logos is the source of mind in man, and so Christian virtue is the harmony
achieved by each soul.
The Logos, then, as a synthesis of Christian thought and Platonism, is richly
layered. It is the Wisdom according to which the universe was created and by which
it is harmonized; it is Christ, the self-revelation of God; it is Christ, in whose image
the Christian life should be lived; it is the only way to God; it is Truth that must be
known; it is the standard by means of which falsehoods are to be culled out of worldly
knowledge. The Logos is the accounting of whatever reasonability there is in the
universe. If we do not see reasonability, the fault is our own. The Word is the source
of harmony in human affairs. If there is no harmony, the fault again is our own.
Nothing good emerges in human affairs unless through the Word.
Conclusion
It is appropriate to call Clement the first Christian philosopher. He was convinced
that faith must be appropriated intellectually, at a time when many Christians were
distrustful of the intellectualization of their faith. His conviction found a solid basis,
though, on a deeper belief in God as the source and rational accounting of all
knowledge; further, it anticipated Anselm’s famous dictum eight centuries later, fides
quaerens intellectum, faith seeking understanding. Similarly, Clement, following
9
Plato’s lead, made the intellectual and moral quests in human existence coterminous.
The intellectual life is necessary but not sufficient; it is necessary, in that the life of
the mind distinguishes man and so must be necessary on man’s journey to God. Few
of his contemporaries would have argued that it was sufficient for human well-being.
What was extraordinary was his perspective that moral striving, also, was necessary
but not sufficient. Moral striving is insufficient to the extent that it is unenlightened,
or has lost sight of its responsibility to be a human reflection of Him Who is Truth, or
has rejected the mandate Be ye perfect as your Heavenly Father is perfect. For these
reasons, the intellectual and moral quests, though singly they are not sufficient for
complete human well-being, are sufficient when together. While the lofty goal called
perfection in the New Testament can only be a gift, man is to work as if it were
attainable by his own efforts; the goal must be a motivation; it must serve as a
criterion with which to evaluate how well our human quest, out of the cave, is
proceeding.
This integrative vision seemed to come easily to this pioneer of the Christian
Intellectual Tradition. Clement had access to, and affection for, over five hundred
years of scholarship generated by Plato. He lived in a cosmopolitan city with a proud
history of libraries, museums, and schools. Director of a catechetical school, he had
opportunities for scholarship, research, and influence enjoyed by few. Yet,
Christianity did not take to intellectualizing quickly or easily; many feared it as
“pagan”. Even more frightening were the official persecutions; the Edict of Milan was
still over a hundred years in the future. The persecutions of Christians in the African
Province during the reign of Emperor Septimius Severus (193-211) shut down the
catechetical school. In 202 Clement left Alexandria for Cappadocia, then for
Palestine, where he worked for Alexander, Bishop of Jerusalem. Because Alexander
referred to Clement in the past tense as “…the holy Clement, my master and
benefactor…” 26 it is a safe assumption that Clement continued his work for the
Church until his death, sometime between 211 and 215.
Despite the challenges of his world and circumstances, Clement is, I am claiming,
a model for Christian educators whose work must aim at fostering integrative and
10
contemplative habits of thinking. The intellectual legacy that he enthusiastically
embraced spanned over five hundred years; ours, over two thousand. There is far
more on our plates, then. Also, at his time in history, the centrifugal movement of
disciplines separating out from one another, losing the ability to speak to one
another, had not yet occurred. Our task is to re-introduce the disciplines to one
another, using whatever insights from epistemology and ethics that we can muster.
His integrative vision was shaped by his faith. We, in a far more secular world, will
remain Christian only if our faith is also formative. In this task we have a worthy
exemplar in Clement of Alexandria.
1
Casey, “Clement of Alexandria and the Beginning of Christian Platonism,” Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 18,
No. 1 (Jan. 1925): 39-101. More recently, Pope John Paul II agreed, writing in Fides et Ratio:
Men and women have at their disposal an array of resources for generating greater knowledge of truth so that
their lives may be ever more human. Among these is philosophy, which is directly concerned with asking the
question of life’s meaning and sketching an answer to it. Philosophy emerges, then, as one of the noblest of human
tasks.” (1998)
2
For instance, we have some indication of his vast erudition through the labors of historian Adolf von Harnack, in
Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums (Book IV, Chapter II). Translated and edited by James Moffatt
(G.P.Putnam’s Sons, 1908.)
The writings of Clement disclose the amazingly broad scope of his knowledge of both classical and Biblical
literature. On page after page of his treatises are copious citations of all kinds of literature. According to the
tabulations of [Stählin], Clement cites some 359 classical and other non-Christian writers, 70 Biblical writings
(including Old Testament apocrypha), and 36 patristic and New Testament apocryphal writings, including those of
heretics. The total number of citations is about 8000, more than a third of which come from pagan writers.
Furthermore, the statistics reveal that he quotes from New Testament writings almost twice as often as from the Old
Testament.
3
Pope Benedict XVI, Church Fathers, From Clement of Rome to Augustine, Ignatius Press, 2008.
4
Osborn, Clement of Alexandria, Cambridge University Press, 2005, p.26.
5
Miscellanies (Stromateis), Book 1, Chapter 9.
6
Exhortation (Protreptikos), Chapter VI, p.153.
7
Exhortation, passim Ch. II - IV.
8
Van den Hoek, p.66.
9
Casey, p.59
10
Clement argues that both Moses and Plato were part of God’s plan to prepare mankind for Christ. The Mosaic
Law “…was a schoolmaster to bring us to Christ, that we should be justified by faith.” (Stromateis, Book 1, Ch.26).
Philosophy also, Plato especially, was part of God’s plan: “…philosophy more especially was given to the Greeks, as
a covenant peculiar to them— being, as it is, a stepping-stone to the philosophy which is according to Christ..”
(Stromateis, Book VI, Ch.8). As one might expect, however, there were still some who were wary of blending
philosophy with the faith, some even accusing Plato of plagiarizing Moses. See Ciholas, “Plato: the Attic Moses?
Some Patristic Reactions to Platonic Philosophy.”
11
Neo-Platonism did not emerge until the Enneads of Plotinus, later in the third century C.E., introducing the
hierarchy of beings, a hierarchy in which the Logos is inferior to the One. It is possible that this basic difference
11
between Middle Platonism and Neo-Platonism helps to account for the great Trinitarian debate that made the
Council of Nicaea necessary in the fourth century.
12
Exhortation, ch.1, pp.14,17.
13
Ibid, Ch.XII, p.257
14
Osborn, pp.116-117; 133.
15
Exhortation, I, p.14
16
Osborn, p. 239.
17
Paedagogus, III, 1.
18
Miscellanies, Book 1, Ch.9
19
Ibid, Ch.19
20
Ibid, Ch.20
21
Ibid, Book II, Ch.22
22
Paedagogus, I, 1
23
Exhortation, X, 215
24
Ibid, I, pp.5-9
25
Ibid, pp.11-13
26
Eusebius, History, 6.14.9
References
Primary
Clement of Alexandria. Exhortation to the Greeks, The Rich Man’s Salvation, To the Newly
Baptized. Trans. G.W. Butterworth. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1919.
Clement of Alexandria. The Instructor (Paedagogus). Accessed September 2012.
http://www. earlychristianwritings.com/clement.html.
Clement of Alexandria. Miscellanies (Stromata). Accessed September 2012.
http://www. earlychristianwritings.com/clement.html.
12
Secondary
Allen, Alexander V.S. The Continuity of Christian Thought: A Study of Modern Theology in
the Light of Its History. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1885.
Butterworth, G.W. “The Deification of Man in Clement of Alexandria,” The Journal of
Theological Studies, Vol. XVII, No.66 (January 1916): 157-69.
Casey, Robert P. “Clement of Alexandria and the Beginning of Christian Platonism,” Harvard
Theological Review, Vol. 18, No.1 (Jan. 1925): 39-101.
Ciholas, Paul. “Plato: The Attic Moses? Some Patristic Reactions to Platonic Philosophy,”
Classical World, Vol. 72, No.4 (December 1978): 217-225.
Edwards, M.J. “Clement of Alexandria and His Doctrine of the Logos,” Vigiliae Christianae,
Vol. 54, No.2 (2000): 159-177.
Eusebius. Ecclesiastical History. Accessed August 2012.
http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/250106.htm.
Lilla, Salvatore R.C. Clement of Alexandria, A Study in Christian Platonism and Gnosticism.
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971.
Osborn, Eric F. Clement of Alexandria. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.
Outler, Albert C. “The Platonism of Clement of Alexandria,” The Journal of Religion, Vol.20,
no.3 (July 1940): 217-240.
Pope Benedict XVI. Church Fathers, From Clement of Rome to Augustine. San Francisco:
Ignatius Press, 2008.
Pope John Paul II. Fides et Ratio, On the Relationship between Faith and Reason. Boston:
Pauline Books and Media, 1998.
Schaff, Philip (Ed.) History of the Christian Church. Volume II, Ante-Nicene Fathers. New
York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1910.
vandenHoek, Annewies. “The ‘Catechetical’ School of Early Christian Alexandria and Its
Philonic Heritage,” Harvard Theological Review, Vol. 90, No.1 (Jan. 1997): 59-87.
Wolfson, H.A. “Clement of Alexandria on the Generation of Logos,” Church History, Vol. 20,
No.2 (June 1951): 72-81.
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