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 ADVANCE PRAISE FOR THE BOOK

‘To read Dalpat Chauhan’s 2000 novel, Gidh, is to sweat in the blazing sun
that presides over scorched scrublands and lavish fields; to feel the blows
of an upper-caste landowner’s staff raining down on a Dalit suspected of
having broken the rules that constrain his hopes and dreams. Chauhan, a
seminal figure in the history of Gujarati Dalit literature, raised a dissenting
subaltern voice in a sphere traditionally dominated by elite groups. His
novels, poems and plays are animated by the friction between a genteel
savarna Gujarati and the more earthy registers of the language, as spoken by
rural Dalit communities. He articulates the anguish of the labouring castes,
long stigmatized by a hierarchical system that denies their humanity. In
Gidh, now translated as Vultures, Chauhan revisited the brutal murder of a
young Dalit by Rajput landowners in the 1960s, placing under a microscope
the tense, finely calibrated relationships among various caste groups in a
Gujarat village during an epoch of transition. Vultures is unflinching in its
portrayal of the custom-sanctified violence around which Indian society is
structured. Through Hemang Ashwinkumar’s translation—which is closely
attentive to cultural, political and linguistic nuances—a new readership will
recognize how urgently relevant Vultures remains, two decades after it was
first published. Vultures resonates with memories of suffering, but it also
proclaims the survivor’s resilient desire to bear witness against injustice.’
—Ranjit Hoskote,
Indian poet, art critic,
cultural theorist and independent curator

‘Dalpat Chauhan reminds us of the ongoing debt society owes those whose
very beings are confiscated—their touch stigmatized and their labour
rendered disposable, available for the taking. The historical memory of
debt bondage and caste labour haunts our protagonist, who experiences
the proscriptions on touch and the fugitive possibilities of inter-caste desire
as two sides of caste’s schizoid existence. The violence of atrocity, of desire
disciplined by death, frames this extraordinary Gujarati novel filled with
rich descriptions of everyday life, violent intimacies, the raw physicality of
desire and destitution and the incendiary power of Dalit anger and outrage.
Hemang Ashwinkumar’s translation reminds us that the rich archives of
Dalit writing in regional languages bear witness to literature’s capacity to
bring our (caste) ethics and politics to crisis even as it invites us to annihilate
caste and remake social life.’
—Anupama Rao,
Director, Institute for
Comparative Literature and Society (Columbia)

Vultures.indd 2 3/7/2022 10:57:26 AM

 ‘This novel written by a Gujarati Dalit tells us the story of a Dalit labourer
who in spite of brutal upper-caste oppression and suppression educates
himself but has his life cut short in a heinous murder. Through this story,
the original Gujarati Dalit writer and his translator successfully tell the
world outside Gujarat the kind of caste practices that existed there. Gujarat
remains a very casteist and violent anti-Dalit society. The 2016 Una Dalit
flogging revealed that narrative. Yet not much has been written about its
culture and practices in English. This novel mirrors its history of horrors
and becomes an instrument of its reform. I hope it does well in the market.’
—Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd,
Indian political theorist and Dalit rights activist

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 Vultures
Vultures
Vultures.indd 4 3/7/2022 10:57:26 AM
Vultures.indd 1 28/02/22 4:48 PM
Vultures.indd 1 28/02/22 4:48 PM
Vultures.indd 5 3/7/2022 10:57:27 AM
 HAMISH HAMILTON
USA | Canada | UK | Ireland | Australia
New Zealand | India | South Africa | China

Hamish Hamilton is part of the Penguin Random House group of companies

whose addresses can be found at global.penguinrandomhouse.com

Published by Penguin Random House India Pvt. Ltd

4th Floor, Capital Tower 1, MG Road,
Gurugram 122 002, Haryana, India

First published in English in Hamish Hamilton by Penguin Random House India 2022

Copyright © Dalpat Chauhan 1991

English translation and introduction copyright © Hemang Ashwinkumar 2022

All rights reserved

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

This is a work of fiction. Names, characters, places and incidents are either the
product of the author’s imagination or are used fictitiously, and any resemblance
to any actual person, living or dead, events or locales is entirely coincidental.

ISBN 9780670096442

For sale in the Indian subcontinent only

Typeset in Adobe Caslon Pro by Manipal Technologies Limited, Manipal

Printed at

This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade
or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the
publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in
which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition
being imposed on the subsequent purchaser.

www.penguin.co.in

Vultures.indd 6 3/7/2022 10:57:27 AM

 Dedicated
to
the bravehearts
who are fighting
the battle for Dalit rights

Vultures.indd 7 3/7/2022 10:57:27 AM

Vultures.indd 8 3/7/2022 10:57:27 AM
 The idea of making a gift of fundamental rights
to every individual is no doubt very laudable. The
question is how to make them effective? The
prevalent view is that once rights are enacted in
a law then they are safeguarded. This again is an
unwarranted assumption. As experience proves,
rights are protected not by law but by the social and
moral conscience of society. If social conscience
is such that it is prepared to recognize the rights
which law chooses to enact, rights will be safe and
secure. But if the fundamental rights are opposed
by the community, no Law, no Parliament, no
Judiciary can guarantee them in the real sense of
the word. What is the use of the fundamental
rights to the Negroes in America, to the Jews in
Germany and to the Untouchables in India? As
Burke said, there is no method found for punishing
the multitude. Law can punish a single solitary
recalcitrant criminal. It can never operate against
a whole body of people who are determined to
defy it. Social conscience—to use the language
of Coleridge—that calm incorruptible legislator
of the soul without whom all other powers would
‘meet in mere oppugnancy—is the only safeguard
of all rights fundamental or non-fundamental.’

—Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar

‘Ranade, Gandhi and Jinnah’, BAWS, Vol. 1, 2014

Vultures.indd 9 3/7/2022 10:57:27 AM

Vultures.indd 10 3/7/2022 10:57:27 AM
 Contents

Introductionxiii
Hemang Ashwinkumar

Vultures1

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Vultures.indd 12 3/7/2022 10:57:27 AM
 Introduction
Hemang Ashwinkumar

I will never be free of memories. Memories are my reality.

That is the destiny of Dalits.
—Bhimrao Ambedkar
‘Two Imaginary Soliloquies: Ambedkar and Gandhi’,
D. R. Nagaraj, Flaming Feet and Other Essays, 2010

To hear one of the greatest intellectuals of modern India

let out a cry of profound anguish—on the eve of the
Golden Jubilee of Indian Independence—over the lot
of his people to forever be the prisoners of memories is
rather disconcerting but also intriguing. The memory he
is talking about is neither the historical memory nor the
spiritual memory, for he had delegitimized the projects
of excavating these memories as shrewdly colonial and

xiii

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 Introduction

sinisterly assimilationist, respectively. If he knew the

quest for glorious Dalit past and proud genealogies to
be constructs—the revivalist cultural politics to him was
dangerously status quoist—he would have none of these
structures of memory. The claustrophobic prison-house
of memory he is condemned to relates to the frozen
time his community is forced to inhabit; the unchanging
time marked by the poisonous, viral caste ethos that has
infected the very institutions and forms of life he had
built and enlivened to fight it.
Like Babasaheb, Bhalabha, the visualizer in Vultures,
in whose memory the narrative unfolds, is a hostage to
his memory. Based on the incident of the blood-curdling
murder of a Dalit boy by Rajput landlords of Kodaram
village in Banaskantha district in 1964 and published
around the Golden Jubilee of Independence, the novel
portrays an orthodox, feudal society, structured around
caste-based relations and social segregation. Bhalabha’s
memory categorically disputes the revivalist and even
anthropological strands of Dalit cultural memory.
It’s quintessentially the bitter-sweet memory of his
community’s existential predicament, of the knowledge
that in the midst of apparent, superficial change, nothing
has changed. He realizes that the vice-like grip of caste,
entrenched in its deep-seated material greed and its
dictates for social distancing, has not only struck deeper

xiv

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 Introduction

roots but also spread its rhizome network far and wide,
infecting communities, structures, institutions and
world views.
Actually, it is an alternative memory, the vulture’s
memory, which has been shunted to the margins by the
custodians of cultural memory for it is too stark and too
discomforting to confront. The vulture’s hermeneutic of
lived realities unsettles and subverts the culture’s truth-
claims about identity, progress and civilization. That’s
why it is always rejected as aberration and discarded as
exaggeration. To my mind, the novel presents a subversive
counterpoint to another mainstream Gujarati novel
that claims to capture the zeitgeist of twentieth-century
Gujarat, the invincibility of its spirit and proud agrarian
identity. The novel by Pannalal Patel titled Manavi ni
Bhavai (Endurance: A Droll Saga), published on the
eve of Indian Independence, fetched the author the
prestigious Jnanpith Award in 1985. Its film adaptation in
1993 won the National Film Award. The defining theme
of the novel, from which the English translation probably
derives its title, is the crushing agrarian angst articulated
by the protagonist Kalu when he queues up for charity
grains during Chhappaniyo Dukal (Indian Famine of
1899–1900). He says, ‘It’s not the hunger really, but the
act of begging to douse it which demeans.’ In his short
story Badalo (The Payback), Dalpat Chauhan develops

xv

Vultures.indd 15 3/7/2022 10:57:27 AM

Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
 alliance.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
257
Paris, August 24th, 1779,
Mediation of Russia between the European belligerents.—
Embarrassments of England.—Combined fleet on the English coast.
To the President of Congress.
259
Paris, September 10th, 1779,
Complains of the mode of proceeding in Congress relative to
himself.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
260
Paris, September 19th, 1779,
Complains, of the treatment by Congress.—Requests instructions
relative to the boundaries between the territories of Spain and the
United States.
Benjamin Franklin to Arthur Lee.
262
Passy, September 30th, 1779,
Unable to supply Mr Lee with money for his support in Spain.—
Advises his return to America.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
262
Paris, October 13th, 1779,
Admiral Rodney appointed to the command in the West Indies.—
Meditated invasion of England.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to Arthur Lee.
264
Philadelphia, October 13th, 1779,
Announcing Mr Jay’s appointment to Spain.—Enclosing the
resolution of Congress allowing Mr Lee’s return to America.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
264
Paris, October 21st, 1779,
Disposition of England unfavorable to peace.—Debt of England.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
265
Paris, November 6th, 1779,
Requests a decision on the accusations against him.—
Impracticability of a loan in Europe.—Requests a fixed allowance.—
Plans of the French and British cabinets for the ensuing campaign.
—Spanish ultimatum.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
271
Paris, November 30th, 1779,
Change in the British Ministry.—Ascendancy of the war party.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
273
Paris, December 8th, 1779,
King’s speech.—Memorial of the English Ambassador at the Hague.
To Count de Florida Blanca.
273
Paris, December 16th, 1779,
Plan of operations in the south.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
274
Paris, December 25th, 1779,
Exertions of the English for the ensuing campaign.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
275
Paris, January 19th, 1780,
Receives the King’s picture on taking leave.
To John Jay, Minister from the United States of America at
Madrid. 276
L’Orient, March 17th, 1780,
Necessity of secrecy at the Court of Spain.—Gardoqui.
To the President of Congress.
278
Philadelphia, October 7th, 1780,
Deposits the King’s picture with the President.—Requests a hearing
before Congress.
To the President of Congress.
280
Philadelphia, December 7th, 1780,
State of Europe.—League of the neutral powers.—Difficulty of
obtaining a loan in Europe.—Necessity of a Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs.—Importance of Russia.

WILLIAM LEE’S CORRESPONDENCE.

Instructions to William Lee.
289
Philadelphia, July 1st, 1777,
 Commissioner to the Courts of Vienna and Berlin.—Instructed to
propose treaties of friendship and commerce with those Courts,
and to solicit the acknowledgment of the independence of the
States.
To the President of Congress.
291
Paris, Oct. 7th, 1777,
Acknowledges the receipt of his instructions.
To Charles Thomson, Secretary of Congress.
292
Paris, November 24th, 1777,
Anglo-German troops.—Supplies from the North.
To Charles Thomson.
294
Paris, Dec. 18th, 1777,
Prussia forbids the passage of the German troops; desirous of
commerce with America.
To Charles Thomson.
296
Paris, January 2d, 1778,
Emperor discountenances the use of German troops by the
English.—Commerce through Emden.
To the President of Congress.
298
Paris, Jan. 22d, 1778,
Imperfection in his commission.
To the President of Congress.
300
Paris, February 28th, 1778,
Threatened rupture between Austria and Prussia.—Situation and
measures of the British Ministry.—Spain.
To the President of Congress.
302
Paris, March 23d, 1778,
Acknowledgment of the independence of the United States.—
France will not join either party in case of a German war.
The Committee of Foreign Affairs to William Lee.
304
York, May 14th, 1778,
Resolution of Congress providing for his pay.—Unanimity and
firmness of Congress; the nation.—Mr Lee’s powers to be enlarged.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
306
Paris, September 12th, 1778,
 War in Germany.—Retires from Vienna to Francfort.—Draft of a
treaty between Holland and the United States.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
310
Francfort, October 15th, 1778,
Plan of a treaty with Holland.—State of German affairs.
Plan of a treaty with Holland, 313
From the Committee of Foreign Affairs to William Lee.
334
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778,
Return of the British Commissioners.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
335
Francfort, February 25th, 1779,
States-General determine to protect their trade.—Prospect of a
peace in Germany, under the mediation of France and Russia.—
Commerce with Prussia.
To the President of Congress.
339
Paris, March 16th, 1779,
Answer to Mr Deane’s charges.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
346
Paris, March 25th, 1779,
Conferences between Prussia and Austria at Teschin.—Danger of
England’s obtaining recruits from the German free corps.—Dr
Franklin declines joining him in consulting with Count de
Vergennes on German affairs.—Mr Deane’s charges.
Ralph Izard and Arthur Lee to William Lee.
349
Paris, June 22d, 1779,
Propriety of waiting for the decision of Spain, before an application
to Prussia to acknowledge the independence of the United States;
of changing the channel of application.
James Lovell to William Lee.
350
Philadelphia, July 17th, 1779,
Communicating his recall from Vienna and Berlin.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
351
Francfort, September 28th, 1779,
Effect of Dr Franklin’s refusal to assist him at the French Court.—
Rescript of the Spanish Ambassador.—Answer of the Prussian
 Minister to his application for an acknowledgment of the
independence of the United States.—Mediation of Russia.—
Commerce with Prussia.—British Ministry disposed to acknowledge
the independence of America.—Disposition of the king.
To the President of Congress.
356
Brussels, February 10th, 1781,
Britain determines not to send more troops to America.—Secret
proposals of the Ministry to France and Spain.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
357
Brussels, April 12th, 1781,
Mr Lee’s accounts.
James Lovell to William Lee.
358
Philadelphia, September 20th, 1781,
Enclosing the decision of Congress in regard to the settlement of
his accounts.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
359
Brussels, March 31st, 1782,
Change in the British Ministry.—General disposition to peace in
England.—Opposition of the King.—Propriety of sending a Minister
to the Austrian Netherlands.

RALPH IZARD’S CORRESPONDENCE.

Instructions to Ralph Izard.
367
Philadelphia, July 1st, 1777,
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
369
Paris, October 6th, 1777,
Interest of the Italian powers to diminish the power of England.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
370
Paris, December 18th, 1777,
Friendly disposition of the Tuscan Minister in France; advises a
delay of Mr Izard’s visit to Italy.—Effect of the surrender of General
Burgoyne.
Arthur Lee to Ralph Izard. January 28th, 1778, 372
Requesting his opinion on the twelfth article of the treaty.
To Benjamin Franklin.
372
Paris, January 28th, 1778,
Objections to the twelfth article.—Complains of Dr Franklin’s
reserve.
Benjamin Franklin to Ralph Izard.
375
Passy, January 29th, 1778,
Circumstances prevent his explaining the motives of his conduct.—
Advice to Mr Izard.
To Benjamin Franklin.
376
Paris, January 30th, 1778,
Recriminations.—Twelfth article.
The Committee of Foreign Affairs to Ralph Izard.
378
York, February 5th, 1778,
Depreciation of the currency.—Importance of a loan.
To Henry Laurens, President of Congress.
379
Paris, February 16th, 1778,
Proceedings relative to the twelfth article.—Complains of the
reserve of Dr Franklin and Mr Deane.—Preparations for war in
France and England.—Want of funds.
Benjamin Franklin to Ralph Izard.
385
Passy, March 27th, 1778,
To Benjamin Franklin.
385
Paris, March 29th, 1778,
Reminds him of his promise of an explanation of his conduct.
Benjamin Franklin to Ralph Izard.
386
Passy, March 30th, 1778,
Reasons of his delay in giving his explanations.
To Benjamin Franklin.
387
Paris, March 31st, 1778,
Requests a speedy explanation.
To Henry Laurens.
388
Paris, April 1st, 1778,
Secrecy of Dr Franklin and Mr Deane relative to M. Gerard’s
mission.—Disputes on the Bavarian succession.—Mr Deane’s
 unfitness for his place.—Proposes a commission for Naples.
To Benjamin Franklin.
390
Paris, April 4th, 1778,
On the subject of explanations.
Benjamin Franklin to Ralph Izard.
391
Passy, April 4th, 1778,
Promises to explain the reasons of his conduct.
To Henry Laurens.
391
Paris, April 11th, 1778,
Expresses a wish to be sent to England.—Titles of American
Ministers in Europe.
To Benjamin Franklin,
394
Paris, April 25th, 1778,
Subject of the explanations.
John J. Pringle to Ralph Izard.
395
Paris, April 26th, 1778,
Interview with Dr Franklin on the subject of Mr Izard’s complaints.
Committee of Foreign Affairs to Ralph Izard.
399
York, May 14th, 1778,
Enclosing the resolve of Congress providing for his support.—
Treaties ratified by Congress.—Future treaties to be made on the
basis of mutual benefit.—Enlargement of his powers.
To Arthur Lee.
401
Paris, May 18th, 1778,
Objections to the fifth article of the treaty.
Arthur Lee to Ralph Izard.
406
Chaillot, May 23d, 1778,
Objections to the fifth article.—Cession of territory to Spain.
To Benjamin Franklin.
408
Paris, June 17th, 1778,
Mr Pringle’s interview.—Subject of the explanations promised by Dr
Franklin.
To Henry Laurens, President of Congress.
417
Paris, June 28th, 1778,
Objections to the treaties.—Complains of Dr Franklin.—German
affairs.
To Henry Laurens, President of Congress.
422
Paris, July 25th, 1778,
Ratification of the treaties received in France.—Objections to the
eighth article.—Mr Lee not received publicly at Vienna.
From the Abbé Niccoli to Ralph Izard.
426
Florence, July 28th, 1778,
Advises him not to come to Florence.—State of Tuscany.—
Improbability of his obtaining a loan there.—Recommends an
attempt in Genoa.
To the Commissioners.
429
Paris, August 25th, 1778,
Relative to obtaining a loan in Genoa.—Barbary cruisers.
From the Commissioners to Ralph Izard.
430
Paris, August 25th, 1778,
Advise an application to Count de Vergennes on the subject of a
loan in Genoa.—Intend to present him a memorial on the
interposition of France with the Barbary powers.
To the Abbé Niccoli.
431
Paris, September 1st, 1778,
Urging a loan.—-Trade to Leghorn.
To Count de Vergennes.
433
Paris, Sept. 2d, 1778,
Requesting the assistance of France in obtaining a loan from
Genoa.
To Henry Laurens, President of Congress.
434
Paris, September 12th, 1778,
Relative to the 11th, 12th, and 5th articles of the treaty.—Policy of
Spain.—France declines interfering in the business of a loan.—-The
fisheries.—Confusion of the commercial business of the United
States in France.
The Committee of Foreign Affairs to Ralph Izard.
440
Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778,
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
441
Paris, January 28th, 1779,
Cannot be publicly received at Florence.—Dr Franklin refuses to
accept his draft.—Requests permission to return to America.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
444
Paris, March 4th, 1779,
Requests leave to return.
The Committee of Foreign Affairs to Ralph Izard.
445
Philadelphia, July 17th, 1779,
Communicating his recall.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
446
Paris, September 29th, 1779,
Relative to the payment for his services.
To the President of Congress.
448
Philadelphia, August 6th, 1780,
Announces his arrival.—Offers information respecting affairs in
Europe.

HENRY LAURENS’ CORRESPONDENCE.

Instructions to Henry Laurens. In Congress, October 26th,

453
1779,
Committee of Foreign Affairs to Henry Laurens.
454
Philadelphia, December 11th, 1779,
Enclosing acts of Congress for drawing on him for £100,000.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
455
Charleston, January 24th, 1780,
Relative to the bills of exchange mentioned in the preceding letter.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
457
Charleston, February 14th, 1780,
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs.
458
Charleston, February 24th, 1780,
Proposes to embark for Martinique.—Ships indigo on account of
the United States.
To the Committee of Foreign Affairs. Vestal—British frigate,
461
St John’s, Newfoundland, September 14th, 1780,
He and his papers captured.—Ordered to England by the Governor.
To the President of Congress.
462
Tower of London, December 20th, 1781,
Cruel treatment in the tower.
To the President of Congress.
463
Amsterdam, May 30th, 1782,
History of his confinement in the tower.—Declines his appointment
to treat with Great Britain.—His services while in confinement.—
Lord Shelburne declares that he “shall part with America with
regret.”
To the President of Congress.
472
Nantes, September 5th, 1782,
Applies for a passport from England.—Dr Franklin offers to supply
his expenses.
Robert R. Livingston to Henry Laurens.
476
Philadelphia, September 17th, 1782,
Announces his appointment as Secretary of Foreign Affairs.—
Congress declines accepting Mr Laurens’ resignation.
Robert R. Livingston to Henry Laurens.
477
Philadelphia, November 8th, 1782,
Union and firmness of the States.—Military intelligence.—Death of
Colonel Laurens.
To Lord Cornwallis.
479
Paris, December 9th, 1782,
His exertions to effect the release of Lord Cornwallis.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
480
Paris, December 15th, 1782,
Acknowledges the receipt of certain acts of Congress.—Repairs to
Paris in compliance with the order of Congress to assist in the
 negotiations.—His services in England.—Declines receiving any
further sums of money.—Signing of the preliminary articles
between Great Britain and the United States communicated to
Russia.—Exchange of Lord Cornwallis.—Requests permission to
return.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
484
Paris, December 24th, 1782,
Mr Hartley’s motion in the House of Commons on a reconciliation
with America.—Little prospect of a general peace.—Notions in
England of a reconciliation with the colonies. —Attempts to excite
jealousies of France.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
487
Paris, January 9th, 1783,
Little prospect of a definitive treaty.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
488
London, March 15th, 1783,
Visits London.—Urges the withdrawing of British troops from
America previous to any intercourse between the countries.—
Provisional treaty, if obtained without the concurrence of France,
disgraceful to the American Ministers.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
491
London, April 5th, 1783,
Third bill of the provisional establishment of trade with America
dropped.—Mr Laurens’s supposed American bill for regulating
commerce with Great Britain.—The new Ministry arranged.—
Conference with Mr Fox.—United States included in the Foreign
Department.—Mr Hartley appointed to negotiate a definitive treaty
of peace.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
493
London, April 10th, 1783,
Leave given to bring in a bill repealing certain bills prohibiting an
intercourse with the United States.—Deputation of merchants urge
the opening of a communication with America.—Mr Laurens insists
on the previous withdrawing of the troops.
Robert R. Livingston to Henry Laurens.
495
Philadelphia, May 8th, 1783,
 Enclosing the resolution of Congress permitting his return.—The
provisional treaty ratified.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
496
London, June 17th, 1783,
Delays of the British negotiator.—Weakness of the new Ministry.
Articles proposed by the American Commissioners to Mr
499
Hartley,
Mr Hartley’s proposed Article of Agreement, delivered by him to
the American Commissioners for their Consideration, May 21st, 500
1783,
Observations and Propositions of Mr Hartley, left with the
502
American Ministers, May 21st, 1783,
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
505
Bath, June 27th, 1783,
Regrets that the British troops were not removed previous to a free
communication between the countries.—His accounts.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
507
Bath, July 17th, 1783,
Recommending the Rev. Mr Wells and Mr Carpenter.—Mr Deane
reported to have been active in drawing up a treaty of commerce
in London.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
508
Bath, July 17th, 1783,
Requested by Dr Franklin to return to Paris.—Complies.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
508
Ship Washington, off Poole, August 2d, 1783,
Intends to apply to the Ministers for information, as to the
reception of an American Minister in London.
To L. R. Morris.
509
London, August 9th, 1783,
His accounts.
To the Ministers of the United States at Paris.
510
London, August 9th, 1783,
 Conference with Mr Fox.—With the Duke of Portland.—Second
conference with Mr Fox.—The meeting at Philadelphia.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
515
London, August 9th, 1783,
His accounts.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
517
London, September 11th, 1783,
The definitive treaty only a re-confirmation of the provisional
treaty.—Mr Jennings’s accusations.
To the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
520
Dover, September 16th, 1783,
To Charles Thomson.
520
Bath, March 28th, 1784,
Term for exchanging ratifications extended.—Extension of the
Intercourse Bill.—Trade of the United States with the British West
Indies.—Disposition of the English towards America.
David Hartley to Henry Laurens.
523
Golden Square, March 26th, 1784,
Proposed term for the exchange of ratifications extended.
To the President of Congress.
524
London, April 24th, 1784,
Proclamation for extending the American intercourse.—Restrictions
on the American trade to the West Indies.—Effects of a retaliation.
—Opposition to a reconciliation with America.—The King opposed
to the late war; willing to receive an Ambassador from the United
States.—Plan for the King’s abdication, and rescinding the
alienation of the Prince of Wales’s inheritance.—Mischief done by
the loyalists in England.
To the President of Congress.
527
London, April 30th, 1784,
Bitterness in England against the United States.—Mr Deane and
others oppose the interests of the United States.
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ARTHUR
LEE,
COMMISSIONER FROM THE UNITED STATES
TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.
Arthur Lee was a native of Virginia, and born on the 20th of
December, 1740. His early education was finished at Eton College, in
England, whence he proceeded to Edinburgh, with a view of
preparing himself for the medical profession. Having gone through
with the usual courses, he took the degree of doctor of medicine.
After leaving Edinburgh, he travelled in Holland and Germany, and
then returned to Virginia, where he commenced the practice of
physic. Not well satisfied with this calling, he resolved to abandon it,
and apply himself to the study of the law. He went over to London,
and became a student in the Temple, about the year 1766.
From this period till the beginning of the Revolution, Arthur Lee
held a correspondence with his brothers, and several other persons
in America, respecting the political state of things in England, and
the transactions relating to the Colonies. He was warmly attached to
the interests of his country, and was appointed by the Assembly of
Massachusetts to be Agent for that Colony, as successor to Dr
Franklin, who left England in the spring of 1775. In December, of the
same year, the Committee of Secret Correspondence requested Mr
Lee to act as their secret agent in London, and to transmit to them
any information, which he might think important. He wrote to the
Committee several letters, while acting in this agency.
When Commissioners to the Court of France were appointed, Mr
Jefferson, one of the number, declined accepting the appointment,
and Arthur Lee was put in his place, October 22d, 1776. He
proceeded from London to Paris, where he met the other
Commissioners. In the spring of 1777 he went to Spain, by the
advice of his colleagues, with the design of procuring aid from the
Spanish Government for the United States, in which he was partially
successful. On his return to Paris, he made a short tour to Vienna
and Berlin for similar purposes, and maintained for some time a
correspondence of a political nature with Baron de Schulenburg, one
of the Prussian Ministers. Meantime he received from Congress the
appointment of Commissioner to Spain, but he never went out of
France while acting under this commission. It expired when Mr Jay
was made Minister Plenipotentiary to that Court.
Arthur Lee returned to the United States in September, 1780, and
the next year he was chosen a Representative to the Assembly of
Virginia. By this body he was sent a Delegate to Congress. While in
that capacity, he was made one of a commission to form treaties
with the Indians on the Northwestern frontiers, and was occupied
several months in the duties of that expedition. He died in Virginia,
after a short illness, on the 12th of December, 1792.

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO ARTHUR

LEE.
Philadelphia, December 12th, 1775.
Sir,
By this conveyance we have the pleasure of transmitting to you
sundry printed papers, that such of them as you think proper may
be immediately published in England.
We have written on the subject of American affairs to Monsieur
C. G. F. Dumas, who resides at the Hague. We recommend to you to
correspond with him, and to send through his hands any letters to
us which you cannot send more directly. He will transmit them via St
Eustatia.
Mr Story may be trusted with any despatches you think proper to
send us. You will be so kind as to aid and advise him.
 It would be agreeable to Congress to know the disposition of
foreign powers towards us, and we hope this object will engage your
attention. We need not hint that great circumspection and
impenetrable secrecy are necessary. The Congress rely on your zeal
and abilities to serve them, and will readily compensate you for
whatever trouble and expense a compliance with their desire may
occasion. We remit you for the present £200.
Whenever you think the importance of your despatches may
require it, we desire you to send an express boat with them from
England, for which service your agreement with the owner there
shall be fulfilled by us here.
We can now only add, that we continue firm in our resolutions to
defend ourselves, notwithstanding the big threats of the ministry. We
have just taken one of their ordnance storeships, in which an
abundance of carcasses and bombs, intended for burning our towns,
were found.
With great esteem, we are, Sir, your most obedient humble
servants,
B. FRANKLIN,
JOHN DICKINSON,
JOHN JAY.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
London, February 13th, 1776.
The enclosed will easily explain itself. The intelligence you should
observe, and take measures accordingly. A fund for necessary
expenses should be fixed here, in such hands as can be confided in.
You know who is to be trusted. From experience I can say, (though
without any connexion or commerce with them) the New England
men are fittest to be trusted in any dangerous or important
enterprise. Show this only to R. H. L.[1] of Virginia, and he will guess
from whence it comes.
 The intelligence, if it gets to hand in time, should be
communicated as soon as possible to every part of America, that she
may be prepared.

TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.[2]

[Enclosed in the foregoing.]
London, February 13th, 1776.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 30th of November, 1775, announcing the
appointment of a Secret Committee reached me a few days since.
Miscarriages will be manifold indeed, if you have not frequently
heard from me. All my solicitude has been about my letters reaching
you; every disguise was necessary to effect that. I am, however,
much obliged to the General for the step taken to secure me.
You will be curious to know what are the ministerial intentions,
and their force for the next campaign. The following is their army
upon paper,—Hessians, 12,000; Brunswickers, Woolfenbutlers and
Waldeckers, 5000; six regiments under Lord Cornwallis, 3000; eight
more to sail in the spring, 4000; Highlanders, 2000; now in America,
8000.
The sailing and destination of this armament is thus. Those
under General Lord Cornwallis are now embarked at Cork, and wait
for sailing orders, their destination, Virginia. By the treaty just now
signed, the Germans are to be ready on the 27th of this month to
march to the seacoast and embark, but for what part of America is
not exactly known; the march by land is near six weeks, so that they
cannot sail before April. The second embarkation from Cork will be
about the same time, and it seems probable that their destination
will be against Canada, under General Burgoyne, who is soliciting
that command. In the meantime, the 29th regiment, with General
Carleton’s brother, is to sail from hence immediately to reinforce
Quebec, supposing that they can get high enough up the river, as far
as the Isle of Orleans, to make good their march by land. The
regiments under Lord Cornwallis are the 37th, 33d, 54th, 15th, 28th,
46th. Those for the spring are the 34th, 53d, 62d, 3d, 9th, 11th,
20th, 24th. Lord Howe is appointed to the command at sea, but the
commander on land is not known; certain however it is, that there
are two Lieutenant Generals, and one of them old, that go with the
Germans, so that it must be one of great reputation and old in the
service to command over them. It is therefore conjectured Count de
Lippe will be the man. He commanded the army in Portugal during
the last war. They are taking up East Indiamen for the transport
service, supposing they will be able to beat off the cruisers. A great
number of artillery and waggon horses are to be sent, and a train of
large battering cannon is preparing, which it would seem can only be
intended against Quebec, should it be taken by General
Montgomery.
The English and Irish troops go with infinite reluctance, and
strong guards are obliged to be kept upon the transports to keep
them from deserting by wholesale. The Germans too, I am well
informed, are almost mutinous, but the Landgrave of Hesse is an
absolute tyrant, and must be obeyed. It is therefore conceived, that
if the Congress have proposals prepared in English and German, to
distribute among them when they land, which no precautions can
prevent, multitudes will desert.
Upon the whole, the ministry, if every thing favors them, may
have about thirty thousand men in America by the latter end of
June. They will have no horse but two regiments of light dragoons,
that are now there, and Burgoyne’s, which is to go. If the Americans
have horse well trained to the woods, it will harrass such an army
infinitely; and if they act upon the defensive, entrench well, harrass
them continually, cut off their convoys, and if ever they hazard an
engagement, make their push upon one wing; it is imagined here,
that no General on earth can make the campaign decisive, and it is
hardly possible this country can stand another. They have found it
impossible to recruit in England, Ireland, or Scotland, though the
leading people of the last are to a man violently against America.
They have therefore been obliged to draft from the other regiments
to complete those which are going, so that when the whole are
embarked, there will be scarce 2000 men remaining in Ireland, and
as many in England, besides the foot guards and cavalry. I am well
assured, that the French Government will wink at the exportation of
arms and ammunition. A General of the first abilities and experience
would go over, if he could have any assurance from the Congress of
keeping his rank; but that being very high, he would not submit to
have any one but an American his superior, and that only in
consideration of the confidence due to an American in a question so
peculiarly American.
Let me have your opinion of all these things. The opposition
gains ground, and the nation begins to feel; but America must trust
to her own arm and Heaven for protection. The resolutions of
January the 2d[3] do you infinite honor, and will undoubtedly serve
the cause. Your conduct, I trust, will be noble, as that is great and
good. I know your attachment to the country you have adopted.
Prince Ferdinand’s recommendation of the General mentioned above
is in these words. “As to experience, intelligence and valor, I do not
know whether another can be found to equal him.” Your letter of the
30th of November, 1775, cost 19s. 6d. postage, there was so much
superfluous paper; would not a packet sent to some of the Canary
Islands, and committed to proper care, reach us safest and soonest?
If there is any friend there to be trusted, the opportunities from
thence hither are frequent. Cover mine and address it to John
Horsfall, Treasurer, Middle Temple.

TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.

London, February 14th, 1776.
Dear Sir,
The enclosed list is the ministerial army upon paper. In effect it
will amount to about 15000 Germans and 18000 British; their
destination I can now give you with some certainty; 4000
Brunswickers and Waldeckers, with 500 Hessians from Hanan, are
now at Stade, a port in Hanover, ready for immediate embarkation
and destined for Canada, to be joined by the twentyninth regiment,
and 1000 drafted from the Foot Guards, under Colonel Matthews.
There is to be another embarkation in the spring from Ireland for
Canada, and the whole is to be commanded by General Burgoyne,
and Carleton I believe recalled.
The second body, being Hessians, are to march this day for
Stade, and the third on the 14th of next month; these are for
Boston. Lord Cornwallis, with six regiments, to sail immediately from
Cork for Virginia, where General Clinton is to take the command.
They have certain assurances of being joined by the Scotch in
Virginia, and those on the borders of North Carolina under the
command of one M’Donald. In the mean time, they have been
directed to protect themselves under a treaty of neutrality. Besides
this land force, Lord Howe is to have a fleet of seventytwo sail to
block up the coast. For this purpose large ships are to be stationed
at the mouths of the great rivers, and the rest are to cruise at some
distance from the coast three deep, but not in file, so as to render it
more difficult to cross them. They are to get possession of New York
and Hudson’s river, so as to cut off all south and north
communications, and they have some idea of attacking Canada too,
by Montreal. Halifax is to be their naval magazine.
The Germans are commanded by two Lieutenant Generals, of
whom the eldest is named De Heister, who has some military
character. This is the favorable review of their plan. On the contrary,
the whole army, native and foreign, is averse to the service, so that
it is much apprehended, that if the provincials are dexterous in
throwing among them advantageous propositions, and faithful in
performing them, the desertion will be immense. The British troops
have not one in five that is a soldier, the rest are boys and
debilitated manufacturers, just recruited, at the reduced standard of
five feet four inches. A vast number of the best subaltern officers
have quitted the service. It is thought they will make Howe
commander in chief, which must disgust the German generals, who
are much older. The expense will be immense, the difficulty of
providing magazines immense, and another campaign hardly
possible. Lord George Sackville is the minister, with absolute and
hated authority even in the Cabinet.
Great expectations too are entertained from treachery in the
provincials. Dr Church was in league with others, particularly
Flemming the printer.[4] This I have from ministerial authority, which
may be depended on. They will also endeavor to depreciate the
Congress paper, by throwing in forged notes. A general of the first
rank and abilities would go over, if the Congress would authorise any
one to promise him a proper reception. This I had from Mr Lee,
agent for Massachusetts, but it must be secret with you, as I was
not to mention it.
 TO LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR COLDEN.
April 15th, 1776.
Dear Sir,
On the 7th ult. the Snow, Dickinson, Captain Meston, consigned
to Messrs Montandouine & Frere at Nantes, was brought into Bristol
by her crew, and delivered up with all her papers. From these the
ministry are apprized of all the ships, which have been sent to the
different ports of France, and cruisers are despatched into the Bay of
Biscay to watch them. John Sands, mate of the Dickinson, had made
memorandums long before he left Philadelphia of every material
transaction, which shows a premeditated plan of treachery. The
proceedings of the ministry, relative to this proof of the French
interposition, have not yet transpired, but France does not seem to
be settled or spirited enough to enter into a war, should England
resent this business.
On the 5th of this month, a fleet sailed with 2000 Brunswick
troops and General Burgoyne; it is therefore understood that they
are gone to succor Quebec. Six regiments, about 4000 effective
men, made up with German recruits, are now ready for sailing
orders at Cork. It is probable that they are destined to Quebec. The
first divisions of the Hessians are not yet arrived, so that it is not
likely the whole of them will sail till the latter end of May. They are,
by stipulation, to serve altogether, and therefore, will go to Boston or
Long Island. It is supposed the provincials will possess the strong
posts on Elizabeth River, which, if in the enemy’s hands, will give
them the command of Jersey, Staten Island, &c. If the provincials
always have redoubts in the front and flanks of their army, it is the
opinion of the ablest in the profession, that they will be better than
entrenchments or lines, and will foil the regulars by breaking their
line, or forcing them to sacrifice a number of men, which they
cannot afford.
 People here begin to feel the matter as very serious, since the
publications of Dr Price and Lord Stair have convinced them, that
new taxes must be imposed for supporting this armament, which it
is certain will cost upwards of twelve millions. The ships sent out are
exceedingly ill manned, and there is such a disposition to desertion
among the German troops, that if proper offers are made to them,
the ministerial people are much afraid they will desert in great
numbers. They have hopes, however, that divisions will take place
among the provinces, and in the Congress, as they are satisfied that
firmness and unanimity will force their own terms.
The city of London has addressed the throne for an avowal of the
conditions on which peace is to be restored. The answer was in
effect unconditional submission. You may reckon that in July the
troops will be arrived, so as to enable General Howe to take the
field. Lord Howe, though he has accepted the command, is not yet
sailed; he goes in the Eagle, of sixtyfour guns. He is a brave man,
but has a very confused head, and is therefore very unfit for an
extensive command. As there will not be above two line of battle
ships, if the Congress could procure five line of battle ships from the
French and Spaniards, they might destroy or drive the whole British
fleet from their coasts. Adieu.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.[5]

June 3d, 1776.
Gentlemen,
The desire of the Court of France to assist may be depended on;
but they are yet timid and the ministry unsettled. Turgot, lately
removed, was the most averse to a rupture with England; his
removal is of consequence. The contention for the lead now is
between Count de Vergennes and the Duke de Choiseul; both are
friends to you and for vigorous measures. The disposition in France
may for these reasons be relied on. Spain is more reserved, but
surely when France moves Spain will co-operate. The clear revenue
from the farm of tobacco is twentyfour millions of livres to France. It
has been hinted to me, that she is likely to tell Great Britain, that if
England cannot furnish it, she will send for it herself. You may judge,
therefore, what an important instrument that is in your hands. A
Scotch banker, Sir Robert Herries, proposed to the Farmers in France
to supply them at the home price here, that is, with the duty, to
which they agreed. He then applied to this government for leave to
import it upon paying the duties, which was refused.
In the last debate, Lord George Germain, who is undoubtedly
minister, affirmed that no treaty would be held with you till you had
laid down your arms. My opinion is, that independency is essential to
your dignity, essential to your present safety, and essential to your
future prosperity and peace. Some of the Congress correspond with
Mr Jackson, of the Board of Trade, and with Mr Molleson, a Scotch
merchant; the intelligence they give goes directly to the minister.
The young gentleman who will deliver this is of great worthiness,
and deserves much of his country for his fidelity and zeal. Six
thousand of the Hessian troops sailed last month, the remainder is
not yet arrived here, so that it may be September before they reach
you. In the mean time, it may be Howe’s plan to amuse you with a
negotiation, which may also furnish an opportunity of feeling some
pulses among you, as to the efficacy of money and promises.
Beware of Joseph Reed[6] of Philadelphia. One Brooke Watson, who
was permitted to travel last year from New York to Quebec, gave in
a plan to the ministry for attacking Canada, and is with the invaders.

Record of the Committee of Secret Correspondence.[7]

Philadelphia, October 1st, 1776.
Mr Thomas Story, (who had been sent by the Committee of
Secret Correspondence, December 13th, 1775, to France, Holland,
and England) reported verbally as follows. “On my leaving London,
Arthur Lee requested me to inform the Committee of
Correspondence, that he had several conferences with the French
ambassador, who had communicated the same to the French Court;
that, in consequence thereof, the Duke de Vergennes had sent a
gentleman to Arthur Lee, who informed him, that the French Court
could not think of entering into a war with England; but that they
would assist America, by sending from Holland this fall two hundred
thousand pounds sterling worth of arms and ammunition to St
Eustatia, Martinique, or Cape François; that application was to be
made to the governors or commandants of those places, by inquiring
for Monsieur Hortalez, and that, on persons properly authorised
applying, the above articles would be delivered to them.”
The above intelligence was communicated to the subscribers this
day, being the only two members of the Committee of Secret
Correspondence now in this city; and on our considering the nature
and importance of it, we agree in opinion, that it is our indispensable
duty to keep it a secret, even from Congress, for the following
reasons.
First. Should it get to the ears of our enemies at New York, they
would undoubtedly take measures to intercept the supplies, and
thereby deprive us, not only of these succors, but of others expected
by the same route.
Secondly. As the Court of France have taken measures to
negotiate this loan and succor in the most cautious and most secret
manner, should we divulge it immediately, we may not only lose the
present benefit, but also render that Court cautious of any further
connexion with such unguarded people, and prevent their granting
other loans and assistance that we stand in need of, and have
directed Mr Deane to ask of them; for it appears from all our
intelligence that they are not disposed to enter into an immediate
war with Great Britain, though disposed to support us in our contest
with them; we, therefore, think it our duty to cultivate their
favorable disposition towards us, and draw from them all the support
we can; and in the end their private aid must assist us to establish
peace, or inevitably draw them in as parties to the war.
 Thirdly. We find, by fatal experience, that the Congress consists
of too many members to keep secrets, as none could be more
strongly enjoined than the present embassy to France,
notwithstanding which, Mr Morris was this day asked by Mr Reese
Meredith, whether Dr Franklin and others were really going
ambassadors to France; which plainly proves, that this Committee
ought to keep this secret, if secrecy is required.
Fourthly. We are of opinion, that it is unnecessary to inform
Congress of this intelligence at present, because Mr Morris belongs
to all the committees that can properly be employed in receiving and
importing the expected supplies from Martinique, and will influence
the necessary measures for that purpose; indeed, we have already
authorised William Bingham to apply at Martinique and St Eustatia
for what comes there, and remit part by the armed sloop
Independence, Captain Young, promising to send others for the rest.
Mr Morris will apply to the Marine Committee to send other
armed vessels after her, and also to Cape François, (without
communicating this advice), in consequence of private intelligence
lately received, that arms, ammunition, and clothing can now be
procured at those places.
But should any unexampled misfortune befall the States of
America, so as to depress the spirits of Congress, it is our opinion,
that, on any event of that kind, Mr Morris (if Dr Franklin should be
absent) should communicate this important matter to Congress,
otherwise keep it until part or the whole supplies arrive, unless other
events happen, to render the communication of it more proper than
it appears to be at present.
B. FRANKLIN,
ROBERT MORRIS.

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO ARTHUR

LEE.
Philadelphia, October 23d, 1776.
 Sir,
By this conveyance we transmit to Silas Deane, a resolve of the
Honorable the Continental Congress of Delegates from the thirteen
United States of America, whereby you are appointed one of their
Commissioners for negotiating a treaty of alliance, amity, and
commerce with the Court of France, and also for negotiating treaties
with other nations, agreeably to certain plans and instructions of
Congress, which we have transmitted by various conveyances to Mr
Deane, another of the Commissioners. We flatter ourselves, from the
assurances of your friends here, that you will cheerfully undertake
this important business, and that our country will greatly benefit of
those abilities and that attachment, which you have already
manifested in sundry important services, which at a proper period
shall be made known to those you would wish.
ROBERT MORRIS,
B. FRANKLIN.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.
Paris, December 23d, 1776.
My Lord,
A very few hours after my last letter to your Lordship, brought
me the desire of my country to serve her in a public character. Your
Lordship, I hope, thinks too well of me to suppose I could hesitate a
moment. In fact, almost the same minute saw me bid adieu,
perhaps forever, to a country where from choice I had fixed my
fortunes, and to a people whom I most respected and could have
loved. But the first object of my life is my country; the first wish of
my heart is public liberty. I must see, therefore, the liberties of my
country established or perish in her last struggle.
In truth, I have long despaired even of a struggle for liberty in
England; I will not insult Scotland with the idea. It is not the subtle
Weddeburne, poisoning the fountain of public security, nor the