The International Journal of Indian Psychology
ISSN 2348-5396 (Online) | ISSN: 2349-3429 (Print)
Volume 9, Issue 4, October- December, 2021
DIP: 18.01.184.20210904, DOI: 10.25215/0904.184
http://www.ijip.in
Research Paper
Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a Sexual
Offender
Hemanshi Mehta1*
ABSTRACT
Sexual violence is still a major social issue with far-reaching implications. The fight against
sexual violence, however, continues to be hampered by a lack of resources in the criminal
justice system. "Making society safer" is a difficult task which necessitates not just the
provision of resources, but also a thorough grasp of realistic crime patterns and risks. To
launch a society-wide struggle against the epidemic of sexual offences around the world,
there is an immense potential for the development of systems for assessing as well as
managing sex offenders such as rapists, child abusers, murderers etc. To discover the
fundamental cause of sexual offences, it is critical to obtain a better understanding of what
goes on in the minds of sexual offenders. As a result, several researchers have worked hard to
identify psychological factors that contribute to sexual violence and brutality. Because there
is no single psychological algorithm to explain the mentality of a sexual offender, the current
paper will attempt to review the numerous theories behind sexual offence as well as the
steps/measures that mental health professionals can take to eliminate such heinous crimes.
Keywords: Types of Sex Offenders, Sexual Offending, Treatment & Management of Sexual
Offenders
“We mute the realisation of malevolence- which is too threatening to bear - by turning
offenders into victims themselves and by describing their behaviour as the result of forces
beyond their control.” (Salter, 2020).
E tiology can be defined as the study of the causes, origins or reasons behind the
various phenomena that emerge in our environment. The roots or sources of sexually
abusive behaviour, as well as the pathways that are linked with the behaviour’s
development, inception, and persistence, can therefore be referred to as the etiology of adult
sexual offending.
The main reason to be interested in the etiology of sexual offence; trustworthy information
of the underlying causes of sexual offending and victimisation is required for the
development of successful preventative methods and public safety strategies. Furthermore,
differentiating between the many typologies of sexual offences is also critical.
1
BA Psychology honours, Indraprastha college for women, Delhi University, India
*Corresponding Author
Received: August 14, 2021; Revision Received: December 22, 2021; Accepted: December 28, 2021
© 2021, Mehta H.; licensee IJIP. This is an Open Access Research distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License (www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0), which permits unrestricted use,
distribution, and reproduction in any Medium, provided the original work is properly cited.
Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a Sexual Offender
There have been some interesting discoveries in studies involving sexual offenders.
Significant study in the field of psychology has revealed that there are common factors and
behaviours associated with sexual assault (Erickson et al., 1987). Sexual misdeeds and
deviancies have grown much more widely publicised in recent years, and as a result, they
have become a major source of public concern. The detection of sexual offenders is the first
issue that society faces. Only ten percent of sex offenders are detected (Lisak & Roth, 1990).
The treatment of sex offenders and prospective reoffenders is the second issue that society
faces. To treat sexual deviance and offences, a variety of therapies are employed, the
majority of which are based on relapse prevention techniques used to treat addiction.
However, because the method contains the notion of "three steps forward, two steps back,"
such treatment models have proven ineffective in preventing recidivism (Polaschek, 2003).
Types of Sex Offenders
Child sexual abusers
“Child sexual abuse is the use of force/coercion of a sexual nature either when the victim is
younger than age 13 and the age difference between the victim and the perpetrator is at least
five years, or when the victim is between 13 and 16 and the age difference between the
victim and perpetrator is at least 10 years” (Finkelhor, 1984). According to research
conducted by the John Jay College Research Team (2004), based in Washington, the
manipulative relationship that a child sexual abuser builds with a child because of which the
child agrees to get indulged in the sexual act is the most dangerous aspect of this kind of
abuse.
Rapists
Rape is a legal term that refers to unwanted sexual intercourse with the use of force and the
absence of consent. Additionally, when a person has sex with someone who is ruled legally
incapable of consenting due to mental illness, incapacity, or intoxication, it is considered
rape (Eileraas, 2011). Rapists are more usually younger, socially active, and have been
involved in an intimate relationship when compared to child sexual abusers (Gannon &
Ward, 2008). According to Langstrom, Sjostedt & Grann (2004), rapists differ from child
sexual abusers as they are more likely to abuse substances, have a personality disorder (e.g.,
antisocial disorder), or suffer from psychosis. Another noteworthy study revealed that rapists
reported more frequent experiences of physical, parental, and emotional abuse alongside
animal cruelty than child sexual abusers (Simons et al., 2004).
Female sexual offenders
Female sexual offenders, in contrast to male sexual offenders, are more prone to sexually
abusing males and strangers (Allen, 1991; Vandiver, 2006). Wahl (1960) published two case
studies focusing on the victim's experience, which marked the beginning of modern research
into the attitudes and behavior of women who had molested children. The offending mothers
were claimed to have been actively or passively seducing their sons in this famous study.
Furthermore, on average, records from a range of nations' conviction rates and victimisation
studies indicate that around 4–5% of all adult sexual offenders are females (Cortoni &
Hanson, 2005; Cortoni et al., 2010).
It has been found that the majority of female sexual offenders have had traumatic and
sexualised childhoods (Heil et al., 2010). Finally, according to several studies, in addition to
their abusive behavior, female sexual offenders stand out from the general community due to
high rates of physical, emotional, and sexual abuse in their past (Hendriks & Bijleveld,
2006; Tewksbury 2004).
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Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a Sexual Offender
Internet offenders
Owning or distributing child pornography; generation of child pornography; sexual
solicitations (online interactions with minors for sexual gratification, which include plans to
meet offline); and conspiracy crimes (e.g., working in conjunction with others to
disseminate or produce child pornography, sexually solicit minors, etc.) are the numerous
forms that internet sexual offending can take. As part of a research, internet child
pornographers reported higher psychological troubles in adulthood and fewer sexual
convictions than child sexual abusers (Webb et al., 2007). Furthermore, the rise in internet
sexual offending has been accompanied by a drop in the number of reported cases of child
sexual abuse, as well as a general drop in violent crime (Mishra & Lalumière, 2009;
Finkelhor & Jones, 2006). This shows that internet sexual offending is a novel phenomenon
that isn't driven by the same contextual characteristics as previous types of sexual or violent
offences.
Theories of Sexual Offending Behaviour
Biological/evolutionary theories
These explanations of sexual offending have focused on evolutionary processes, brain
structure anomalies, hormone levels, genetic and reproductive makeup, and intellectual
functioning deficiencies. According to Jones (1999), selection for rape-influencing
psychological qualities might possibly occur in four ways, two of which are: : (1) through
direct selection (the "adaptation" hypothesis); and (2) through indirect selection (the so-
called "by- product" or "incidental effect" hypothesis). Natural selection may spread a
psychological, information-processing predisposition for contingent (context-specific) rape
conduct if it was adaptive, that is, if it had a beneficial impact on the reproductive success of
all men possessing the tendency. Natural and sexual selection are to blame for this. Because
indiscriminate copulation (sexual intercourse) is more costly to females than to men
(females cannot avoid the costs of internal gestation). Natural selection has favored females
of internally fertilising species in choosing a potential partner for coitus. The differing
average costs of copulating together for males and females have resulted in diverse male and
female psychologies, especially when it comes to the desire to mate indiscriminately
(particularly with strangers).
Unmated males and females in ancestral contexts are likely to have clashed when a male
sought to copulate with a female who did not want to copulate with him, for example.
Forced copulation could increase the number of male mates in such a situation, potentially
enhancing male reproductive success. However, this advantage would have come at the
expense of the female's mate choice, perhaps lowering her lifetime reproductive success as
compared to the reproductive success she would have likely achieved if she mated only with
males she chose.
Proponents of the by-product (or "incidental effect") model argue that rape may endure
within a species not because forced coitus was specifically adaptive in itself, but because
forced copulation was a by-product of adaptations to other generalised behavior that is
adaptive for the organisms bearing them.
Several studies have discovered anomalies in the brains of some sexual offenders (Aigner et
al., 2000; Corley et al., 1994). The notion of a genetic abnormality in sex offenders that
makes them more inclined to engage in aggressive sexual behavior has also been explored
(Beckmann et al., 1974).
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Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a Sexual Offender
Personality theories
According to numerous studies, over 70% of jailed sexual offenders have been diagnosed
with a mental disorder, with approximately 50% meeting the diagnostic criteria for a
personality disorder. The existence of pathological personality traits and impairments in
personality functioning are the distinguishing characteristics of a personality disorder
(Wakefield, 2013).
Personality theories arose from the work of Sigmund Freud, who felt that sexual deviance is
a manifestation of unresolved issues that arise in the early phases of a person's development.
Bowlby (1988) established one of the later personality theories, attachment theory, to
explain the bond between a child and his or her primary caregiver and how this early
interaction impacts latter adjustment. According to Bowlby, there is a key phase for
attachment development (2.5 years). If an attachment hasn't formed during this time, it's
possible that it won't form at all. Bowlby later proposed a five-year sensitive period.
Personality disorders were frequently diagnosed among sex offenders, according to several
studies. Craissati and Blundell (2013) evaluated 137 male sex offenders and discovered that
52% had at least one personality disorder and 25% had multiple personality disorders. The
most frequently diagnosed personality disorders among those evaluated were avoidant,
dependent, and obsessive-compulsive. In a recent study by Chen, Chen, & Hung (2016)
discovered that 59% of 68 sex offenders had a personality condition. Antisocial, borderline,
and obsessive-compulsive personality disorders were the most common diagnoses in their
sample.
Social learning theories
As plausible reasons for sexual offending behaviours, two basic social learning hypotheses
have been proposed. The first is that sexually abused children grow up to be sexually
abusive adults, and the second is that sexually graphic information encourages sexual
offence.
Rada (1978) provides a detailed account of rapists' childhood experiences and the parental
training procedures to which they are frequently subjected. Those boys who will grow up to
be adult rapists are regularly and brutally punished in a manner that is contradictory and
hardly functionally related to their behavior. Langevin et al. (1984) discovered that rapists'
mothers and fathers were both poor parents with whom their children did not identify. The
fathers were violent, inebriated, and in problems with the law, and their sons followed in
their footsteps.
Another social learning theory about compulsive sexual behavior claims that pornography
functions as a model for sexually aggressive behavior for some people, motivating them to
indulge in the behaviors displayed in pornographic films/shows. From a social learning
viewpoint, Check & Malamuth (1986) investigated the impacts of being exposed to
pornography. They pointed out that pornography is likely to influence attitudes and behavior
by the means of its antecedent and subsequent effects. While the antecedent variables make
the observer expect enjoyment by committing rape since forcefulness in sex is linked to
sexually attractive stimuli in pornographic material; consequent effects arise from the
observed behaviour's functional value and therefore can increase a man's arousal to rape.
Further, according to Malamouth & Check (1981), exposure to pornography caused normal
males to increasingly accept violence against women and enhanced their support towards
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Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a Sexual Offender
rape myths. Moreover, more recent study suggests that child pornography can be used as a
reliable indicator of a sexual interest in children (Seto et al., 2006).
Cultural theories
Interpersonal aggression, male dominance, and negative views about women are three broad
traits of communities that appear to influence the prevalence of rape, according to
anthropologists. It's vital to keep in mind that these findings are based on primitive and
undeveloped communities. Furthermore, the researcher often derives the rates of rape in
various societies from the identification of such incidents by members of each society.
Finally, it also is apparent that rape has different meanings in different cultures (Chappell,
1976).
Acceptance of interpersonal violence as a means of dealing with problems is the most
consistent trait of communities with high incidence of rape. Otterbein (1979) looked at 135
illiterate societies and discovered that feuding (bitter quarrels) was one of the key factors
linked to increased rates of sexual assault. In addition, Burt (1980) discovered that men's
acceptance towards interpersonal violence against women was strongly linked to their
acceptance of myths related to rape.
Tieger (1981) discovered that non-offender males who demonstrated a greater likelihood of
raping also believed that nonsexual aggressive behavior against females was common and
desirable.
The social acceptance of male dominance and prevalent negative views toward women are
two more cultural factors linked to high rates of sexual assault. In the rape-prone
Yanomamo, for example, men have all political authority, while women primarily serve as
the spoils of wars and battles, with their sexual desires and interests mostly ignored
(Chagnon, 1977).
Treatment & Management of Sexual Offenders
In recent years, policymakers, the public, and mental health specialists have paid close
attention to sex offenders. This is due, at least in part, to the devastating effect that sex
crimes have on victims and the community at large. The successful implementation of
treatment interventions aimed at reducing the risk of recidivism (a convicted criminal's
tendency to reoffend), empirical work that focuses upon treatment effectiveness, and an
increase in the availability of treatment programs for sexual offenders have all coincided
with this recognition (McGrath et al., 2010). The following are some examples of current
and upcoming models, as well as their research foundations and suggestions for
recommended practice in the treatment of sexual offenders:
Principles of Effective Correctional Intervention
According to the popular RNR model by Andrews & Bonta (2010), there are 3 such
principles:
• Risk principle: The severity of correctional interventions must be matched to the
degree of risk posed by the offender, according to the risk principle. As a result, the
most intensive levels of intervention should be held for higher-risk offenders,
whereas lower-risk offenders should receive lesser levels of intervention (or none at
all).
• Need principle: The need principle, which is the second principle of effective
correctional intervention, suggests that treatment and intervention strategies such as
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Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a Sexual Offender
supervision should precisely target offenders' criminogenic needs, or the specific risk
factors that can be altered through intervention and are empirically strongly
correlated with recidivism risk.
• Responsivity principle: The responsivity principle, the third principle of effective
correctional intervention, is concerned with the relationship between the individual
and the treatment. This principle specifies that treatment should be administered in a
manner that is responsive to many aspects of the individual, such as language and
culture, in addition to being cognitive-behavioural in nature.
Cognitive-behavioural treatment
In terms of reducing recidivism, cognitive-behavioural treatment remains the most widely
acknowledged and empirically validated form of sexual offender treatment (example:
Hanson et al., 2002). According to behavioural, cognitive, and social learning theories and
models, sexual offending is defined by behavioural and cognitive patterns that emerge and
are maintained as a result of modelling, observational learning, and reinforcement of
behaviour, attitudes, and cognition. Treatment focuses on changing patterns of behavioural,
cognitive, and emotional reactions linked with sexual offending, so that problematic,
deviant, and/or criminal behavioural patterns and responses are replaced with adaptive, non-
deviant, pro-social behaviors and responses.
Relapse prevention
Relapse prevention (RP) has long been one of the most widely used treatment methods for
sexual offenders (example: Laws, 1989, 2003). As originally conceived, the purpose of RP
was to help patients detect, anticipate, and avoid high-risk circumstances that could lead to
lapses. Treatment entailed teaching patients how to deal with issues and high-risk situations
as they arose, as well as addressing skill inadequacies in their capacity to do so.
The Good Lives Model
The good lives model (GLM) is a new approach to sexual offender treatment that contends
that, like other humans, sexual offenders are goal-oriented and try to acquire fundamental
primary human goods, which are defined as actions, experiences, and activities that are
intrinsically beneficial to their individual well-being (Ward & Gannon, 2006; Ward &
Stewart, 2003). As a result, in GLM-based treatment, there is a clear emphasis on aiding
individuals in achieving essential and valued life goals in pro-social, non-harmful ways
(Ward et al., 2004; Yates et al., 2010)
CONCLUSION
There is yet to be a clarification or causation underlying sexual offending behavior in the
field of sex offender management. Even though many concerns remain unsolved, research
has yielded several significant results regarding the etiology of sexual offending. The most
important conclusion drawn from these studies is that there is no definite answer to the
question of why people engage in sexually inappropriate behavior. This is because the issue
of sexual offence is extremely complex and multifaceted. As a result, over the years, a
variety of approaches such as personality, cognitive, biological, and others, as well as
studies to back up their claims, have attempted to explain the etiology behind the same.
Since so much of the etiological research done so far has been retrospective in nature, there
is an obvious necessity of prospective, longitudinal study so as to analyze the antecedent
causes behind sexual offending and changes in sexually aggressive behavior over time.
Research which includes samples of non-offenders and research that reflect the perspectives
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Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a Sexual Offender
of victims are also necessary, as are efforts to utilise samples which are more reflective of
the range of people who commit sexual offences. Victims, both female and male, may well
be useful in providing information about criminal motives and behavior by disclosing details
about their experiences with offenders.
The research papers reviewed above have shown the importance for all of us to develop an
understanding. This understanding involves our acceptance of the truth that sexual offending
cannot be eliminated only using a country's legal system. Instead, it is a deep-seated issue
that can only be remedied if we make sincere efforts to address the root causes. Therefore,
social workers, mental health professionals, doctors, and other medical advisers, among
others, would be required to help. Finally, there is also a need for more research about the
integration of the numerous theories and the ways in which different factors involved in
sexual offending interact with one another, allowing the world to more effectively cope with
the major difficulties posed by sexual offenders.
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Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a Sexual Offender
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Acknowledgement
The author(s) appreciates all those who participated in the study and helped to facilitate the
research process.
Conflict of Interest
The author(s) declared no conflict of interest.
How to cite this article: Mehta H. (2021). Beyond The Statistics: Unravelling the Psyche of a
Sexual Offender. International Journal of Indian Psychology, 9(4), 1924-1933.
DIP:18.01.184.20210904, DOI:10.25215/0904.184
© The International Journal of Indian Psychology, ISSN 2348-5396 (e)| ISSN: 2349-3429 (p) | 1933
