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International Journal of Consumer Studies ISSN 1470-6423

Exit from the high street: an exploratory study of

sustainable fashion consumption pioneers
Sarah Bly, Wencke Gwozdz and Lucia A. Reisch
Department of Intercultural Communication and Management (ICM), Copenhagen Business School, Frederiksberg, Denmark

Keywords Abstract
Style versus fashion, fashion consumption,
second-hand/DIY consumption, sustainable In today’s fashion system, dominated by business models predicated on continual con-
fashion, sustainable fashion pioneers. sumption and globalized production systems that have major environmental and social
impacts, the consumption of ‘sustainable fashion’ takes on an almost paradoxical quality.
Correspondence This paper explores this paradox by focusing on a previously under-researched group of
Wencke Gwozdz, Department of consumers – ‘sustainable fashion consumption pioneers’ who actively engage and shape
Communication and Management (ICM), their own discourse around the notion of sustainable fashion consumption. These pioneers
Copenhagen Business School, actively create and communicate strategies for sustainable fashion behaviour that can
Porcelænshaven 18B (1.118), Frederiksberg overcome the nebulous and somewhat paradoxical reality that sustainable development in
DK2000, Denmark. the fashion industry presents. Specifically, we use passive netnography and semi-structured
E-mail: [email protected] interviews to illuminate the role of motivational and contextual factors that help shape
these consumers’ definitions of sustainable fashion including such key behaviours as
doi: 10.1111/ijcs.12159 purchasing fewer garments of higher quality, exiting the retail market, purchasing only
second-hand fashion goods and sewing or upgrading their own clothing. Central to much
of these behaviours is the notion that personal style, rather than fashion, can bridge the
potential disconnect between sustainability and fashion while also facilitating a sense of
well-being not found in traditional fashion consumption. As such, our research suggests
that for these consumers sustainability is as much about reducing measurable environmen-
tal or social impacts as it is about incorporating broader concepts through which to achieve
goals beyond the pro-environmental or ethical.

and the UN Global Compact’s first industry-specific initiative

Introduction dealing with the fashion industry, these sustainable fashion con-
Like many industries competing in today’s landscape, the fashion sumption pioneers may be on the front end of a movement to
industry is rife with environmental- and social-negative externali- change fashion consumption.
ties. Environmental degradation, hazardous chemicals, low wages, Examining fashion consumption from a sustainability perspec-
violation of workers’ rights and child labour are all issues that tive, therefore, calls for closer examination of the concept, which
plague the fashion industry (Fletcher, 2008). Moreover, the current has been subject to myriad meanings and interpretations (Schaefer
fashion system itself is characterized by planned obsolescence that and Crane, 2005). The term ‘sustainable consumption’ first entered
arguably has become even more acute with the advent of fast international policy and research on Agenda 21, the action plan for
fashion. Fast fashion is a successful and increasingly prevalent sustainable development adopted at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit.
business model in which fashion retailers create cheap, throwaway Although conceived as a pluralistic concept, at its core were the
goods at much lower costs their designer counterparts and have notions of more efficiently produced goods and a ‘green’ and
multiple seasons instead of the traditional two collections per year ‘ethical’ consumer who in making consumption decisions serves
(Birtwistle and Moore, 2007). As a result, the rate of fashion as the driving force of a market transformation that incorporates
obsolescence has sped up presumably to the detriment of long- both social and environmental concerns (Seyfang, 2011). Later
term sustainability. One promising avenue to resolve the tensions discourses expanded this basic framework to include consistency
between sustainability and fashion is to learn from a small group (McDonough and Braungart, 2002), the production of goods with
of vocal and proactive consumers who actively attempt to address materials that can be fully reused, composted or recycled, and
the potential disconnect presented by sustainable fashion. These sufficiency (Princen, 2005), ‘living better with less’. Anti- or
consumers are pioneers on the forefront of a lifestyle choice that reduced consumption has also been studied within such move-
they promote through personal blogs, online group memberships ments as voluntary simplicity, asceticism, constrained consump-
and other communication forums. As witnessed through the tion, downshifting and non-materialism (Cherrier, 2009; Black
growing presence of eco fashion weeks in major fashion centres and Cherrier, 2010). Closely related to anti-consumption is

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consumption rejection, which are consumer movements aimed at explorative nature of the study, we employ passive netnography
enacting change in the marketplace through boycotts or protest. combined with semi-structured interviews. This study contributes
This complexity of terminology is not lost on consumers, many of to the sustainable consumption discourse by gaining understand-
whom have adopted their own definitions of conscious consumer ing of a vocal group of consumers who define themselves as
behaviour amidst the confusion and contradictions (Moisander, sustainable fashion consumers, i.e. how they conceptualize sus-
2007). tainable fashion consumption, what kind of alternative behav-
Also far from straightforward is the related concept ‘fashion ioural strategies they choose and what motivates, facilitates and
consumption’. Beyond clothing that serves the basic needs of hinders their desired sustainable behaviours. The identified behav-
coverage and modesty, fashion embodies symbolic meanings and ioural strategies as well as the contextual factors and motivations
shares some level of mutual social understanding. In similar vein, behind could be transferrable to better understand and promote
Solomon and Rabolt (2004) suggest that fashion is ‘a style of dress sustainable fashion consumption among less sustainable fashion
that is accepted by a large group of people at any given time’ (p. 6). consumers. We expect such an analysis to highlight potential start-
It is a form of non-verbal communication that reflects symbolic ing points for the promotion of more sustainable fashion systems.
and social consumption with an aim to manage identity (Ostberg,
2012). Fashion has the power to promote an individual’s self-
image that is composed of expression of uniqueness and social
Literature review
conformity (Marsh et al., 2010). Murray (2002, p. 438) suggests
(Un)sustainable fashion consumption behaviour
that fashion can mediate the tension between personalized and
commodified experiences. Thompson and Haytko (1997) suggest Prior studies suggest that only a very small group of consumers
that despite the presumed dominant logic of the fashion system, actually take sustainability concerns into account when shopping
consumers often create their own meanings that Marion and Nairn for clothes (Butler and Francis, 1997; Connell, 2011), an observa-
(2011) describe as fashion ‘bricoleurs’ who work within the con- tion variously attributed to cost considerations, interest, availabil-
straints of the fashion system to create their own individualized ity and (lack of) knowledge (Butler and Francis, 1997). In addition
looks to convey their life narratives. In this vein, some authors to this often observed attitude–behaviour gap between consumer
distinguish between the characterization of ‘style’ and ‘fashion’ intentions and actions, some research also identifies a mismatch
suggesting that fashion is characterized by external dictation and between behaviours that consumers perceive as sustainable and
frivolous consumption whereas personal style is unique to the those scientific studies suggest to be sustainable (Connell, 2011).
individual and a timeless expression (Mikkonen et al., 2014). This finding reflects the confusing and conflicting accounts that
For the purposes of this paper, we consider fashion garments to complicate sustainable consumption decisions (Kozinets et al.,
be symbolic resources that exist in a state of transience, a notion 2011).
profoundly antithetical to the longevity implied by sustainability Even the reports of those who claim to engage in sustainable
(Black, 2008). This makes it particularly difficult to define what fashion consumption can be interpreted in many different ways.
constitutes ‘sustainable fashion’. The sustainable fashion lexicon Connell (2011), for example, suggests that some consumers
includes myriad terms – including ‘environmental’, ‘ecological’, attempt sustainability by purchasing items that can be worn for a
‘green’, ‘sustainable’, ‘ethical’, ‘recycled’ and ‘organic’– that are long period of time. Fibre content is also a frequent consideration
often used interchangeably, thereby confusing researchers and for those looking to behave pro-environmentally, with natural fibre
consumers alike (Thomas, 2008). content or recycled fibres being preferred over synthetic fibres. Yet
In the light of the many environmental and social factors con- lifecycle assessments in fact suggest that, depending on the
tributing to the (non)sustainability of the production and consump- resource and impact being measured, natural fibres like wool and
tion of garments, the lack of theoretical and conceptual work in the traditional cotton frequently have more environmental impacts
field as well as only scarce empirical evidence about influencing than synthetic alternatives (Fletcher, 2008).
factors and their ambivalences, it is probably not surprising that There is also evidence that consumers try to extend their cloth-
the concept of sustainable fashion consumption is a highly con- ing’s aesthetic and physical durability in the name of sustainability
tested concept, if not an oxymoron. Indeed, very little is known by repairing or re-fashioning (Connell, 2011). They may also limit
about the sustainable consumption patterns of fashion consumers washing/drying behaviours, although sometimes for clothing
or how consumers conceptualize the meaning of sustainable maintenance or financial savings rather than pro-environmental
fashion. concerns (Laitala et al., 2011). Disposal is generally divided into
The primary aim of our exploratory study is to learn from an four possible behaviours: throwing items away, giving or selling
under-researched yet vocal and active extreme consumer group of them to another person or second-hand shop, donating clothing to
‘sustainable fashion consumption pioneers’ who are publicly charity or lending it to another person (Ha-Brookshire and
engaging in strategies they conceive as ‘sustainable fashion con- Hodges, 2009).
sumption’. Our research pays particular attention to (i) their
conceptualizations of sustainable fashion consumption; (ii) their
The consumption context
fashion consumption, which has yet to be a focus of sustainable
consumption research; and (iii) their strategies for bridging the The consumption context refers to internal and external factors to
disconnect between sustainability and fashion consumption. For the consumer that influence consumer behaviour. Internal factors
the latter, we focus, in particular, on contextual and motivational specific to individual consumers like resources and task-specific
factors, both promising insights into the barriers and drivers to knowledge are often cited as a prerequisite for pro-environmental
engage into sustainable fashion consumption. Because of the behaviour (Thøgersen, 2010), and many social campaigns have

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S. Bly et al. Sustainable fashion consumption pioneers study

sought to induce behavioural change by creating consumer aware- viewed sustainable consumption being driven by altruistically
ness. This is not clear cut, however, as consumer knowledge has motivated consumers with high concern for environmental and
also been linked to information overload in which excessive infor- social issues (Stern et al., 1995), more recent work hints at sus-
mation – often of a conflicting nature – can cause consumers to tainable consumption’s self-interested facets (Black and Cherrier,
feel overwhelmed and unable to act (Kozinets, 2010). Referring to 2010). For example, sustainable consumption has been closely
this knowledge conundrum as our ‘inability to know’, Beck (1998) linked to the formation and reinforcement of the self, signalling
proposes that the greater amount of information available today uniqueness, distinction and group cohesion and bridge the actual
prompts tension and confusion over the proper action to take. and ideal selves (Connolly and Prothero, 2008). Cherrier (2009)
Similarly, the presence or absence of financial and temporal particularly describes creative consumers who reject commerciali-
resources can also impact sustainable behaviour, although not zation as part of both their identity construction and a desire to find
always in a clear-cut manner. Often sustainable consumption, par- meaning in their consumption practices. Cherrier argues that
ticularly the purchasing of green or sustainable goods, is linked to beyond helping consumers construct unique identities, sustainable
consumers with increased economic resources (Alberini et al., consumption gives them a sense of empowerment through the
2005). Some forms of sustainable behaviour, however, including avoidance of status goods and competitive social hierarchies.
voluntary simplicity (Black and Cherrier, 2010), consumption Research on consumer movements such as voluntary simplicity,
rejection (Sanne, 2002) and simply more planful shopping behav- asceticism and non-materialism further identify a link between
iour (Carrigan and de Pelsmacker, 2009) have been shown to be reduced consumption and subjective happiness and well-being
viable means for saving money. These behaviours, however, can (Fournier, 1998; Cherrier, 2009). Soper (2007) offers the ‘alterna-
also draw heavily on consumers’ temporal resources; that is, sus- tive hedonist’ perspective that many consumers who find displeas-
tainable consumption is often time rather than money intensive. ure in the by-products of affluence have simply reconstituted the
Starr (2009) therefore distinguishes between ‘buying’ and ‘behav- nature of ‘the good life’. Alternative consumption behaviours,
ing’ sustainably, suggesting an inherent trade-off between access Soper argues, provide not only moral rewards but also sensual
to temporal and to financial resources. pleasures. A sensory focus also underpins the argument that
External factors that have been cited for influencing sustainable sustainable consumerism can be motivated by a desire for
consumption behaviour include a limited choice of pro- ‘enchantment’ or the experiential outcome of selecting alternative
environmental products, structural conditions that facilitate or consumption rituals such as eating locally ethically produced food
impede sustainable behaviour and deeply embedded social and (Thompson and Coskuner-Balli, 2007). Szmigin and Carrigan
cultural norms that tacitly dictate behaviour (Thøgersen, 2010). (2005) conceptualize this desire as an ethical hedonism in which
Many studies (Birtwistle and Moore, 2007; Ha-Brookshire and the action produces pleasure and prevents pain. Such ethical con-
Hodges, 2009) conclude that regardless of environmental concern, sumption, they claim, can create an aesthetic experience by pro-
consumers are more likely to donate, recycle or hand down cloth- viding an antithesis to mass produced goods, while the ‘feeling’
ing if the infrastructure for doing so is widely available and easy to engendered by the creation of socially and environmentally just
use. Particular attention has been given to the ‘consumer culture’ goods can create a halo of aesthetic beauty.
that is dominant in richer parts of the world (Lury, 1996) that Research also indicates that sustainable consumption can be
profoundly impact consumption: products are purchased not motivated by negative emotions such as mistrust and scepticism.
simply to satisfy individual needs but to satisfy a host of other Cherrier (2009), for instance, points to future uncertainty and
objectives including identity creation, symbolic self-completion, ‘living in an uncontrollable world’ as powerful discourses
distinction and adaption (Jackson, 2005). This cultural meaning motivating anti-consumption consumer movements. Studies also
provided by goods is thought to be continually in transition show that because of distrust, consumers may form resistance to
(McCracken, 1986). Such transience can in turn fuel an ongoing large corporate brands (Kozinets and Handelman, 2004;
need for consumption to maintain a desired social position. The Luedicke et al., 2010). According to Carrigan and Attalla (2001),
Western fashion system appears to epitomize this, characterized much of this resistance comes from large companies’ inherent
by rapid change, a profusion of styles, cheap goods and thus mass opacity and lack of authenticity, which leads to consumer scep-
consumption of goods (Thompson and Haytko, 1997). Fashion ticism of their ethical motives (Thompson and Arsel, 2004). Holt
critics therefore suggest that ‘fashion immerses consumers’ self- (2002) concludes that consumers resist large corporate brands in
perceptions in cultural meanings and social ideals that foster an effort to pursue individual freedom from the perceived control
depthless, materialistic outlooks and a perpetual state of dissatis- of the market. Consumers can, for example, be resistant to the
faction over one’s current lifestyle and physical appearance’ homogenization that large brands enact on local communities,
(Faurschou, 1987, p. 82). This critique is not limited to the sym- preferring the seemingly authentic nature of smaller local retail-
bolic nature of the fashion system, however, as Soper (2007), for ers (Thompson and Arsel, 2004). They may also seek authentic-
instance, maintains that ‘capitalist lifestyle ideals permeate all ity as a response to the fragmentation and alienation elicited by
aspects of consumer culture’ (p. 209), while Sanne (2002) argues postmodern cultural forces like globalization (Arnould and Price,
that both the state and self-interested businesses habitually create 2000; Firat and Venketash, 1995; Holt, 2002). Often these con-
conducive conditions for increased consumption. sumer attempts to escape the market in search of authenticity
and uniqueness are thwarted, however, when the alternative
modes of consumption become commercialized by larger inter-
Consumer motivations
ests (Murray, 2002). This can leave the consumer on a perpetual
Much discourse has sought to understand why consumers are journey to find and ‘emancipated space’ from the mainstream
motivated to consume sustainably. Whereas early research has market (Murray, 2002, p. 439).

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participants. Thus while small in overall size, this sample is rela-

Methodology tive to the overall niche participation in sustainable fashion con-
Because research on sustainable fashion consumption pioneers is sumption. In total, we reached out to 30 potential participants who
currently so limited, this study adopts an interpretive methodologi- we selected based on online activity (i.e. those who kept regularly
cal approach (Lincoln and Guba, 1985) that is inductive update their online content were contacted), selecting a variety of
and exploratory. The primary aim is to analyse an as yet participants from different sites and geographic regions located in
under-researched extreme consumer group to uncover their developed Western countries. The global reach of our sample
conceptualizations of sustainable fashion consumption and iden- allowed us more breadth in our sample given the limited consumer
tify their strategies for bridging the disconnect between fashion engagement in this niche area of consumption.
consumption and sustainability. The most apt site for exploring To ensure a sample that negotiated the potential fashion sustain-
how consumers negotiate sustainable fashion consumption proved ability tension, this screening process addressed both sustainable
to be the online context, not least because it allowed an expansive fashion behaviours and fashion involvement. With regard to
search for participants free of geographic limitations and the active fashion involvement, we screened potential interviewees to deter-
monitoring of ongoing and relevant discourse in this niche con- mine whether they had an interest in clothing as a form of self-
sumption area. More important, developments in online digital expression rather than as a means to fulfil utilitarian needs. With
media have radically changed how consumers engage in their daily regard to sustainable behaviour, the research’s inductive nature
lives, blurring the line between ‘real’ and virtual interactions facilitated the emergence of themes not explored in earlier studies
(Kozinets, 2010). Online spaces have become crucial for under- by making room for informant-defined notions of sustainability
standing contemporary consumption (Beer and Burrows, 2007). In not yet considered. Thus, we screened participants to ensure they
regard to sustainable consumption specifically, social media and were engaging in behaviours they deemed sustainable rather than
other participatory web forms are being studied as places in which only considering traditional industry or academic notions of
consumers can come together, find empowerment, form market- sustainability.
place resistance and find an innovation context for co-creating new Once identified as meeting the criteria, participants engaged in
visions (Kozinets et al., 2011). Due to the limited number of hour-long semi-structured interviews, eight conducted by phone
online communities (on sustainable fashion consumption) rich in because of geographic limitations, one in person and one by email
active dialogues and participation, we broadened the search to at the informant’s request because of a language barrier. These
other online presences, including personal blogs, forums, online semi-structured interviews were guided primarily by the partici-
magazines, online stores and social networks (LinkedIn and pants, although to ensure identification of the potential discon-
Twitter). Because these online presences followed a one-way com- nects between academic, industry and consumer notions of
munication (i.e. without interactive dialogue), we adopted a sustainability, respondents not freely volunteering descriptions of
passive netnographic approach comprising two components: (i) an their behaviours throughout the consumption phases were specifi-
observational netnography analysis of online content and (ii) cally asked for such information. The data from the recorded and
offline interviews that added depth to our understanding transcribed interviews were supplemented by a concurrent obser-
(Kozinets, 2010). vational netnography (Kozinets, 2010) in which we analysed par-
ticipants’ online presences by pasting excerpts from their online
content into word documents and identified prevalent sustainable
Data collection and sample
fashion consumption themes. After eight interviews, we reached a
The fieldwork was carried out between July and December 2011. theoretical saturation point at which the data elicited no longer felt
Our sampling process was iterative, employing ongoing screening new (Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Nevertheless, we carried on with
of potential participants which evolved throughout the research as the two additional interviews to ensure that we had indeed reached
we gained insight from the field. Participants were initially saturation and then continued monitoring our selected sample’s
recruited via theoretical sampling (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) in online content.
which we searched Internet groups, online forums, personal blogs, The ongoing data collection soon revealed that our participants,
online stores and web sites using a wide array of terminology in an whose characteristics are summarized in Table 1, were driven by
attempt to uncover how the sustainable fashion lexicon was rep- the overarching goal of changing the system through proactive and
resented in the field. We began by posting on the Ethical Fashion innovative acts of sustainability. Such a proactive stance was evi-
Forum and on social networks such as Twitter and LinkedIn under denced by their active engagement in promoting sustainable
such groups as ‘green my style’, ‘slow fashion’, ‘LOHAS’, ‘con- fashion as a way to achieve stylistic expression without the trap-
scious fashion’ and ‘eco fashion network’. These initial observa- pings of ‘fashion’.
tions led to early interviews with participants actively engaged
with relevant sites. As the research progressed, we subsequently
Data analysis
amended our search terms based on interview feedback; for
example, expanding the search to do-it-yourself (DIY) blogs, anti- Given that the research was exploratory the approach was
shopping competitions, second-hand blogs and other forms of grounded (Bryman and Bell, 2003); analysis of the interview tran-
sustainable fashion consumption. All participants gave permission scripts and web content was performed (Arnold and Fischer, 1994)
to use interview and blog material. iteratively throughout the data collection, with each individual’s
Our search suggested that ‘sustainable fashion’ and related ter- interview and web content being read and analysed for thematic
minology was relatively limited in both consumer engagement and findings free of any theoretical frame. Initial interviews and obser-
relevant online activity that helped inform our final sample of 10 vations helped shape further interviews as we began to uncover

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Table 1 Participant characteristics

Name Location Sustainable fashion activities

Timothy United States Daily blogger on sustainable fashion

May Anne Australia Daily blogger on sustainable fashion; runs second-hand tours in home city
Chloe United Kingdom Daily blogger; designs clothing for second-hand charity shop
Sandra United Kingdom Maintains a frequent blog; consults on supply issues in fashion
Maura Australia Student/blogger; developing international sustainable fashion network
Maria Denmark–Spain Works in development; spent time in Central America working with garment workers in factories
Magda Sweden Student/sells handmade organic clothing online
Marie Japan–Canada Daily blogger on sustainable fashion
Shanna United States Contributor to eco magazines, launching sustainable jewellery line with artisans in Uganda
Noel The Netherlands Developed a contest for fashion insiders to ‘give up fashion for a year’

Table 2 Overview of the themes identified facilitator of style and sustainable fashion as a source of pleasure
and well-being.
Motivation Contextual factors

• Consumption is sustainability’s • Distant opaque

antithesis markets
Consumption as sustainability’s antithesis
• Sustainability facilitates • Re-conceptualization of The participants’ conceptualizations of sustainability are strongly
style resources related to the belief that ‘consumption is the antithesis of sustain-
• Sustainable fashion brings • Societal pressures to consume ability’, a sentiment echoed in studies of other consumer move-
pleasure and well-being • The knowledge conundrum ments, including voluntary simplicity, downshifting and non-
materialism (Fournier, 1998; Cherrier, 2009). Particularly vilified
as an antithesis to sustainability is the fast fashion model, to which
Noel objected on the following grounds:
prevalent themes while still remaining open to emergent and [The fast fashion model] is a contradiction because fashion is
participant-guided findings. Participants’ online content was about speed and it’s about consuming and it’s about change.
monitored retroactively (i.e. past blog posts were pulled for Sustainability is about slow[ness], it’s about . . . being careful
analysis) and then followed throughout the whole fieldwork with your raw materials and about being stable about the
period as the participants continued to actively post content. future.
Manual coding was performed in an ongoing manner, first at an Hence, as suggested by Thomas (2008), the sustainable fashion
individual participant level and then we as we began to see consumption pioneers appear sceptical of the sustainability efforts
emerging themes we re-analysed the data to pinpoint the most of major fashion retailers. Indeed, several participants echoed
encompassing themes from all of the interviews and web content. Faurschou’s (1987) claim that fashion producers and retailers,
The most substantive content was then aggregated into the aims although they offer single sustainable options, still rely on hyper-
of the study, namely the conceptualization of sustainable fashion consumption and cheap prices to meet their business demands.
consumption by the sustainable fashion consumption pioneers, Noel, for example, referring to H&Ms recent decision to offer
their reported behavioural strategies as well as how they bridge organic cotton, argued that
the tensions between sustainability and fashion consumption by . . . their whole business model is based on selling a lot of
looking into the contextual and motivational factors that appear to fast fashion cheaply, and I think there is no way they can be
contribute to their understanding and engagement in sustainable sustainable. I mean, their Conscious Collection is what . . . 1
fashion consumption. per cent of what they make in a year? And my feeling is that
they only do this so they can say, ‘Hey look, we’re
sustainable’.
Results Most participants in fact appear adamant that sustainability is a
We outline our main thematic findings according to the aims of the holistic endeavour, one requiring both societal and environmental
study, whose delimitations are used to identify the consumption considerations and thus not achievable through a ‘green product
contexts and motivations of the sustainable fashion consumption line’, which Sandra associated with a ‘flavour of greenwashing’.
pioneers. Table 2 summarizes the motivational and contextual Also implicit in this attitude is the notion that if a company’s
themes identified. purpose for engaging in sustainability is linked to profit or sales
growth, its sustainability efforts are untrustworthy. For instance,
the participants frequently invoked the word ‘authentic’, implying
Motivation
that sustainability requires genuine engagement, something belied
The motivational themes identified represent the factors that par- by profit motives (see e.g. Holt, 2002; Thompson and Arsel,
ticipants suggested compelled them to engage in sustainable con- 2004). This notion of authentic engagement is built on intangible
sumption. The primary themes, highlighted below, include associations, with an inherent scepticism of ‘self-interested’ large
consumption as sustainability’s antithesis, sustainability as a multinationals and an intuitive sense of trust in small or local

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producers, who are perceived as ‘truly believing in what they are [i]n the past, when I was earning a really low salary, I always
doing’ and ‘passionate about their cause’. kind of felt entitled to new things. And I always felt a bit
perturbed that I couldn’t afford things my friends could. Now
I care very little. I don’t really care what my friends can
Sustainability as a facilitator of style
afford compared to me. It has put a lot of things into
As in other studies on the expression of sustainable consumption, perspective for me.
our participants’ engagement with sustainable consumption has
engendered deeper notions of self (see Connolly and Prothero,
Consumption context
2008) and helped to solidify values and aspirations like individu-
ality and freedom from the fashion system and mass culture (see Many of the motivational themes described above can be closely
Cherrier, 2009). Our participants conceptualize this sentiment by linked to the consumption contexts in which they were formed,
invoking the word ‘style’ and clearly distinguishing between with many participants forging their own definitions of sustain-
‘style’ and ‘fashion’. This latter they imbue with such connotations ability within their personal contextual frameworks. Besides
as ‘dictation from above’, ‘short term’ and ‘trendy’, all symboliz- shaping consumer motivations, contextual factors can play a
ing a lack of individuality and aesthetic conformity – in line with strong role in facilitating or hindering whether motivations
how Mikkonen et al. (2014) suggest ‘style’ has characterized by become behaviour realities (Thøgersen, 2010). In this research, the
mainstream media outlets. The participants also frequently differ- most salient internal contextual themes cited were knowledge and
entiate between their own behaviours and those of the ‘follower’ re-conceptualization of resources. The most often cited external
mainstream. For example, when asked whether she saw herself as contextual factors were distant opaque markets and the societal
fashionable, Mae Ann immediately protested ‘No, no, I would not pressure to consume.
say that!’ and instead described her personal style and self-
perception as that of an individual with a unique, non-dictated way
The knowledge conundrum
of wearing garments that is closer to art than material consump-
tion. Style, the participants argue, requires two traits that they Although insufficient in itself, knowledge, particularly task-
value greatly: creativity and self-awareness. Hence for them, specific knowledge, is generally seen as a prerequisite for sustain-
freedom from fashion is a more sustainable way of consuming able behaviour (Thøgersen, 2010), and our participants did in fact
because it negates the need for the perpetual ‘seasonal’ fashion demonstrate a vast amount of knowledge about sustainability
consumption (see also Thompson and Haytko, 1997). As Noel issues in the fashion industry. Yet this same knowledge presented
explained it, ‘I no longer get bored, which is what I want to them with a source of confusion and complexity for which
promote. Fashion is about creativity and not about adding new sustainability offers no clear answer, a conundrum Beck (1998)
stuff’. Our findings thus echo Marion and Nairn’s (2011) and labels the ‘inability to know’. Participants often complained, for
Thompson and Haytko’s (1997) findings that consumers work instance, of trade-offs inherent in the many decisions related to
creatively within the constraints of the fashion system to fabric choice, labour standards and other factors influencing sus-
re-appropriate meanings suited to their life goals and narratives. tainability. This lack of clarity, coupled with their own distrust,
makes them sceptical of traditional sustainable offerings. In addi-
tion, their conceptualizations of sustainable fashion, rather than
Sustainable fashion as a source of pleasure
being shaped by sustainability facts or figures, are most often
and well-being
influenced by direct experience working in the fashion industry.
As reported in other research, sustainable consumption provides For example, several participants explained how their deep knowl-
our respondents with an apparent sense of personal growth, well- edge of fashion production has helped them understand the value
being and experiential pleasure (Szmigin and Carrigan, 2005), and work that goes into creating garments, something they feel
which Thompson and Coskuner-Balli (2007) term ‘enchantment’. other consumers may not understand. In Noel’s words,
For example, when asked the number one reason that others I understand that if you wear a cotton dress, people have had
should follow in her path of sustainable fashion consumption, to put in a lot of effort before the cotton was there. I was
Sandra replied simply, ‘For well-being. It is a better way to live’. working for a web shop, and we sold garments, and I told the
Because sustainable fashion consumption was a relatively new people I was working with that everything we sold was made
endeavour for many of them, our participants found it easy to by real people. They just thought a t-shirt comes from a
reflect on the changes it has wrought. Several respondents factory somewhere, and they have no idea that there is a
described how the pleasure once associated with the consumption human who must push it through the machine.
of fashion goods has been replaced by larger goals of self- Not only were such sentiments echoed by other participants, but
fulfilment and self-improvement. For instance, they frequently this realization appears to shape the fashion consumption pio-
associated such sentiments with the word ‘comfort’, not in the neers’ belief that goods are not valued at their ‘true’ market prices
corporeal sense but rather in terms of the freedom and confidence and that ‘cheap’ cannot be truly sustainable. They also expressed
they had found in themselves. Some did report experiencing more scepticism about organic or recycled textiles offered in fast fashion
comfort in their body image as a result of removing themselves settings, suggesting that despite their pro-environmental content
from mainstream fashion. Like other creative consumers (see e.g. they were antithetical to sustainability given their intended short-
Cherrier, 2009), these sustainable fashion consumption pioneers term use. It is these sustainability inferences – rather than scien-
also described a sense of comfort and relief at being free from tifically based sustainability facts or figures – that tend to drive
previously felt competitive pressures to consume. As Chloe put it their sustainable behaviours.

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Carrigan and Attalla, 2001). This linkage in turn helps shape their
Re-conceptualization of resources
belief that ‘small and local’ carries an air of sustainability, while
Although, in general, research has treated temporal and financial large and profit-driven equals untrustworthy and unsustainable.
resources as a fixed variable and linked deficiencies to
unsustainable consumption patterns (Starr, 2009), this study
finds these resources to be somewhat subjective and related to Societal pressure to consume
consumers’ value priorities, interests and, more important, their
Building on their criticism of the fashion system, participants
conceptualizations of sustainability. Hence, even though all the
identified the market system itself as a barrier to sustainable con-
sustainable fashion consumption pioneers reported busy lifestyles,
sumption. Specifically, reminiscent of the viewpoint that it is a
none suggested having too little time to spend on sustainability
citizen’s duty to consume (Sanne, 2002), they claimed that
efforts. In fact, some commented that their decision to shop less
for most citizens, consumption is simply a fact of life, with gov-
actually afforded them more time for meaningful activities. Nev-
ernments and companies equally complicit in its fuelling and
ertheless, many of the behaviours described did suggest that the
promotion. The systemic problem, they argued, stems from the
actual temporal effort required by their modes of sustainable
never-ending need for profit, which leads to a search for low-cost
fashion consumption is far greater than they perceive it to be. Yet
labour and cheaper materials and an increased use of resources to
their high levels of interest and involvement and the pleasure
satisfy growing sales. This structural reality directly contradicts
derived from activities like sewing their own clothing or second-
their belief that the only way to consume sustainably is to consume
hand shopping reduces the temporal barrier noted by other con-
less. Maura refers to this feeling of entrapment on her blog:
sumers, suggesting that the time resource is less of an issue in
I know I’m not the only one who feels like the system is
intrinsically motivated sustainable activities.
broken. But do we really have no choice but to continue to
The sustainable fashion consumption pioneers also seem able to
operate within the system we hate? What is the alternative?
overcome the limited financial means identified as an inhibitor of
Falling off the grid and joining a commune?
sustainable consumption behaviour. As reported in other research
For our participants, the fashion system represents the apex of
comparing sustainability-based lifestyles (Carrigan and de
the consumption–sustainability paradox. It also perpetuates the
Pelsmacker, 2009) with the purchasing of sustainable goods (Starr,
need to consume through its grip on consumers and their desire to
2009), those with insufficient resources find alternative routes (e.g.
fit in with others (Faurschou, 1987). Noel, for example, recounted
buying second-hand or making their own clothes) that are actually
her own past behaviour:
less expensive than shopping in traditional retail settings. Reduc-
I was studying fashion, and I would be really influenced and
ing consumption altogether also implies financial savings. Never-
inspired by the people around me. I would get new
theless, there does appear to be a trade-off between temporal and
impressions every day, and I would want to adapt.
financial resources: sustainable consumption activities that require
Our participants thus argued that, being predicated on profit
more time may cost less money and vice versa (Starr, 2009).
models that demand seasonal creation and destruction, the fashion
system simply cannot be reconciled with sustainable product
Distant opaque markets offerings. As Maura commented
[i]t was one thing to have two fashion seasons a year, but now
When asked about barriers to making sustainable fashion con-
we have six or seven. It is exhausting. The way the fashion
sumption an achievable reality, our participants referred especially
industry is structured, the environment is inherently
to distance, speed and opacity in today’s global production system
unsustainable, and it is going to take a really big paradigm
(see Arnould and Price, 2000; Beck, 1998). Most particularly, they
shift for us to be able to shop at all.
lamented the impossibility of knowing the true provenance of a
textile or which labourers produced it, a problem to a large extent
linked to modernization and globalization. Marie, for example,
Behavioural strategies
was sure that
one hundred or 99% of what people wear they cannot trace. Although the behaviours reported by the sustainable fashion con-
They can barely remember where they purchased it, much sumption pioneers are potentially more aspirational than realistic,
less whose hands created it. I think dislocation from the the descriptions themselves offer valuable lessons. In particular,
source is problematic. It lets things like polluting the water they illuminate how these consumers navigate a relatively unde-
table in a community in Asia or hiring child labourers to veloped consumption domain rife with potential paradox. The
produce a product in a foreign country be OK because that participants favour the term ‘sustainable fashion’ (cf. Thomas,
disconnect is there and consumers cannot see it. 2008), believing the two words incompatible and likely to create
As this comment suggests, our participants suspect that con- mistrust and confusion. These observations suggest that sustain-
sumers have a hard time caring about what cannot see or feel, able fashion consumption pioneers often construct the behaviours
which they largely blame on modern global production systems. they engage in and limit their interaction with the mainstream
They contrasted this situation with reverent descriptions of the high-street market by selecting innovative sustainable behaviours
past in which consumption was slower and localized and consum- that have little to do with current industry definitions of such
ers could come face to face with producers (cf. Thompson and sustainable offerings as recycled textiles, organic materials or eco
Arsel, 2004). At the same time, their conceptualizations of sus- labels. Rather, as Moisander (2007) suggests, our participants
tainability hinge greatly on perceived transparency, something create their own definitions of sustainable fashion consumption
they deem nearly impossible when dealing with large retailers (cf. amidst the confusion and contradictions.

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In addition, despite the expected overlap in many participants’ sumption pioneers reported ‘zero binning’ of their used clothing.
behaviours, we were able to identify two slightly divergent groups: The most commonly cited means for removing clothing from the
those who ‘consume less/consume better’ (CLCB) and those who wardrobe at the end of use were giving clothing to charity shops or
practice ‘second-hand/DIY’ (2DIY). The CLCB group described friends or organized clothing swaps.
their sustainable consumption behaviour as purchasing fewer but
higher quality goods from artisanal or small producers rather than
from mass retailers on the high street. Their consumption princi-
Discussion
ples are thus similar to those professed in the voluntary simplifier For researchers, the fashion industry and consumers alike, the term
and slow fashion consumer movements (e.g. Cherrier, 2009; ‘sustainable fashion’ remains ill-defined, confusing and paradoxi-
Fournier, 1998). The 2DIY group, in contrast, reported exclusively cal. The 10 participants interviewed for this study, however, appear
purchasing second-hand garments or making their own garments, to have overcome the inherent tension and complexity by forging
behaviours also reported in Connell’s (2011) research on eco- their own conception, a fuzzy notion of sustainable fashion that is
conscious fashion consumption behaviour and Portwood-Stacer’s compelled and shaped by motivational and contextual factors
(2012) study of anti-consumption activists. rather than distinct industry notions of sustainability. For them, as
Most important to the CLCB group reported to ‘consuming for other ethically minded consumers (Kozinets and Handelman,
less’ and buying from trustworthy retailers, which they judge a 2004; Thompson and Arsel, 2004; Cherrier, 2009; Black and
form of sustainable consumption. Several reported appeasing their Cherrier, 2010), sustainability is as much about reducing measur-
desire to consume by ‘shopping in their own closets’, by able environmental or social impact as it is about incorporating
re-discovering and re-imagining clothing already owned. When broader concepts through which to achieve goals beyond the pro-
they do shop, they use other information sources (e.g. place of environmental or ethical, including freedom, uniqueness, resist-
origin) as sustainability indicators. Elena, for instance, first ance, authenticity, trust and well-being. As such their reported
searches retailers’ web sites for content on the company’s sustain- behaviour works outside the confines of the high-street fashion
ability initiatives and then uses in-store information–particularly system, with them appropriating their own notions of sustainable
tags and labels – to determine where the item was made: ‘If it says fashion based on these deeper goals.
Bangladesh or Cambodia, that is not a good sign’. Price also Many of the respondents’ definitions seem clearly driven by the
serves as a sustainability indicator, with very low prices immedi- perceived disconnect between ‘sustainability’ and ‘fashion’, the
ately discounted as unsustainable. As regard fabric content, first defined in terms of ‘endurance’, ‘the long term’ and ‘con-
although the issue was mentioned, in line with the problem inher- scious decisions’; the second unanimously vilified as conveying
ent in identifying the most sustainable fabric choices (Fletcher, ‘waste’, ‘transience’ and ‘dictation’. The participants apparently
2008), their feelings on what constitutes ‘more sustainable’ behav- mediate the tension between these two concepts by invoking the
iour were mixed, possibly because of the knowledge conundrum. notion of personal style as a source of sustainability, a notion that
The 2DIY group, in contrast, expends less effort on determining carries deeper meanings of uniqueness and freedom. Consistent
clothing’s sustainable features and avoids the associated tedium with earlier findings on consumer motivations to engage in sus-
and conflict by exiting the fashion system, which seemingly leads tainability (Connolly and Prothero, 2008; Black and Cherrier,
to less guilt over consumption frequency. Instead, they spend 2010), personal style serves as both a strategy for and a desired
much of their time rummaging through second-hand bins or outcome of sustainable consumption, allowing them to bypass the
sewing and designing their own clothing. Their exit from the pitfalls of modern consumption while achieving greater goals of
system seemed to allow for less guilt over their consumption non-conformity and distinction.
frequency. Chloe, for example, reported sewing her own clothing For the sustainable fashion consumption pioneers, the same
exclusively but without purchasing any fabric in a year because it structural barriers that impede sustainable consumption have
has ‘become commercialized’. Rather, she makes herself new become part of the sustainability definition, so that their acts of
garments weekly out of used scraps. Likewise, Sharon reported sustainability embody a form of resistance to seemingly
that since she had begun purchasing used, she has felt less con- unsurpassable systemic barriers. All participants posited, for
stricted by the notion of less and no longer feels the guilt associ- example, that reduced consumption is the only true way to achieve
ated with her high-street purchases. sustainability but a near impossibility in a profit-fuelled context.
Interestingly, although many recent lifecycle assessments have They have thus modified their sustainable fashion consumption
identified garment care – washing, tumble drying and dry cleaning behaviours to resist the system, abandoning traditional means of
– as a key contributor to fashion’s total environmental footprint fashion consumption in favour of alternative options like second-
(Fletcher, 2008), this issue was conspicuously absent from most hand shopping or small local retailers. Hence, whereas other
interviews. Rather, the interviewees conceptualized ‘sustainable research reports similar acts of consumption avoidance to achieve
fashion’ as a way of purchasing clothing – not caring for it. When a greater societal goal (e.g. Kozinets and Handelman, 2004), in our
questioned specifically about laundering clothes, they expressed study, the notion of sustainability reflects a more subtle and less
varying degrees of concern, with several limiting the numbers of confrontational means of staging resistance. This brings and inher-
washes to prolong the life of their clothing but only two reporting ent tension in the mass adoption of sustainable fashion and the
the use of a tumble dryer. These actions hint at sustainable behav- current motivations to engage in practices. Once larger market
iours other than those witnessed in the mainstream. logics engage in the discourse, as Murray (2002) suggests, there is
Additionally, in contrast to recent research evidence that the distinct possibility that sustainable fashion consumption pio-
Western consumers typically throw away an abundance of clothing neers will no longer feel the freedom the market this mode of
items (Birtwistle and Moore, 2007), our sustainable fashion con- consumption allowed them.

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Trust and authenticity are also inextricably linked to our par- able fashion consumption pioneers’ conceptualization, behav-
ticipants’ notion of sustainability: the ideology that a company ioural strategies as well as contextual and motivational factors
should engage in sustainability for itself rather than for profit or outweigh these limitations. This study demonstrates the utility of
other self-interested motives was implicit in most interviews. As a drawing on different strands of consumer research that has the
result, the participants view the sustainability efforts of large high- potential to offer additional and alternative insights into sustain-
street retailers as opportunistic but attribute a halo of legitimacy to able consumption.
small and local retailers (see also Holt, 2002). These perceptions,
however, appear to have less to do with environmental impact or
statistics than with intuitive emotional associations of sustainabil-
Conclusions
ity. Hence, our respondents, seeing sustainability as less of a In particular, our findings raise larger questions about the current
measure and more of a holistic path, discount many retailer recy- state of sustainable fashion. If the underpinnings of fashion –
cling schemes or efforts to offer organic or recycled textiles as ‘not transience, seasonality and change – continue to dominate, it is
enough’ or ‘questionable’. unlikely that consumers will find consonance with their percep-
Yet interestingly, despite this disregard for companies who tions of sustainability. At the same time, many aspects associated
engage in self-interested sustainable actions, the participants’ own with the notion of fashion are crucial to the adoption of more
sustainable behaviour is not necessarily sacrificial or altruistic. sustainable fashion behaviours. Aesthetics, novelty and creativity,
Rather, they find pleasure, joy and well-being in their sustainable for example, were all cited as reasons for engaging in fashion
consumption activities (see also Szmigin and Carrigan, 2005; consumption, and rather than abandoning such pleasures, the par-
Soper, 2007; Thompson and Coskuner-Balli, 2007), which implies ticipants have found new ways to satisfy these needs by invoking
a double standard. As a result, they are less concerned with the personal style. It therefore seems that, as long as industry attempts
resources typically implicated in constraining sustainable con- at sustainability are linked to fabric selection or recycling rather
sumption; for example, time and finances. than pleasure and self-expression, limited engagement is likely to
persist. That is, as long as sustainability efforts fail to consider the
unsustainable logic of the fashion system, consumers are unlikely
Study limitations and future research to accept these innovations as viable alternatives.
Our study is, of course, subject to certain limitations. First, as Overall, therefore, our findings offer a valuable opportunity to
often occurs with socially desirable behaviour, participant re-calibrate and re-position the current discourse on sustainable
responses can reveal discrepancies between reported and actual fashion with particular regard to the disconnect in meanings
behaviour. Their public roles as bloggers, for example, could between ‘fashion’ and ‘sustainability’. By reducing the associa-
potentially compel them to report a certain type of behaviour tions with the transient fashion system and instead invoking the
consistent with their public persona, and the nature of the online participant notions of style, the seeming contradiction perceived
context and geographic limitations prevents validation of their by many consumers can be mitigated. Our research suggests that
claims. This research, therefore, should be seen as an expression of the notion of style engenders similar sentiments to those captured
how sustainable fashion consumption pioneers perceive sustain- by the ethical food movement (Thompson and Coskuner-Balli,
able fashion consumption not as an account of sustainable behav- 2007), which emphasizes the ‘good choice’ as the pleasurable one.
iours actually witnessed. Nevertheless, the information is valuable This re-calibration may be particularly important if sustainable
in that it identifies what sustainable fashion consumption pioneers fashion is to become less of a niche phenomenon and more widely
perceive as important when discussing sustainable fashion con- adopted in the mainstream. Our findings also suggest that the
sumption online. emotional associations of trust and authenticity rank as more sus-
Second, the methodological approach employed has several tainable than impact measures or eco labels. Such valuation,
limitations. The data encompass only the self-reported behaviours although it may well be related to the complexity and contradic-
of a small sample of highly selected consumers and, thus, does not tion inherent in sustainability, can equally be interpreted as a
address the motivations and contextual facilitators or barriers reaction to the perception that many companies or businesses
reported for other important consumer groups. Yet by investigating engage in sustainability efforts only for self-interested gain and
such an extreme group with a passive netnographic approach, we profit. This self-interest, whether measurably sustainable or not,
have gained valuable knowledge about the creative ways in which minimizes the perceived efforts, thereby calling into question the
sustainable fashion consumption pioneers conceptualize and actu- oft-cited ‘business case’ for sustainability. This doubt is increased
ally live ‘sustainable fashion’, as well as their primary motivations by the fact that although the companies themselves extol the
that guide them. These exploratory findings help provide insight virtues of the ‘win-win’ scenario of increasing profits by increas-
for future research that may engage in larger scale studies or look ing sustainability, our participants apparently see the two as likely
in depth at other segments of fashion consumers with regard to to diminish one another. Such a perception makes for a complex
sustainable behaviour. situation in which it is precarious for any large profit-driven
Third, the aims of the study combined with the data gained company to communicate sustainability.
through the methodological approach led to themes that some- One interesting question remains, however: if sustainability
times draw on consumer behaviour approaches and other times on efforts by large multinationals are perceived as meaningless and
consumer culture theory. Thus, we draw on both strands of litera- sustainable fashion consumption facilitates the need for freedom
ture to interpret the findings that truly have some limitation of and uniqueness, how can the sustainability agenda actually make
linking these two approaches. However, the benefits in terms of an impact on fashion? Pragmatically, achieving large-scale
interpreting the findings and gaining a broader picture of sustain- change requires mainstream adoption of sustainable fashion

International Journal of Consumer Studies 39 (2015) 125–135 133

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Sustainable fashion consumption pioneers study S. Bly et al.

consumerism, a change that large multinational companies must Fournier, S. (1998) Consumer resistance: societal motivations, consumer
help drive. Yet although those interviewed seemed very interested manifestations, and implications in the marketing domain. Advances
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Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research. Aldine de Gruyter, New
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York.
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consumer culture and branding. Journal of Consumer Research, 29,
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