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PSPAJ Vol15Supp1 10 Template+Aditi

The document discusses India's green energy diplomacy in the context of climate and energy security in the post-Covid-19 world, emphasizing the country's shift towards renewable energy sources. It highlights India's role as a leader in the Global South, advocating for international cooperation and financing to address climate challenges while reducing reliance on fossil fuels. The paper aims to analyze India's domestic and international commitments to renewable energy and its efforts to bridge the North-South divide in climate diplomacy.

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
36 views30 pages

PSPAJ Vol15Supp1 10 Template+Aditi

The document discusses India's green energy diplomacy in the context of climate and energy security in the post-Covid-19 world, emphasizing the country's shift towards renewable energy sources. It highlights India's role as a leader in the Global South, advocating for international cooperation and financing to address climate challenges while reducing reliance on fossil fuels. The paper aims to analyze India's domestic and international commitments to renewable energy and its efforts to bridge the North-South divide in climate diplomacy.

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mabek2016
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วารสารรัฐศาสตรและรัฐประศาสนศาสตร ปที่ 15 ฉบับเพิ่มเติม 1 (มกราคม-มิถุนายน 2567): 217-246

Green Energy Diplomacy in the Post Covid-19 World:


India’s Efforts towards Climate and Energy Security
in the Global South
Aditi Basu 1
Received: 31 May 2024
Revised: 24 June 2024
Accepted: 25 June 2024

Abstract
India currently faces a situation where economic growth and citizens' welfare
depend on factors like access to energy. Under these circumstances, it becomes
critical to examine the need of renewable energy in India. With its commitments
on dealing with climate security issues and its own Nationally Determined
Contributions, India now banks on clean and renewable sources of energy as the
best option available at its disposal. Amidst the Covid-19 and the ongoing Russia-
Ukraine conflict, energy security has, therefore, become the key concern of India’s
foreign policy. India’s excessive reliance on coal and petroleum led to its increase
in emissions generating environmental havocs. To avert these crises, India is
boosting up its renewable energy sector as the best option for a sustainable future.
It has also taken progressive steps in the promotion of renewable energy through
multilateral partnerships like the International Solar Alliance. At the 27th
Conference of Parties (CoP-27) held in Egypt in 2022, India stated how it had
achieved great heights in RE through its updating of the Nationally Determined
Contributions in August 2022. Therefore, the paper answers an important question
in the literature on renewable energy politics: “In which ways has India linked
climate diplomacy with energy security after Covid-19 through the promotion of
renewable sources at the international and national levels?” The paper is
significant for researchers to view India’s role as a Global South climate leader in
a post-pandemic world order by bridging the Global South and the global north
divide through renewable sources promotion. The paper also explores the close
relationship between climate change and energy security, especially in a post
Covid-19 world, where climate change and energy crises are no more national
issues but global issues.
Keywords Global South, Loss and Damage Fund, Panchamrit, Renewable
Energy, Net-Zero

1
India-based Independent Researcher, India. E-mail: [email protected]
Green Energy Diplomacy in the Post Covid-19 World • Aditi Basu

1. Introduction
The GS, in the 21st century, faces challenges of meeting the energy needs
of growing population with “limited sources” where sustainability, climate issues
and waste management are often compromised (Gavankar, 2023). Hence, a post-
pandemic world has “renewed” its focus on RE and climate-resilient infrastructure
in four sectors, namely, RE, electric vehicles, green buildings and waste
management (Gavankar, 2023). Since decades, it has been witnessed that the GS
bears the burden of increasing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions due to rampant
anthropocentric activities which makes them vulnerable to climate disasters like
earthquakes, droughts, sea-level rise that result in widespread population
displacement, thereby, threatening the socio-economic development of a nation.
This was the central argument of the United Nations (UN) 27th Conference of
Parties (CoP) (See Footnote 6) held at Sharm-el-Sheikh, Egypt in 2023 which was
concluded with an “extended period of negotiations”. Although critics opine that
it failed to arrive at concrete decisions on fossil fuels’ phase-down, it argued for
the establishment of a Loss-and-Damage (L&D) fund framework that would be
financed by the world’s “historical emitters”, that is, the Global North (GN) 2 who
have been contributing to an overall increase in GHG emissions because of which
the crunch of climate disasters is being borne by the GS. Henceforth, it was
decided that the GN would “compensate” the GS for its environmental disasters
by bearing the responsibility of transferring climate finance to the L&D fund.
India had been long advocating for the L&D fund that would finance infrastructure
rebuilding and economic recovery in the disaster-struck GS countries. Such global
initiatives reflect India’s important role in negotiating climate change mitigation
strategies as a GS country which is one of the world’s fastest growing economies.
As the world struggles through an energy crisis, it looks up to RE to meet
its rising demands. With the Russo-Ukraine conflict further pushing up fuel prices
since 2022 (Kolaczkowski, 2022), the global energy crisis has “motivated nations”
(International Energy Agency, 2022) to switch over to renewables like solar and
wind electricity that reduce imports costs and meet energy demands. International
Energy Agency (IEA) Director Mr. Fatih Birol states that quick expansion of
renewables has “kicked an extraordinary new phase of even faster growth”
(International Energy Agency, 2022) with the world set to increase its RE capacity
within the upcoming five years at a rate equivalent to that of the last 20 years, with

2
The Global North comprises of the western world with countries like Canada, Israel, Russia,
Turkey, United Kingdom, United States of America and the entire European continent with Asian
and Pacific countries like Australia, Hong Kong, Japan, Macau, New Zealand, Singapore, South
Korea and Taiwan (Japan and South Korea are the only Asian countries that do not form the Global
South). They are characterised by high income levels, economic development, political education,
industrialisation, existence of human rights, minimum socio-economic disparities and wealthier
than the Global South countries. Some of the nations share a history of being colonisers if Global
South which has been historically responsible for the existing inequalities (Worldatlas.com, 2022)

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wind and solar energy projects contributing to 90 percent of the total RE capacity
over the next five years. While Europe and USA show “emerging diversification
signs” in solar photovoltaic (PV) projects, India, as an emerging economy, has set
an example for the GS in boosting RE through its ambitious climate targets
through renewables to achieve net-zero 3. Such targets would enable India to
achieve its multidimensional goals of climate change mitigation strategy, energy
security, import costs reduction, waste management and employment generation.
However, since the late 20th century, India’s “renewed focus” on climate
change can be found through measures like electricity generation from wastes and
switching over to renewables that reduce its reliance on conventional fuel sources.
This has been accelerated during Covid-19 when global supply chains were
disrupted that affected universal access to electricity, especially in the GS (World
Health Organisation, 2022). It is in this backdrop that India has widened its global
outreach to solve both climate and energy security multilaterally through its
grassroots' level ratification of international climate commitments. Such an
opportunity is offered by G-20 (Group of 20) 4 whose presidency was wielded by
India between December 2022 and November 2023 respectively. Of late, India
has become an inspiration for both the GN and the GS, given its ambitious climate
targets and their achievement before deadlines, thereby, offering the lowest prices
of solar-powered renewables and green hydrogen at competitive prices globally
(ET Energyworld, 2023a) which attract foreign investors and set an example of
sustainable development. Such achievements prove India’s potential in leading
global RE projects which adds to employment opportunities, strengthens
economies and enables it to become a global exporter of RE. After India, with
Brazil and South Africa all set to assume G-20 presidency, the world’s geopolitics
shows a shift of focus from the GN to the emergence of the GS for investment and
L&D fund mobilisation, climate and energy security (Nodo, 2022). India’s South-
South cooperation on these issues is instrumental for the GN since the GS is a
fertile ground for solar energy production, given its geographical location in the
Tropic of Cancer (Rongmei, 2022). Thus, India’s clean energy strategies call for
sustainable urbanisation, innovative low-emission industrial system, energy and
carbon-free transportation through innovations in solar, wind and hydro power
projects, green hydrogen along with green fuel manufacture. As a growing
economy of the GS, energy security and stability remains on India’s forefront
which it aims to fulfil through renewables as it needs to secure 50 percent of its

3
The term “net-zero” means reducing emissions to a minimum. It aims to limit temperature rise
by greenhouse gas emissions reduction by cutting down coal consumption, switching over to
renewables, efficient waste management strategies, afforestation measures and promoting e-
vehicles usage. While the EU aims to achieve net-zero by 2050, India targets to achieve it by 2070.
4
Formed in 1999, the Group of 20 (or G-20) is an organisation of world’s largest economies from
both Global North and South including 19 countries and the European Union. It addresses global
issues like climate change, energy crisis, financial stability and sustainable development.

219
Green Energy Diplomacy in the Post Covid-19 World • Aditi Basu

energy requirements from them by 2030 (ET Energyworld, 2023a). At this stage,
what India needs is finance and technology transfer from the GN countries to
address its climate and RE targets as reiterated by the L&D fund and such targets
will drive international cooperation towards achieving RE targets (ET
Energyworld, 2023a). It is since 2014 that the Indian economy is the world’s
fastest growing energy hub (PIB, MNRE, 2022b) in terms of “renewable capacity
transition” (Anand, 2023) to have achieved 40 percent of its installed electricity
capacity through renewables in 2021, nine years before its deadline that indicates
its ambitious and consistent global efforts towards net-zero.
Therefore, the paper is divided into two broad sections: in the first section,
it talks of India’s role as a vital GS nation in bridging the North-South divide and
allowing each country to explore avenues in RE promotion, so that all are mutually
benefited in terms of meeting net-zero goals, tackling rising energy requirements
and climate challenges. It explains how the GN is responsible for GS’ climate
challenges and how it can collectively work for securing the GS’ future through
fund transfer like the L&D fund, while in the second section, it focuses on how
India has achieved RE transition at the national and local levels by bridging
climate challenges and energy security with a focus on its various schemes and
initiatives. The analysis of India’s green energy projects calls for a case study to
highlight its role in renewables promotion for emission reduction and energy
security through self reliance that transforms its global image from a GS coal-
based economy to an emerging GS climate and RE leader.

2. Objectives
(1) to analyse India’s role as a GS climate leader in bridging the North-
South divide and opening avenues for greater cooperation through RE promotion;
(2) to analyse India’s national and domestic RE commitments through its
initiatives that link its climate goals with green energy.

3. Methodology
This paper highlights India’s vision for attaining its international climate
goals through multilateral cooperation and setting up of RE projects at the
domestic level. Based on qualitative research sources like reports by the
international organisations and the Indian government, conceptual analysis of
terms like Global South 5 and North, CBDR, net-zero and Panchamrit, is applied

5
Global South broadly refers to the developing and underdeveloped countries of Latin America,
Africa and Asia where the world’s highest population resides (mostly, in the Tropics) excluding
Israel, Japan and South Korea. The region is characterised by low-income, high poverty levels,
poor educational and healthcare facilities, dense population and political or cultural
marginalisation (Arbab, 2019). These have been historically subjected to European colonialism

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as a framework to analyse the role of RE as an alternative to petroleum in India’s


climate diplomacy and to address the GS’ climate challenges articulated at macro
to micro levels in the post Covid-19 world order. While content analysis is often
applied in discourses of India’s international climate negotiations, this research
offers a novel insight into rethinking a link between climate change and energy
security that emphasises the role of RE in India’s commitments towards attaining
net-zero. The research uses qualitative method analysis in an exploratory case
study to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the North-South divide,
the GN’s historic responsibilities towards the GS, India’s role as a GS climate
leader in bridging the divide and its domestic initiatives that call for multilateral
cooperation to meet global commitments. It has collected data through a literature
review using political and economic approaches. Secondary data has been
obtained by analysing government reports, articles, books, research papers,
journal chapters, websites and newspapers. Official reports uploaded in
government sites have been studied. The methods allow a better understanding of
the relationship between India and the globe in RE diplomacy in the 21st century,
in general, and in the post-pandemic world, in particular.
The main official sources can be best demonstrated through the following
table:

Table 1: Sources used in the research


Levels Official Sources
International/Global International Energy Agency (2022), World Population
Review (2023) and World Health Organisation
Departmental News (2022)
National/Domestic Reports and data released by the Government of India
through the Press Information Bureau (Cabinet, Ministry
of External Affairs, Ministry of Environment Forest and
Climate Change, Ministry of New and Renewable Energy,
Ministry of Consumer Affairs, Food & Public Distribution
and Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas) between
2020 and 2023
Source: Author

and, until recently, they were not industrialised because they sustained their livelihood on
agricultural practices.

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Green Energy Diplomacy in the Post Covid-19 World • Aditi Basu

4. Literature Review
While there are numerous studies examining India’s climate and green
energy diplomacy in specific fields such as green hydrogen, biofuels, solar and
other forms of RE, a comprehensive examination of India’s holistic alignment
strategies between climate challenges and energy security as a GS country is
noticeably absent from the existing literature. The literature possesses India’s
diplomatic strategies in bringing the GS and the GN together at the international
level and RE transition initiatives at the domestic level which significantly
influences its global standing. Moreover, the literature review reveals a crucial
gap in the understanding of intrinsic ways by which India has bridged the North-
South divide through climate and RE diplomacy by aligning its domestic goals
with the global ones, especially in the post Covid-19 world order. In this paper,
the term “climate diplomacy” and “renewable energy diplomacy” have been
repeatedly used to talk of India’s negotiations, discussions and deliberations on
global platforms and through bilateral agreements to to stress the need of RE as a
vital climate change and energy crisis mitigation strategy that needs to be
implemented on joint basis through technological know-how and finances from
the GN and cheap labour, land and other natural resources readily available in the
GS.
Existing studies predominantly focus on India’s policy discussions and
deliberations on the global stage, neglecting the comprehensive analysis of
internal policies leading to their landmark achievements that draw parallels with
India’s efforts as a GS climate leader. Therefore, there is a pressing research gap
calling for a more nuanced approach to study the alignment of India’s international
commitments with its domestic ones after Covid-19. This approach should
consider both the internal and external dimensions of these strategies,
encompassing the distinct diplomatic, political, social and economic aspects of
each initiative. By filling this gap and adopting a multi-dimensional approach, this
research aims to shed light on the comprehensive and interconnected factors of
climate change and energy crisis that shape the international dynamics and
domestic initiatives of India. India’s climate diplomacy, originally started by the
former Indian Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi in the 1980s to highlight the GS’
climate challenges caused primarily by the GN nations since colonialism, has been
continually applied while India has voiced the GS’ climate challenges to
counteract the GN’s stakes. However, it has also been meticulously studied by the
scholars in the domains of climate finance and energy security.
For example, Mohan (2017) highlights India’s evolution in climate politics
from being a 'protest voice' to one who shapes its own ways to combat climate
change as a ‘subset of its foreign policy agenda'. He analyses the active drivers of
India’s climate negotiations and argues that the shifts in India’s stance in climate
change negotiations have resulted in its 'greater responsibility in the management

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of global commons'. In the end, he concludes by saying that India’s geopolitical


strategies have shifted towards pragmatism which is reflected in its engagement
in climate negotiations. His paper analyses gradual changing roles of India in
climate politics internationally but all in a pre-pandemic context. On the other
hand, Thaker and Leiserowitz (2014) have written that India’s concerns about
environmental degradation, energy crisis, climate vulnerable and its ambitious
climate goals have led to a “plurality of discourses” highlighting its “potential
implications”. They describe India’s approach to climate diplomacy as the one
centred on “co-benefits” that is progressed by the existence of different non-
governmental institutions. Climate change has become a “discursive weapon” for
the grassroots organisations who try to “reinforce and amplify their critique of
Indian government's developmental policies” and that the policies involve a
“closed-door” legislation. However, little does their paper focus on India’s
achievements as a GS country in climate diplomacy in a post-pandemic world.
While this literature cover interesting and crucial themes, they fail to offer a
holistic approach. Hence, this article seeks to provide a broader lens through
examining internal and external dimensions from political, socio-economic and
diplomatic considerations. On a positive note, this set of literature has accentuated
the saliency of India’s diplomatic and national strategies for the GS countries.
However, none has focused on the implications for bridging the North-South
divide on other GS countries and on India, in specific. Besides, as these scholarly
works place greater emphasis on external factors in foreign policy adjustments,
there is a neglect in the examination of India’s adherence to the Panchamrit
strategies while analysing its diplomatic execution of domestic climate and RE
strategies. Besides, these issue-based researches do not comprehensively consider
the multiplicity of political, economic, societal and diplomatic factors. Hence, this
article aims to fill the lacuna by adopting a parallel diplomatic-domestic approach
to the study of holistic climate change challenges and RE strategies of India.

5. Bridging the North-South Divide


India, as a GS country, houses 20 percent of the global population
(Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, 2022) and has been prone to climate
catastrophes, given its geopolitical strategic location in the tropical South Asia.
This makes climate a global common and requires the responsible action of
bridging the North-South divide to mitigate its disastrous effects, constituting the
global public good. Having clearly articulated its position in acknowledging the
“historical responsibility of the North” for its emissions (Dubash, 2013), India, in
its climate negotiations at the United Nations Framework Convention for Climate
Change (UNFCCC) 6 Rio Summit in 1992, urged the GN to strengthen its financial

6
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is an international
environmental treaty adopted at the Rio Summit of 2992 to combat GHG emissions in climate

223
Green Energy Diplomacy in the Post Covid-19 World • Aditi Basu

and technologies' framework (Dasgupta, 2012) in assisting the GS as climate crisis


reparations. It led to the formulation of “an equitable agenda”, thereby,
institutionalising the “Common but Differentiated Responsibilities” 7 (CBDR)
principles (Hurrell & Sengupta, 2012) (Thaker & Leiserowitz, 2014). As India’s
first diplomatic victory, the GN's responsibility was further channelised in the
1997 Kyoto Protocol which confirmed its initiatives of reducing their emissions
while India and other GS nations were exempted from bearing the burden of
climate change mitigation costs. The world’s largest democracy has, of late, been
an “emerging economic power” 8 and adhered to the principle of CBDR, the
definition of which was further elaborated at the CoP- 25 (PIB Delhi, 2019) in
Madrid in which India reiterated its claims that the GN was primarily responsible
for the ecological damages caused to the GS nations because of the former’s rapid
industrialisation and that it should take a lead in making up for the damages by
“fulfilling climate finance commitments” of 100 billion dollars annually by 2020.
These indicate the GN’s “deeper pockets of responsibilities” (Oguntuase, 2023)
to fulfil “pre-2020 commitments” that stands for the promises to be fulfilled by
the it under the Kyoto Protocol, leading to the establishment of the loss-and-
damage (L&D) fund mechanism (also known as the Warsaw International
Mechanism) (UNFCCC, 2016) during the CoP-21 in 2015. However, the L&D
fund was formally agreed to by the GN nations at the CoP-27 held at Sharm-el-

change. It lays down several policy agreements to check climate change, ensure food security and
sustainable economic development. Its yearly conferences are called Conference of Parties (CoPs)
where members meet annually to discuss progresses on climate change mitigation strategies.
7
The CBDR principle, the first international legal instrument advocated in UNFCCC Rio Summit
of 1992 to address climate change, states that all nations are obliged to address environmental
destruction and climate change, however, the obligations are not equal. The developed world,
being the most industrialised, responsible for climate change which allows less opportunities for
the developing countries to industrialise. Hence, the developed world should pay compensation
for the damages incurred and reduce their industrial emissions, hence, allowing the Global South
for industrialisation.
8
The world’s economic hegemony seems to shift “from west to the east” and it is expected that
by 2030, the top three economies of the world shall be China, India and Japan, all being Asian.
According to reports by Morgan Stanley, India is currently the world’s sixth largest economy and
is the fastest growing economy in the world. It is predicted to take over Japan in Asia with its
second largest projected GDP exceeding 8.4 trillion dollars and might also exceed that of Germany
and UK in the world by 2030. Consequently, its per capita income is expected to cross 15 thousand
dollars by 2047 with its GDP exceeding 26 trillion dollars. It shall become a global manufacturing
and technology hub to diversify its supply chains, owing to its investment-attracting policies and
reforms, renewable energy transitions, digitalised infrastructure, sustainable transition procedures
and global competitiveness. Many Multinational Corporations (MNCs) look towards India as “an
investment destination” with its “entrepreneurial, English-speaking and digitally literate” working-
age population exceeding 900 million. Therefore, in the post-pandemic world, the World Bank,
IMF and the Global Consulting Firms claim that India “is on the verge of becoming an important
world economic power in the near future” (Deshpande, 2023) because of which it can be called an
“emerging economic power”.

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Sheikh when India reiterated on an L&D framework that focuses on “the inclusion
of 1.5°C temperature limit” (Harvey & Goldenberg, 2015) for the GS through the
co-operation of the GN which was responsible for climate change and
environmental catastrophes in the GS and, therefore, would “compensate
vulnerable countries suffering from climate change” (Wyns, 2022). Thus, India
was seen as a “cooperative” (Oguntuase, 2021), a negotiating partner and a
“climate-enthusiast” that “staked” (Oguntuase, 2021) the GS' claims of “climate
reparations” which the GN owes to the GS. It indicates India’s “renewed focus”
on climate change through measures like reducing reliance on conventional fuel
sources and switching over to renewables which has been accelerated during
Covid-19 when global supply chains were disrupted that affected universal access
to electricity, especially in the GS (World Health Organisation, 2022). It is in this
backdrop that India has widened its global outreach to solve both climate and
energy security multilaterally through its “grassroots' level ratification” of
international climate commitments. Such an opportunity is offered by the G-20
which was presided over by India between 2022 and 2023 through which it
inspired both the GN and the GS with its ambitious climate targets and their
achievement before deadlines by offering the lowest prices of solar-powered
renewables and green hydrogen at competitive prices globally (ET Energyworld,
2023a). These prove India’s potential in leading global RE projects which adds to
employment opportunities, strengthens economies and enables it to become a
global exporter of RE by attracting global energy players to invest in India’s RE
projects that are mutually beneficial.
India announced that it had already achieved its first set of Intended
Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs), according to the Paris Agreement
in 2015 that aimed towards achieving its 40 percent of its cumulative electric
power requirements from non-fossil fuel sources and “reducing its emissions
intensity of GDP by 33 to 35 percent” (PIB Delhi, 2022c) by 2030 as compared
to 2005 levels. However, it achieved its targets of fulfilling 40 percent of its
installed electricity from renewables in 2021 (seven years before the deadline) that
prove India’s pursuit of advocating the “energy-economy” dichotomy through
Mission LiFE (Lifestyle for Environment) and the five-fold Panchamrit 9 (Down
To Earth, 2021) strategy, focused on renewables. Hence, in 2022, India updated
its INDCs submitted to the UNFCCC through the achievement of the Panchamrit

9
The Panchamrit principles (five nectar elements of India’s renewable energy goals towards net-
zero) were announced by PM Modi at CoP-26 in 2021. A mixture of five natural foods like milk,
ghee, honey, curd and jaggery, the Panchamrit is traditionally offered to Gods in Hinduism and
Jainism and as a medicine in Ayurveda. Therefore, the Panchamrit principles reflect India’s pious
ambitions towards net-zero. These include attaining net-zero by 2070, obtaining 500 gigawatts of
renewable energy, meeting 50 percent of its energy requirements from non-fossil fuels, reduce its
projected carbon emissions by one million tonnes and reduce the carbon intensity by 45 percent
within 2030.

225
Green Energy Diplomacy in the Post Covid-19 World • Aditi Basu

goals announced at CoP-26 in Glasgow to reach net-zero by 2070. It indicates an


increased emission intensity upto 45 percent of its GDP to be reduced (10 percent
more than its previous INDCs) and upto 50 percent of its cumulative electric
power installed capacity from non-fossil fuels (10 percent more than what was
outlined in its previous INDC clauses) by 2030 which articulate its continuous
adherence to the principle of CBDR with Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC)
and its commitments towards net-zero through clean energy initiatives. However,
it is to be noted that India’s updated framework needs more technological know-
how and more investments to increase RE manufacturing and low emission
products like electric vehicles and green hydrogen which enhance employment
opportunities for the local population at the grassroots level and international
exports, at the macro level. To sum up, at this stage, what India needs is finance
and technology transfer from the GN to address its climate and RE targets as
delineated by the L&D fund which will drive greater international cooperation
towards achieving RE targets.
In a post-pandemic world, energy crisis has led to a climate change-green
energy dichotomy (Oguntuase, 2021) especially in the GS, which requires
collaboration between investments, projects, rapid industrial decarbonisation
measures and transition towards renewables. Such collaborations between the GN
and the GS are based on “long lasting concerns” about the anthropocene, leading
to the emergence of the global climate action and energy security regime.
Therefore, the emergence of a tripartite relationship involving climate change,
emission reduction and energy security through renewables is clearly indicated by
the presence of multilateral partnerships like the India-led International Solar
Alliance (ISA) (Hristova & Chankova, 2020) and the European Union (EU)10
Green Deal. However, India’s entry into the United Nations Security Council
(UNSC) as a non-permanent member marked the birth of “a reformed
multilateralism” (Vachhatani, 2020) as outlined by its “Five-S” vision of
“Samman” (respect), “Samvaad” (dialogue), “Sahyog” (cooperation), “Shaanti”
(peace) and “Samriddhi” (global prosperity) which are reflected in its foundation
of multilateral organisations like the ISA. Born under India’s ambitious “One Sun,
One World, One Grid” (OSOWOG) at the CoP-21 in 2015, the ISA reiterates
India’s importance as a global leader in solar energy promotion by displaying the
potential of the “sunshine countries” or the Suryaputras (the countries lying fully
or partially between the Tropics” (Oguntuase, 2021). Since its inception, France
has partnered with India in the ISA that has strengthened the ties between the two
and furthered deep engagement in the post-pandemic era through technological

10
The European Union (EU) is a political and economic organisation of 27 European countries.
Headquartered in Brussels (Belgium), the EU, which was initially founded for establishing
economic and monetary union of countries which have euro as their official currency, has, of late,
been vocal in RE projects with Indian cooperation, especially, through multilateral platforms like
the ISA.

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transfer on solar, wind, hydrogen and biomass energy in a post-pandemic world


(PIB Delhi, 2021). Therefore, it is to be noted that the ISA promotes solar energy
as a viable renewable through cooperation, technology transfer and financial
investments to achieve net-zero targets globally that consequently leads to
emission reduction, an increase in employment opportunities and improved
energy access to the rural livelihoods which is set to make energy “affordable and
universally accessible by 2030” (Oguntuase, 2021). It reflects India’s pragmatic
multilateral engagement in RE is reflected in its leadership in the ISA, adhering
to its 5-S principles and elevating its international status as an emerging global RE
hub that connects both the GN and the GS.
Similarly, with India having gained G-20 presidency for 2023, it is
gradually undergoing a transition towards solar energy deployment and green
hydrogen development. Being one of the countries to have achieved Paris
Agreement targets, it is expected that India shall fulfil 80 to 85 percent of its
energy requirements from renewables by 2050, before which India has already
committed to fulfil 40 percent by 2030. Adhering to its CoP-27 long-term low-
emission development strategy on natural resources utilisation for energy security,
India requires 6 million tonnes of hydrogen to produce ammonia and methanol for
industries, refineries and agricultural industry annually which is expected to
increase upto 28 million tonnes by 2050. India’s G-20 leadership in 2023 has
various implications: on one hand, it is committed to mitigating climate challenge
by emission control and, on the other hand, tackling energy security challenges in
the GS to provide affordable RE that ensures clean energy transition. This includes
collective efforts by the ISA, the ASEAN and the BIMSTEC members as well as
international organisations like the IEA, United Nations Economic and Social
Commission for the Asia and Pacific (UNESCAP) 11 and the Organisation of the
Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
It has inspired the GN for a RE transition, especially the EU that needs to
achieve its net-zero goals by 2050 12. Therefore, India’s “proactive and cooperative
internationalist approach in recent climate engagements” gives a touch of
pragmatism in its transition to RE and upholds it as a “global powerhouse of
renewables” with its high solar energy and green hydrogen potential. These
include many significant multilateral groupings like the G20, the G-77 13 and the
11
“Asia-Pacific” (also known as the Indo-Pacific) refers to the Asian continent located near the
Pacific ocean and includes Eastern, Southern and East Asian countries (Philippines, Brunei,
Indonesia, Malaysia, etc.) along with the Oceania countries (Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, French
Polynesia, Palau, Hawaii, Kiribati, Papua New Guinea, Tonga, Tuvalu, Vanuatu and Western New
Guinea. Although “Asia-Pacific” does not have any clear and concise definition, the region has
gained prominence, of late, owing to its strategic, economic and geopolitical significance.
12
European Commission. 2050 long term strategy.
13
Headquartered in the United Nations Headquarters of Geneva since 1964, the Group of 77
presently comprises of 134 Global South economies to promote their economic interests. It was
initially founded by 77 countries to address apartheid and global disarmament.

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Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multisectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation


(BIMSTEC) 14, that were instrumental in the UN Conference of Parties (CoP) held
at Copenhagen and Paris where India announced the creation of the ISA in 2015
(Krishnankutty, 2021), along with the submission of its Intended Nationally
Determined Contributions (INDCs) that focused on emission reduction through
RE (Harvey & Goldenberg, 2015). Therefore, it is said that India’s ambitious RE
targets kick-started in the Paris Agreement through the ISA, on the international
front and the INDCs’ formulation, on the domestic front. Such improvements in
the RE investment sector attract GN members like the USA which has promised
to assist India in clean energy technologies, critical carbon power cycles and to
“strengthen and accelerate clean, secure and just energy transition” in a post-
pandemic world to boost renewables and achieve climate change mitigation goals
in the age of “volatile global energy markets” by enhancing technological transfer,
innovative solutions, industrial decarbonisation and deployment of clean energy
technologies, under the Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership and
the U.S.-India Strategic Clean Energy Partnership (SCEP) (PIB Delhi, 2022e).
This reflects the increasing bilateral RE trade of both the countries and greater
investment with opportunities for capacity-building, technological research and
development. At the same time, it also offers India a great opportunity to engage
with the GN to balance global energy markets along with achieving net-zero
targets. Similarly, as the world struggles to recover from the widespread economic
and environmental devastation of Covid-19, the Indo-EU cooperation on green
development calls for a “renewed, global, green multilateral” (Jaspal, 2022)
approach towards attaining RE targets for net-zero and with the EU being India’s
third largest trading partner and its second-largest export destination (The Print,
2022). The “EU-India Strategic Partnership: A Roadmap to 2025” of 2020 calls
for strengthening clean energy transition initiatives towards implementing the EU-
India Clean Energy and Climate Partnership involving the operationalisation of
the Paris Agreement till 2023 through investments in green hydrogen,
development of smart grids and climate financing. Furthermore, the EU’s joining
of the India-led ISA (European Commission, 2022) to promote solar energy
reflects a North-South cooperation on RE with the former aspiring to achieve a
net-zero by 2050. Its membership facilitates greater technology transfer, standard
and certification development for disaster-resilient infrastructure. As India and the
EU strengthen their ties multilaterally, other G-7 countries have reiterated their
commitments towards “coal phase-out” through “carbon-free electricity
production by 2035” when the Indian Minister of Environment Forest and Climate

14
The BIMSTEC, formed in 1997, comprises of Bangladesh, India, Myanmar, Sri Lanka,
Thailand, Nepal and Bhutan, that is, the countries around the Bay of Bengal region. It is
headquartered in Dhaka, Bangladesh and meets annually to discuss about trade and investment,
counter-terrorism, climate change, energy, tourism, agriculture, public health, poverty alleviation,
cultural exchanges, transport and communication.

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Change Shri Bhupender Yadav, who was invited as the EU's most important RE
partner in 2023, argued for a “coal phase-down” instead of “phase-out” since the
GS is “significantly dependent on coal for electricity”. Hence, all have agreed to
mobilise more investments in the RE sector to limit the temperature upto 1.5°C of
pre-industrial levels by the end of 21st century and to assist the GS with
technological know-how, finances and investments for GHG emissions reduction
to combat climate change, according to the “equity” principle of climate justice.
Consequently, the G-7 emphasises on renewables to achieve energy security and
accelerate clean energy transition to “achieve a “predominantly decarbonized
power sector” by 2035 (Koshy, 2023). Therefore, India seeks to ensure higher
investments in the RE sector to reduce GHG emissions, phase out coal and other
disaster mitigation strategies (Roche, 2021) to achieve its net-zero goals, by
enhancing cooperation with the GN through RE projects. Also, these partnerships
clearly indicate India’s adherence to its “Samvad-Sahyog-Samriddhi” approach in
adopting multilateralism to work with the GN economies to fulfil its Panchamrit
principles towards net-zero attainment.
India's adoption of a Five-S approach to multilateralism in climate
diplomacy is clearly reflected in its engagement with the BIMSTEC countries to
strengthen its maritime security and rejuvenate the region’s potential for blue
economy in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) through technical and technological
assistance to promote climate resilient ports and RE (Joshi, 2021). Focused on
solar energy, offshore wind energy, biofuels, energy efficiency in buildings and
green hydrogen, both of them reiterated in 2022 to “ensure the transition towards
a green future” through India-led global initiatives like the ISA wherein more EU
member states have joined the ISA. Such partnerships are also furthered in India’s
other multilateral disaster management mechanisms in its neighbourhood (other
GS countries) such as Agreement on South Asia Rapid Response to Natural
Disasters (2011), the BIMSTEC Centre for Weather and Climate (2014), the
South Asian Cooperative for Environment Protection (2018) and the
establishment of the BIMSTEC Technology Transfer Facility (BIMSTEC-TTF)
in 2022 that have strengthened international cooperation on climate change
mitigation measures and RE promotion in ports and shipping industry. The
initiatives reflect India’s emerging focus on multilateral engagement to tackle
environmental emergencies that the neighbourhood faces. Such measures
strengthen joint disaster response mechanisms through prevention and mitigation
plans so as to rapidly respond to the climate disasters without further damages,
promoting RE for all projects and attracting climate finance through the L&D fund
as the region is geographically one of the worst-suffering locations of the GS.
Furthermore, India’s Act East Policy strives to strengthen ties with the ASEAN
(Association of Southeast Asian Nations known as India’s “extended
neighbourhood”) which are integral to the GS for their geostrategic location near
the Pacific ocean. Therefore, the Indo-ASEAN cooperation ensures facilitating

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RE transitions to mitigate climate change and the ASEAN's decision to join the
ISA has allowed greater knowledge-sharing, technology transfer and RE
infrastructure development that gear up grid integration under the OSOWOG
initiative, based on Indo-ASEAN historical and cultural ties (PIB Delhi, 2022a).
Therefore, a clear relationship is evident that shows how India is a strategically
important partner for BIMSTEC and the ASEAN because of its geopolitical
location, its workforce, its potential as a “global manufacturing hub for green
hydrogen” and as a fertile ground for RE investments, especially towards solar
grids in the Indo-Pacific region.
Amongst other GS states, the African continent also possesses an
“arguably limitless” (Oguntuase, 2021) solar energy capacity given its
geostrategic location which needs to be utilised to the fullest. As a tropical
continent, Africa offers ample opportunities for India towards a South-South
cooperation in economic and technical spheres under the UNFCCC.
Consequently, India has invested in its solar projects under the ISA in African
nations like Ghana, Madagascar, South Sudan, Republic of Congo, Mali, Burkina
Faso, Nigeria, Uganda, Tanzania, Nigeria, Senegal and Ghana (Oguntuase, 2021)
to share solar energy deployment practices in projects including rooftop solar
panels, solar mini-grids, solar PV power plants, rural electrification, street
lighting, solar cooling systems, solar-powered irrigation systems and urban
infrastructure like schools, colleges, hospitals and public establishments. This has
led to poverty alleviation, job creation and increased incomes, improving access
to quality education and healthcare, social security and met Africa’s rising energy
demands through ecological sustainability. These reflect India’s dynamism, under
the ISA, in Africa’s solar power plants and green technology transfer, followed
by bilateral trade and investment, scientific and technological cooperation as
outlined by PM Modi in the ten Kampala principles of India-Africa engagement
in 2018 to prioritise Africa’s development and foster South-South cooperation
(Viswanathan & Mishra, 2019) in their net-zero targets.

6. Transition to Renewables: Bridging Climate Crisis and Energy Security


India is the world’s third largest producer of RE, thereby, ranking fourth
in both installed wind and solar power capacity (PIB Delhi, 2022f). The India
Energy Outlook 2021, released by IEA ranks India as “the world’s third-largest
energy consuming country”, China and the USA being at the first and second
positions respectively (as per BP Statistical Review of World Energy published in
2022) (PIB Delhi, 2022b). Therefore, achieving net-zero targets by 2050 is indeed
a challenging task for 130 countries, in general, and by 2070 for India, in particular
and, therefore, requires multilateral engagement for its energy transition goals.
However, critics like Manchanda (2022) regard India’s net-zero target
achievement as an “uphill task” (Manchanda, 2022) because its energy needs were

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primarily met by coal and other fossil fuels since its independence and RE has
been an expensive affair during all these years. Under such circumstances, Prime
Minister Modi’s announcement of the global initiative for LiFE at the CoP-27 in
2022 to “encourage an eco-friendly lifestyle” and making “pro-planet people”
(Triple-P) (Business Standard, 2022), has several connotations. It outlines India’s
stand on a cooperative framework to secure a sustainable lifestyle by boosting
agroforestry, agro-farming, using electric vehicles, banking on non-fossil fuels to
reduce emissions and many more. Applying such initiatives both at the national
and local levels, India, therefore, explores the close relationship amongst climate
challenges, energy and food security through initiatives like manufacturing
ethanol-blended fuels, electric vehicles, utilising solar and wind energy,
encouraging investments in green hydrogen as an “alternate energy source”
through the ISA, that keeps it adhered to its guiding principles of equity, humanity,
climate justice (Mohapatra, 2022) and “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” 15. Herein, it is
seen that India looks forward to principles that are economically suitable to an
agro-based nation that ensures sustainable future for not only itself but also for its
allies, based on “Sahyog” and “Samriddhi” which makes it an inspiration for other
GS nations.
India’s ambitious energy transition projects, that aim for self-reliance or
“Atmanirbharta”, are inclusive, ambitious, action-oriented and significant for both
the GS and the GN that direct its geopolitical footing in the post-pandemic world
as a “global superpower of green energy”. Recently, the Union Minister of
Environment, Forest and Climate Change stated that India, under the Modi
government, has emerged as one of the important “global forerunners” (PIB Delhi,
2023a) to bring the GS and the GN together to resolve challenges of climate crisis
and energy security by strengthening global energy supply chains with a “whole-
of-society” approach (in consonance with India’s ancient principle of Vasudhaiva
Kutumbakam). This means that the Central and state governments engage at all
levels - national, regional and local levels soliciting the cooperation of private
sector, civil society groups and indigenous communities. However, housing the
world’s largest population (World Population Review, 2023) necessitates the need
for India to meet the rising energy requirements and control GHG emissions.
Therefore, it is in this backdrop that India, being the centre of the global energy
transition, has combined its economic and energy needs with a holistic and
sustainable 16 approach towards tackling climate crisis. With its transition towards

15
The theme of India’s G20 Presidency is “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” or “One Earth · One Family
· One Future”. The Sanskrit phrase, meaning “The Whole World is A Family”, is borrowed from
Chapter 6 of Maha Upanishad VI.71-73 and is considered the most important moral value in the
Indian society (Hattangadi, 2000).
16
The United Nations defines Sustainable Development as “development that meets the needs of
the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”. See
“The Sustainable Development Agenda”, UN.

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renewables, India’s achievement of its INDCs according to the Paris Agreement


(n.d.) ahead of other countries reflects its sincerity and consistency in its pollution-
mitigation and clean energy strategies. However, with its first set of INDCs (in
2015), it aimed towards achieving its 40 percent of its cumulative electric power
requirements from non-fossil fuel sources and “reducing its emissions intensity of
Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by 33 to 35 percent” by 2030 (PIB Delhi, 2022c)
as compared to the 2005 levels. Surprisingly, much before 2030, it achieved its
targets in 2021 that calls for India’s pursuit of advocating the “energy-economy”
dichotomy through Mission LiFE and its five-fold Panchamrit (five nectar-
elements) strategy, focused on renewables. Therefore, it was in 2022 again that
India submitted its updated INDCs by achieving its Panchamrit goals announced
at the CoP-26 for attaining net-zero goals by 2070 (as promised by India). Having
formally updated its NDCs in 2022 has various implications for India. It means
India has to gear up its RE projects to fulfill 50 percent of its energy requirements
from them that confirms to the UNFCCC. Under it, it has increased its emission
intensity upto 45 percent of its GDP to be reduced (10 percent more than its
previous INDCs) and upto 50 percent of its cumulative electric power installed
capacity from non-fossil fuels (10 percent more than what was outlined in its
previous INDC clauses) (PIB Delhi, 2022d) by 2030. This is why PM Modi, in
one of his speeches, referred to India’s green energy potential as a “gold mine or
oil field” (Anand, 2023) that shall bear high yield to investors which indicates how
India is willing to collaborate with both domestic and international players to
boost its green economy, based on solar, hydro and wind energy projects. With its
highly ambitious climate targets for attaining net-zero within 2070 to “establish
itself as lead player in the global green energy market”, India’s energy transition
initiatives are based on three pillars: reducing reliance on fossil fuels, enhancing
RE production and focusing on a “gas-based” economy that work towards
“exacerbating fuel poverty” to facilitate a just, stable and sustainable energy
transition. These reflect India’s continuous adherence to the principle of Common
But Differentiated Responsibilities with Respective Capabilities 17 (CBDR-RC)
and its commitments towards net-zero through clean energy initiatives and
become a GS climate leader.
At the CoP-26, PM Modi announced that India would fulfil 50 percent of
its energy requirements from non-fossil fuels by 2030 as part of its Panchamrit
commitments, focused on renewables and has already achieved a total of 168.96
GW by 28 February 2023 (PIB Delhi, 2023c). This includes an installation of
about 168 GW of RE projects that include solar, wind and hydro energy projects
(Mukherjee, 2023) in Andhra Pradesh (Economic Times, 2023) (Ojha, 2023)

The principle of CBDR-RC acknowledges the responsibility of every member country under the
17

UNFCCC in addressing climate change which includes measures like emission reduction, waste
management, disaster management and increasing the use of renewables, to name a few.

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(Janyala, 2023), Gujarat (ET Energyworld, 2023b), Madhya Pradesh (Mint,


2022), Rajasthan (Sharma, 2022), Tamil Nadu (BW Businessworld, 2023) and RE
parks in Ladakh (Saxena, 2023) (Goswami, 2023) (Hussain, 2023). Such RE
advancements advocate for India’s strong voice as a GS country for energy
transition and developing new sources. India’s explorations of the “four verticals”
in the energy sector (biofuels, vehicular decarbonisation through electric vehicles,
industrial decarbonisation by green hydrogen and solar, wind and hydro power)
has been further developed by its GOBARdhan (Galvanising Organic Bio-Agro
Resources-Dhan) project that utilises cattle dung and biodegradable waste,
thereby, ensuring rural cleanliness, minimising air pollution due to farm stubble
burning (Manchanda, 2022) and electricity generation. India has launched many
such waste-to-energy (WTE) plants that are working on tonnes of solid wastes
daily for which industrial machinery is being imported from countries like
Germany (ET Energyworld, 2022). This means that India’s ambitious RE targets,
in the form of energy reduction initiatives and green initiatives like the
GOBARdhan, are wider research issues as they are no longer confined to the
national boundaries (Thakker, 2018), rather call for international collaborations
since India is a member of many multilateral organisations of both the GN and the
GS. Thus, sectors like bio-manure and biofuels production (as outlined under the
GOBARdhan initiative), solar energy production, EV manufacturing industry and
waste management strategies have boosted employment since 2022 because they
saw an “eight-fold increase” as compared to that of 2021, according to a working
report by the Indian Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW), Natural
Resources Defense Council (NRDC) and Skill Council for Green Jobs (SCG). For
example, India’s solar capacity has witnessed a rise in 197 percent since 2018
(from 21,651 to 64,380 MW) (PIB Delhi, 2023b). Such innovations in RE have
led to green electrification of villages, towns and cities in India that are equipped
with solar pumps for agricultural uses, along with total electrification of railways,
airports and other public buildings. Therefore, India’s “continued growth of RE”
has revealed its potential to achieve the government’s multiple priorities of
emission reduction, RE expansion, cost-cutting measures of enhancing energy
security and robust economic development through employment generation to
“create a more equitable workforce while transitioning to a low-carbon economy”
(Longkumer, 2023) which adhere to India’s commitments at CoP-26 for a “pro-
planet, pro-people” way of life and comprise of policies and regulations to connect
India’s carbon market globally.
In the global race for renewables, India has also become a global market
of green hydrogen which influences India’s global leadership to attain energy self-
reliance, given its “large landmass and low renewable energy costs” (Kumar,
2023b). Under its National Green Hydrogen Mission, the government aims to
achieve five million metric tonnes of green hydrogen within 2030, an ambitious
target for a GS country in the emerging world order. Therefore, in the near future,

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it is expected that green hydrogen will “enable the emergence of a domestically-


produced energy carrier” to reduce natural gas, petroleum and fertiliser import
dependency. Similarly, the evolution of the E-1018 and the E-20 19 fuels from ethyl
alcohol (by fermenting sugar and food grains) (PIB Delhi, 2023d) has also
incentivised farmers to opt for sugar production that adds to their incomes and
national savings of about 4 billion US dollars per annum. Being produced
domestically, the fuels are cheaper than petroleum which make them “not only a
national imperative but also a strategic requirement for India”, by showing a 5
percent reduction in carbon emissions (Kumar, 2023a). Further researches reveal
that the E-20 fuel-resilient two-wheelers have shown a 50 percent lower carbon
monoxide emissions while four-wheelers have emitted 30 percent lesser, apart
from a fall of 20 percent of hydrocarbons emissions (Kumar, 2023a). Therefore,
it can be safely concluded that the Indian government’s ambitious initiative of E10
and E-20 petroleum are directed not only towards attaining net-zero but also to
add to meet rising energy requirements and increase national income by saving
import costs, strengthen grassroots economy by incentivising farmers to grow
sugarcane for ethanol production and creating more employment opportunities. It
reflects the Indian government’s strict adherence to PM Modi’s LiFE principles
that broadly apply to all the G-20 countries that form the GS and how India is
working towards collaboration with them through its GOBARdhan and green
hydrogen programmes. As India imports 85 percent of crude oil and 55 percent of
natural gas, high fuel prices challenge its economic and energy security which has
led to its attainment of self-reliance or Atmanirbharta in RE transition initiatives
like ethanol-blending and engaging in multilateral partnerships with both the GN
and the GS (Anand, 2023).
Similar progress has been made in its National Green Hydrogen Mission
that was announced in January 2023 and has captured the attention of the USA
and the EU, in general, and EU countries like Germany and France (Anand, 2022),
in particular. India’s target to achieve 5 MMT green hydrogen not only requires
huge investments but also manufacturing electrolysers, green steel and long-haul
fuel cells that opens up a plethora of investment opportunities for the West. As a
key partner in Saudi Arabia's “Vision 2030” for its sustainability, India also
catalyses its aspirations to “turn Middle East into 'Europe of the Future'”

18
In 2022, the Indian Oil Corporation Limited (IOCL) rolled out the E10 petroleum in north-
eastern states. Comprising of 10 percent ethanol blended in petroleum, the E10 has been
implemented in 2022 (Sharma, 2023) has reduce the nation’s reliance on fuel imports, besides
being a pollution-resilient and affordable fuel. It reduces vehicular GHG emissions by undergoing
complete combustion
19
In 2023, PM Modi formally announced the launch of the E-20 Fuels which is a landmark
initiative in India’s transition towards attaining net-zero. The E-20 initiative calls for a 20 percent
ethanol-blended petroleum that are to produced by Public Sector Undertakings like the Hindustan
Petroleum Corporation Limited (HPCL) by 2025.

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(Rodrigues, 2023). Lying in the Tropical region, the latter (like Africa) also
possesses “impressive natural potential for solar and wind power” that are
furthered by investments in technological advancements to diversify its energy
resources. As a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the ISA, it
seeks to invest in India’s Green Hydrogen Mission since the GCC countries
possess affordable land and water resources to help in manufacturing green
hydrogen and solar power projects (Rodrigues, 2023). Therefore, it focuses on
areas for collaboration like reducing RE installation costs, diversifying its supply
chains, low emission, green fuels that result in a sustainable energy transition.
Henceforth, it can be safely stated that India aspires for collaborative projects in
RE in its ambitious net-zero targets which will be accelerated during its G-20
presidency. Such trilateral and multilateral collaborations indicate gap-bridging
between the GN and the GS with India’s catalysing role as a GS climate and RE
leader. Along with that, it is noteworthy that India aligns its domestic RE goals
with its international commitments through bilateral and multilateral cooperation
with its partner countries to successfully initiate its projects at the grassroots level.

7. Findings
Using content analysis approach from international (multilateral and
bilateral) and national perspectives, this paper highlights India’s Panchamrit
vision and strategies to employ them for international collaboration in proposing
to bridge the North-South divide towards energy security through sustainable
means and mitigate climate catastrophes. India is undergoing several emission
control mechanisms for which its transition from the conventional petroleum-
based fuels towards biofuels is understood as mitigating temperature rise-related
climate catastrophes in the post Covid-19 world. From its transition as a critic of
the GN’s excessive anthropocentric activities to being a GS leader, India’s current
RE strategies using solar energy and biofuels indicate that it is capable of leading
the global climate regime towards emission reduction and prevention of
temperature rise since they have successfully responded to the need of the hour.
They have been successful in reducing India’s energy crisis in the form of
installation of solar panels at regular intervals, biogas plants and ethanol-blended
fuels usage that are not only cost-cutting but also environmentally sustainable.
India’s adoption of the Panchamrit principles in its foreign negotiations and
domestic commitments have led to greater opportunities for cooperation not only
with itself but also towards bridging the North-South divide and memorising the
idea of energy and climate as “glocal (global & local) commons”. By equipping
the ports of BIMSTEC members with solar panels, collaborating with the ASEAN
and the African Union nations, India has clearly shown that its commitments are
not just on paper but have been successful in strengthening India’s ties with other
GS nations. As the risks of climate change are expected to increase further in the

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future and more co-operation on RE promotion is the need of the hour, the future
researches could be conducted to find answers to the following questions:
 In which ways can biofuels strengthen India’s climate and energy
diplomacy? What is its role in community development?
 How does India help the GN meet its net-zero goals through its RE
promotion initiatives?
 Can India’s Panchamrit strategy help the EU in attaining net-zero by
2050 through its low-cost solar grids and photovoltaic cells?
 What does the GS, in general, and the African Union, in particular, offer
to India in terms of RE?

Figure 1: A Diagrammatic Representation of the Close Relationship


between Renewable Energy and Climate Security

Source: Author

By studying the reports uploaded by the Indians government, it is evident


that India’s ambitious climate and RE projects are marked by continuous research
in areas like waste management, for example, using plant and animal wastes in

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manufacturing biofuels. However, more researches are required in plastic waste


management which is a pressing concern in India. India has shown that waste
management is not only about minimising waste generation but also to sustainably
use in order to end electricity crisis issues, especially in rural areas. This research
also demonstrated the importance of Indian electrolysers, solar panels and
photovoltaic cells for the GN because of its reduced costs that highlights
bioenergy development rooted in the local communities’ upliftment. The concepts
of INDCs, Panchamrit, L&D fund and net-zero are important to realise the
reconstruction of the global climate and energy regime after Covid-19. For this
reason, India’s RE projects should work more towards achieving net-zero goals
through community development that sets an example for other GS nations. By
this proposed model, the government can initiate efforts to mitigate the GHG’s
emission impacts by promoting better waste management techniques from the
national to the local level with the extensive support of the GN. The state
governments are also participating actively to prevent the common threat of
energy crisis by improving sustainable lifestyles in daily activities.

8. Conclusion: Future of India’s RE


Recently, the U.S. Department of Energy and the Lawrence Berkeley
National Laboratory predicted India’s “energy independence by 2047” (India
Today, 2023) by minimising fuel imports reliance, leading to 100 percent
vehicular electrification by 2035, complete industrial decarbonisation, attaining
80 percent of clean grid by 2040 and 90 percent by 2047, consequently achieving
net-zero targets ahead of 2070 which means that India’s “green growth strategy”
is focused on its LiFE and Panchamrit principles, thereby, aimed at creating a
“cleaner, greener and more prosperous future” (Pullokaran, 2023) not only for
India but for the entire world. These shall be facilitated by smarter technologies
like agro-photovoltaics that would enable land usage for “both agriculture and
power generation” that include “development of new educational programmes on
renewables, targeted training, and skill development, including upskilling or
reskilling, to keep up with the pace of technological advancement” (Mehta &
Simi, 2023). Hence, India’s investments in RE and waste management projects
directed towards emission reduction and greener nation show that it is en route to
net-zero and has played an important role in bringing both the GN and the GS
together to act on rising temperatures, GHG emissions and industrialisation.
Therefore, together with the international and national stakeholders involved in
India’s RE promotion, the Indian government is working on its well-crafted
diplomacy of ensuring greater cooperation with the GN that will lead to greater
technological advancements, along with offering its labour resources to utilise its
natural resources for the betterment of the community that are concomitant to its
agreements with the GN and the GS (being a voice of the GS) since Covid-19.

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Green Energy Diplomacy in the Post Covid-19 World • Aditi Basu

However, the government should also work more towards environmental


restoration, including the preservation of forests and natural habitats that are
essential for sustainable development and manufacture of biofuels which will
inspire the other GS nations to explore their resources. Therefore, co-operation
amongst multi-stakeholders (the international organisations, the national
government, local governments, business sectors, civil society and the local
communities) on deforestation control initiatives to respond to the intensification
and frequency of climate catastrophes and energy security challenges.
The future of RE in India is a bright one with the GN’s renewed interest
in the nation’s low cost solar panels, PV cells, cheap labour and readily available
natural resources required for RE production. This would bring down the costs of
electricity in the GN nations and help them accelerate their investments in the GS’
RE manufacturing units, apart from vehicular emission reduction. At the same
time, India would also be able to improve the common people’s living conditions
and the national economy of GS parties like the African continent. Greater RE
manufacturing units means higher employment opportunities, poverty alleviation
measures, improved living standards of people, reduced chances of electricity
crisis and greater community engagement through sustainable development in the
GS. Furthermore, India’s role as a GS climate leader opens doors for greater
cooperation and dialogue after the North-South divide has been bridged.
Therefore, along with its own development, India’s RE strategies, based on the 5-
S principles, strives to work towards mitigating global challenges like increasing
vehicular GHG emissions, rising temperatures, climate change challenges, waste
management and energy security issues caused by supply chain disruption. Also,
they have been successful in exploring the close relationship between climate
change and energy security not only in the local levels but also in international
agreements, dialogues and negotiations based on RE investments and transfer of
L&D funds under which it has brought policy and diplomacy closer to each other,
especially after Covid-19.

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