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How did Castro take control of Cuba?

Fidel Castro's influence on Cuba and the world spans over half a century. His rise to
power in 1959, just six years after a failed initial attempt, requires an understanding
of the context in which he operated.

Cuba in the Early 20th Century

In the 19th century, Cuba's economy heavily relied on slave-produced goods and
trade with the USA. US corporations owned many Cuban plantations. European
immigration focused on the western part of the island. The eastern provinces,
separated by the Sierra Maestra mountain range, were politically neglected and
economically undeveloped.

Ocean currents exacerbated this divide, with main trading ports in the west. Escaped
slaves found refuge in the east, creating an ethnic division with most black Cubans in
the east and those of Spanish descent in the west, where they had more socio-
economic advantages.

Oriente, the easternmost province, was the poorest and most rebellious, witnessing
many slave revolts. In 1886, Spain abolished slavery but former slaves faced
crippling poverty and political impotence in the eastern provinces.

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José Martí initiated his war against the Spanish rulers in Oriente province in 1895.
This social divide influenced Cuban politics in the 20th century, supporting Fulgencio
Batista in the 1930s and 1940s. By the 1950s, despite Batista's limited social
improvements, Oriente had the lowest literacy rates and accounted for almost 30%
of Cuba's unemployed.

José Martí (1853-1895): A key figure in the Cuban independence

movement, celebrated as Cuba's greatest national hero, "the Apostle of
Cuban independence."

These factors led to political dissatisfaction, prompting Fidel Castro to start his
revolution in Oriente province in July 1953, emulating José Martí.

Cuban Independence from Spain

From 1868 to 1898, the Cuban independence movement fought three wars against
Spanish rule. José Martí inspired the final war. Despite not being a military man,
Martí's death inspired his followers to demand complete removal of the Spanish. By
April 1898, Cuban nationalists gained the upper hand, and the USA joined the war.
Spain relinquished Cuba in December 1898, but US troops replaced them, marking
the First US occupation.

The Colossus to the North: José Martí's reference to the United States.

During the 1880s, three major factors combined with the political desire for an
empire to drive US public opinion towards intervention in Cuba:

1. The increasing intensity of the Cuban revolts against Spanish rule

2. Pressure from American corporations and businessmen with investments in
Cuba
3. Increased efforts of Cuban nationalists like José Martí.

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US businesses were closely involved with Cuba since the early 19th century. By
1895, US corporations had invested vast amounts of money in Cuba and worried
about what would happen if the Cuban nationalists won their independence from
Spain. They exerted pressure on the American government to protect their interests.
Activists from both Cuba and America used anti-Spanish propaganda to sway public
opinion towards supporting an American military intervention. The American public
grew more supportive of military action after February 1898, when an American
warship (the USS Maine) mysteriously blew up during a visit to Cuba. Blaming the
Spanish for its destruction, the US government declared war in April 1898. By
August, the Spanish forces had been defeated and the USA occupied Cuba.

Cuba and the USA

In 1902, the USA formally granted Cuba independence, but the 1901 Platt
Amendment allowed the USA to intervene militarily in Cuba whenever it wanted.
Elections were rigged to favor pro-US candidates. US corporations and trade
dominated the Cuban economy, widening the gap between the wealthy minority and
the impoverished majority. The US occupations (1898-1902 and 1906-1909) and the
"Sugar Intervention" of 1917-1922 further reminded Cubans of their place within the
US economic system.

Politicians who opposed US economic policies struggled to gain power. The surviving
Cuban governments were notably corrupt, fostering anti-Americanism and setting
the stage for 20th-century Cuban political movements that sought socio-economic
change through force.

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The Cuban Revolution (1933-1934) and Puppet

Presidents (1934-1940)
The corrupt dictatorship of Gerardo Machado was overthrown in 1933. Student
protests met with police brutality, and the Great Depression of 1929 impacted the
Cuban economy, garnering support for the students. The turning point was the
"Sergeant's Revolt" in September 1933, when army NCOs supported the students
and arrested their officers. This revolt was led by Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar.

Gerardo Machado (1871-1939): A general during the Cuban War of

Independence (1895-1898) and President of Cuba (1925-1933).

With US encouragement, Machado resigned and was replaced by Dr. Ramón Grau
San Martín, a university professor. A "new Cuba" was promised with democratic
government, an end to social inequities, higher wages, lower prices, and voting rights
for women. The new government also declared the Platt Amendment null and void.

These changes worried corporations, and the US threatened military action. The
provisional government struggled to balance Cuba's needs with placating the USA.
Batista, now Chief of the Armed Forces, supported Colonel Carlos Mendieta y
Montefur because the policies of left-wing elements, such as Eduardo Chibás Ribas,
would not be acceptable to the USA.

Dr. Ramón Grau San Martín (1881-1969): A popular university lecturer

who led the Revolutionary Directorate (1933-1934) and President of
Cuba (1933-1934 and 1944-1948).

The USA recognized this new provisional government, and social and economic
reforms died. Renewed protests and strikes were met with police and army brutality,
martial law was imposed, and the "puppet presidents" found that real power lay with
Batista and the armed forces. The government bribed armed gangs controlling the
University of Havana with positions of power, increasing corruption and paving the
way for Batista's electoral success in 1940.

Significant Individuals During Castro's Rise to Power

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Individual Description

Key figure in the Cuban independence movement; killed in battle by

José Martí
the Spanish.
Gerardo President of Cuba (1925-1933); pressured by the US to resign during
Machado the Cuban Revolution of 1933.
Ángel Castro Spanish immigrant to Cuba; self-made Cuban planter; father of Fidel
y Argiz Castro.
Ramón Grau Leader of the Revolutionary Directorate (1933-1934); leader of the
San Martín Partido Auténtico; President of Cuba 1933-1934 and 1944-1948.
Mixed-race army sergeant; helped lead the Sergeants' Revolt (1933-
Fulgencio 1934); President of Cuba 1940-1944 and 1952-1959; fostered links
Batista between Cuba and US Mafia; noted for his regime's brutality and
corruption in the 1950s.
Eduardo Cuban radio presenter and politician; set up the socialist Partido
Chibás Ribas Ortodoxo in 1947; killed himself live on air.
Ernesto "Che" Argentine doctor; anti-imperialist; Marxist; rebel leader during Sierra
Guevara Maestra campaign.
A schoolteacher who joined M-26-7 after Castro's "History will
Frank País
absolve me" speech; organized urban resistance to Batista's regime.

Batista's Presidency, 1940-1944

Batista gained support from a wide cross-section of Cuban society due to his humble
origins. As Cuba's first non-white ruler, he appealed to the non-white population and
improved the pay and conditions of non-white soldiers. He also bribed journalists,
clergymen, and union leaders, convincing himself that Cubans genuinely loved him.

Batista remained pro-American and pro-capitalist while placating communist

supporters with labor laws and social reforms. Cuba resembled "a modern corporate
state" where powerful members maintained monopolies by bargaining through
government ministries.

World War II boosted Cuba's economy as demand for its exports, especially sugar,
skyrocketed. While most profits went to foreign corporations, the average Cuban
citizen still benefited. This economic boom waned after the war ended, but Batista
was no longer in power.

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The Auténtico Presidencies, 1944-1948 and 1948-1952

In 1944, Batista was constitutionally required to step down as president. When it
became apparent that his chosen successor would lose the election to Grau and his
Auténticos, Batista emigrated to the USA with a large portion of the Cuban treasury
to leave Grau's presidency financially handicapped.

By this time, the Cuban political landscape had changed, with Eddy Chibás's Partido
Ortodoxo, founded in 1947, seen as an alternative to the communists. The
Ortodoxos attracted Fidel Castro.

Traditional Cuban political methods of corruption, violence, intimidation, and bribery

continued. Grau's presidency rewarded his supporters from violent political gangs in
Havana with appointments, providing the Auténticos with a private army. Violence
and bribery were used against Grau's opponents. Fidel Castro survived at least one
assassination attempt during his time at university.

Grau abandoned socio-economic reforms in favor of ensuring the support of wealthy

businessmen, plantation owners, and US corporations. His successor, Carlos Prío
Socarrás, continued in the same vein, making his administration "the most polarized,
corrupt, violent and undemocratic" since 1901. The 1952 elections were fiercely
contested, with the Auténticos and Chibás's Ortodoxos pushing Batista into a distant
third place.

Eduardo "Eddy" Renée Chibás Ribas (1907-1951): Cuban radio

presenter and politician; set up the socialist Partido Ortodoxo in 1947.

Batista's Coup, March 1952

As the election drew closer, the US Mafia unsuccessfully offered President Carlos
Prío Socarrás a bribe of $250,000 to stand down in favor of Batista. In August 1951,
Eddy Chibás announced his suspicions of a coup by Batista during his weekly radio
show and then shot himself live on air. Seven months later, on March 10, 1952,
Batista used the army to stage a coup.

The coup met little resistance from the main political parties for the following
reasons:

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1. Batista falsely claimed that Prío had been plotting a coup of his own.
2. Batista promised to hold fair and free elections in 1954.
3. The Cuban public was weary of the corruption of the Auténticos.
4. Batista enjoyed the support of the military, the police, and the secret police (the
BRAC).

BRAC: The Bureau for the Repression of Communist Activities, the Cuban
secret police, focused on preventing communist influences in Cuba.

Batista was also helped by the emerging Cold War between the USA and the USSR.

Some Cubans, however, wanted to take direct action to counter the coup and rallied
around leaders such as Fidel Castro.

Castro's Early Life

Fidel Castro was the son of a Spanish immigrant who became a wealthy planter.
Born in August 1926, he grew up among the children of laborers on his father's
plantations. This exposure to the plight of poor families shaped his later political
views.

His father's wealth allowed him to attend the prestigious Belén college in Havana.
He studied Law at the University of Havana in 1945, where he became involved in
student activist movements.

The Emergence of Fidel Castro

Castro was a populist leader who inspired audiences through his dramatic oratorical
skills and message of heroism and action. He was drawn to the Ortodoxos by their
ideology of social reform and justice.

Castro's actions prior to 1953 indicate his social conscience and belief in socio-
economic justice. After denouncing government corruption in 1949, he fled to the US.
On his return to Cuba in 1950, he completed his law studies and set up a legal
practice in an impoverished area of Old Havana, defending "victimized workers, slum-
dwellers, detained students and poor clients in general."

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Throughout this time, Castro remained a vocal critic of corruption and the Auténtico
government of President Prío. He grew more involved in the Ortodoxo campaign for
the 1952 elections and was nominated as a congressional candidate. However, he
saw electoral success as a means to prepare the way for a revolutionary movement
that would enact social and economic changes.

By 1954, the US government was using the CIA to install US-friendly dictatorships
throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. To avoid accusations of being "too
socialist" and inviting CIA intervention, Batista reversed or withheld long-awaited
reforms. He used the corrupt judiciary and the BRAC to crush any opponents. The
more Batista relied upon violence, the more he became just another imperialist
oppressor.

CIA (Central Intelligence Agency): Created by President Harry S. Truman

in 1947, the CIA's role expanded to include influencing governments.

While the Ortodoxo leadership advocated passive resistance, the student and youth
movements rallied around young leaders such as Fidel Castro, who used militant
rhetoric. Castro launched a legal challenge to Batista's undemocratic seizure of
power but was foiled by the corrupt court system. Realizing that he was now an
"enemy of the state" and a target for arrest, Castro went into hiding and began
planning the armed revolution.

Castro's Attack on the Moncada Barracks, 26 July 1953

In 1953, Fidel Castro and his brother Raúl planned an uprising against the Batista
regime. With approximately 160 young rebels, mostly from the Ortodoxo youth
movement, Castro attacked the Moncada Barracks near Santiago de Cuba. The plan
was to capture the barracks, issue a call to the people, and inspire a spontaneous
uprising in the province. The rebels would then use the captured weapons to equip
the masses and spread the revolution to all of Cuba. Bloodshed was to be avoided if
possible.

Before the attack on the Moncada Barracks, Castro made this speech: Math input error

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The plan failed, with 19 dead soldiers and policemen, and 27 wounded. In contrast,
six attackers were killed and a further 15 wounded during the fighting. The garrison's
commanding officer, Colonel Alberto del Río Chaviano, ordered the remaining
attackers to be captured, tortured, and killed. According to Castro, 56 of the attackers
were tortured to death after their capture. Castro survived thanks to a black
lieutenant, Pedro Sarría, who ignored these instructions.

The ethnicity of this officer is relevant since black and mixed-race Cubans were
mainly supportive of Batista, Cuba's first non-white ruler. Castro and his guerrillas
were all of Spanish descent. Despite having no sympathy for Castro's cause, the
lieutenant decided to take Castro to the town prison instead of to the barracks, thus
saving his life.

The simplicity of Castro's plan has been described as naive, "reckless" and
"somewhat over-ambitious". The failure of the attack could well have been the end of
Castro's revolution if it had not been for some fortuitous events.

Castro's Trial and the Moncada Programme, October 1953

The evidence of soldiers torturing captured rebels to death created a scandal that
forced Batista to bring

Castro's Trial and the Moncada Programme

After the attack on the Moncada Barracks, the surviving rebels, including Fidel and
Raúl Castro, were put on trial.

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During the trial, Castro openly admitted his role and justified it by highlighting the
illegal nature of Batista’s coup and regime.

The trial provided Castro with a national platform to deliver his manifesto, the
famous "History will absolve me" speech. In it, he outlined his vision of "the people"
as the vast, unredeemed masses yearning for a better, more dignified, and just nation.
He declared that prison would not deter him, stating, "History will absolve me."

Castro's Trial vs. Hitler's Munich Putsch

There are some similarities between how Adolf Hitler and Fidel Castro used their
trials to their advantage:

Neither admitted regret for their attempts to seize power.

Both were relatively unknown political activists before their trials.
Both became household names and gained international recognition as a result
of their trials.
Both used their eloquent public speaking skills to deliver their manifesto to a
wider audience.
Both used their trials to publicly denounce their respective governments as
illegitimate.
Both gained many supporters as a result of their performance at their trials.
Both were treated relatively leniently when sentenced (for different reasons).
Both commemorated the date of their failed attempts once they had power.

Both claimed that history would judge them more fairly than the court:

Hitler claimed that "the goddess of the eternal court of History finds us not
guilty."
Castro used the phrase "History will absolve me."

The Moncada Programme

Castro's trial also gave him the chance to outline his vision for a new Cuba, known as
the Moncada Programme. His desire for a more open, fairer society and an end to the
corruption that plagued Cuban politics struck a chord with the working classes. His
eloquence and courage at the trial won him many new supporters and embarrassed
Batista even further.

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The Moncada Programme was Castro's program for social reform,

comprising five "Revolutionary Laws."

1. Return power to the people by reinstating the 1940 constitution.

2. Land reform: giving rights to those living or squatting on small plots (less than
165 acres).
3. Profit sharing for industrial workers (30 percent of the company’s profits).
4. Profit sharing for sugar workers (55 percent of the company’s profits).
5. End corruption: those found guilty of fraud to have their property confiscated to
pay for workers’ pensions, schools, hospitals, and charities.

Batista's Amnesty and the Movimiento de 26 Julio

Many of Castro’s co-defendants received lenient sentences. Castro and his brother
were sentenced to 15 and 13 years, respectively. In the run-up to the 1954
presidential elections, Batista relaxed censorship laws, allowing rival political parties
to campaign. This meant that Castro’s supporters could also campaign for his
freedom.

Facing internal and international pressure, Batista granted all political prisoners,
including the Castro brothers, an amnesty in May 1955.

As the only candidate, Batista "won" the 1954 elections. However, his secret police
force was kept busy dealing with increasing numbers of opposition groups.

Castro used the date of the failed attack on the Moncada Barracks as the
name of his revolutionary group: Movimiento 26 de Julio, or M-26-7.

By 1955, Batista’s regime was growing more unpopular, and his responses to
protests were becoming more repressive, leading to a cycle of violence.

Castro's Exile in Mexico and Return to Cuba,

1955-1956
After his release from prison in May 1955, Fidel Castro attempted to re-enter the
political arena but fled to Mexico within six weeks with his brother Raúl. Their
growing popularity and refusal to repent for their revolutionary actions made them
targets for re-arrest or assassination. This reinforced Castro’s belief that Cuba could
not achieve meaningful change through parliamentary methods.

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Kennedy's Quote on Batista's Regime

U.S. President Kennedy stated on October 24, 1963:

"I believe that there is no country in the world, including any and all the
countries under colonial domination, where economic colonization,
humiliation and exploitation were worse than in Cuba, in part owing to my
country’s policies during the Batista regime...to some extent it is as though
Batista was the incarnation of a number of sins on the part of the United
States. Now we shall have to pay for those sins. In the matter of the
Batista regime, I am in agreement with the first Cuban revolutionaries."

Organizing the M-26-7 in Mexico

In Mexico in 1955, Castro organized the M-26-7 group to prepare for their return to
Cuba. M-26-7 members in Cuba formed secret underground cells to support Castro's
return. Frank País established one such group in Santiago de Cuba, stockpiling
weapons, ammunition, and printing anti-regime newsletters to spread the promises
of the Moncada Programme and prepare for popular uprisings.

Meeting Che Guevara

During his time in Mexico, Castro met Camilo Cienfuegos, a young Cuban nationalist,
and Ernesto "Che" Guevara, an idealistic young Argentinian doctor. Both were
committed to ridding Latin America of American corporate imperialism. Castro was
less committed to Marxist ideals than Guevara, focusing more on Cuban nationalism.

In 1956, Castro refuted Batista’s claims that he was a communist, denouncing the
dictator’s former links to the party and highlighting that Batista’s 1940 election
victory was due to communist support.

By early 1956, Castro had enough support to officially break away from the
Ortodoxos. M-26-7 members in Cuba increased their efforts to pave the way for
Castro’s return, especially in Oriente province, where the movement had gained great
popularity due to the work of Frank País.

The Granma Expedition

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In Mexico, Castro secretly recruited, armed, and trained a fighting force of 82

volunteers who would sail with him to liberate Cuba. With funds from anti-Batista
sources, Castro purchased an old yacht, the Granma.

As promised, Fidel Castro would return to Cuba before the end of 1956.

The Granma Expedition and Santiago Uprising,

November 1956
Castro’s invasion force of 82 revolutionaries secretly sailed from Tuxpan in Mexico to
the western tip of Oriente province, near Manzanillo. The landing point was chosen
partly because of its symbolic nature.

The PSP failed to dissuade Castro from launching the expedition, arguing for non-
violent opposition to Batista. Frank País informed Castro that the Oriente M-26-7
cells were not yet ready to support the expedition. However, Castro insisted on
proceeding as planned, emphasizing the importance of public relations and
propaganda by fulfilling his promise to return before 1957.

Due to a lack of funds and the need for secrecy, the rebels were ill-equipped, and the
Granma was in terrible condition. The crossing was hazardous and uncomfortable
due to bad weather and conditions in the overcrowded boat.

The plan also called for a popular uprising in Santiago de Cuba and a simultaneous
attack on the Moncada Barracks upon the Granma expedition's landing. However, the
delayed journey and poor communications meant that this attack was launched two
days too early. Frank País’s rebel cells engaged the army and police but, without
Castro’s support, they could not win.

One indication of how support for Castro’s revolution had grown since 1953 is that
during this second attack on the Moncada Barracks, at least 67 soldiers refused to
fight the rebels. Some policemen in Santiago joined the rebels and willingly gave
them their weapons, while many citizens helped the rebels hide from the army. Those
rebels who did not flee to the countryside removed their uniforms, hid their weapons,
and merged back into their normal lives, trusting the citizens of Oriente not to hand
them over to the authorities.

Journey to the Sierra Maestra, November 1956

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Two days after the Santiago uprising, the Granma eventually arrived, running
aground off the designated landing point. The revolutionaries were forced to carry
their heavy equipment ashore through the shallows.

Batista’s air force soon spotted them, and they were attacked by planes and
warships.

Leaving their equipment, they pushed into the swamp but soon walked into an
ambush that all but destroyed them. They were forced to leave most of their
weapons, ammunition, food, and medical supplies as they fled through what Castro
later described as "that hellish swamp" and into the forests of the Sierra Maestra
mountain range.

Only about 18 of the original 82 revolutionaries survived the trek into the Sierra
Maestra and the army attacks that plagued them. Castro later claimed that the
majority of his men who died were murdered after capture.

The Sierra Maestra Campaign, 1956-1959

The survivors eventually regrouped deep in the Sierra Maestra mountains to form the
core of the guerrilla army. They would wage a hit-and-run campaign against Batista’s
forces in Oriente province, with help from the peasants and M-26-7 activists.

Even in the face of seemingly insurmountable odds, Castro remained positive.

Gaining the Support of the Peasants ‍

The Fidelistas, as Castro’s rebels were known, were instructed to treat the peasants
with kindness and respect, paying for whatever they needed. Castro and Guevara
insisted that they should educate the peasants they encountered. They also provided
medical assistance. The rebels also helped the peasants with physically demanding
tasks such as gathering the harvest. They used this chance to listen to the grievances
of the peasants while telling them what the M-26-7 movement promised to do.
Abusive landlords and corrupt officials were tried and punished by Castro’s men.

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This image shows Fidel Castro with a hunting rifle, in the Sierra Maestra Mountains,
1957. Behind him stand Camilo Cienfuegos (right, with the Thompson submachine
gun) and his brother Raul (left, with a hunting rifle). Their American weapons and
military equipment are the same as the Cuban army would have had.

Through these methods, Castro turned the peasants’ passively sympathetic attitude
into active support by mid-1957. Ironically, Batista’s own regime was possibly the
strongest recruiter for the rebels. In response to the rebels’ hit-and-run attacks,
Batista’s army and police would often resort to brutal treatment of peasants
suspected of helping the rebels.

The army compounded the rebels’ advantages by adopting a reactive strategy

intended to contain Castro’s forces. They relied on their main advantages (US-
supplied military equipment) and remained within their heavily defended garrisons.
The rebels often attacked army patrols to grab weapons and ammunition before
disappearing back into the dense forests. The army’s brutal methods of interrogation
played into Castro’s hands by increasing the peasants’ support for his rebels and
demoralizing the army.

In contrast, the Fidelistas were under strict instructions to avoid brutality with
civilians or captured enemy soldiers. The torture or murder of prisoners was
forbidden, and an enemy’s wounds would be treated. However, if any person was
found guilty of crimes against the peasants he would be executed. Most peasants
saw this harsh but effective brand of revolutionary justice as far fairer than the
corrupt police and legal system.

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This image shows Che Guevara (left) relaxing with friend and fellow Fidelista Camilo
Cienfuegos during the last days of the Sierra Maestra campaign, c. 1958

The Rural Campaign

Castro had not intended to wage the war from a rural base, but the failure of the
Santiago uprising and his own disastrous landing meant that he had to adjust his
plans. He abandoned the initial strategy in favor of a rural guerrilla campaign, which
soon developed into full-scale engagements with the army in the Sierra Maestra.

This shows one of the factors that led to Castro’s eventual success: his movement’s
flexibility and his willingness to adapt to the situation. This would not have been
possible with a less motivated or resilient cadre of activists.

Other anti-Batista organizations had also tried to use force against the regime but
had failed to overcome the army and police. This only helped to secure Castro’s
position as the only opponent to Batista’s regime who had a chance of success.

Castro’s Sierra Campaign vs. Mao’s Long March

There are some similarities between Castro’s Sierra campaign of 1956 and Mao
Zedong’s Long March of 1934-1936:

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Both were outnumbered by enemy forces.

Both operations began badly and were nearly wiped out.
Both lost much of their force to desertion.
Both faced difficulties in resupply.
Both were leading ideologically driven and committed troops against an enemy
whose army mostly comprised conscripts and unmotivated soldiers.
Both struggled to gain recruits at first.
Both initially began an urban campaign that then had to move to the
countryside.
Both ordered their troops to treat the peasants with kindness and help them.
Both were facing an enemy who treated the peasants with disdain and
brutality.
Both were successful at planting "revolutionary seeds" among the peasants
and recruiting them.

The Role of the Urban Revolutionary

Movements
The invaluable role of the urban revolutionaries is often overlooked. The underground
cells of the M-26-7 movement in the cities embarked upon a determined campaign of
sabotage and propaganda to support Castro’s guerrilla campaign in the Sierra
Maestra. They coordinated with middle-class professionals and Ortodoxos, organized
strikes, anti-regime graffiti, and disseminated information to counter the
government’s own propaganda. According to one calculation, over 30,000 acts of
sabotage were committed during the two-year campaign.

Frank País’s resistance cells had been the hub for the M-26-7 organization in Oriente
province, and his murder by the police in July 1957 in Santiago sparked a strike that
soon spread from Santiago to the provinces of Camagüey and Las Villas. Batista
reacted by suspending constitutional rights.

Castro’s forces in the Sierra Maestra gained strength, launching more attacks against
government outposts and forcing Batista to withdraw his forces entirely from the
area by spring 1958. In March 1958, the rebels called for a nationwide general strike
as a show of solidarity with the M-26-7 movement. However, it had little success in
the west. Castro himself described the failure of the general strike as "a major
setback."

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Overall, the urban campaigns did not enjoy the same degree of success as the rural
campaign, and by 1958, the resistance to Batista was centered around the liberated
areas of the Sierra Maestra mountains and Oriente province.

Castro’s Use of Propaganda

Castro was aware of the power of political speeches and propaganda. In 1957, one of
the rebels’ first acts was to establish Radio Rebelde (Rebel Radio) to broadcast their
propaganda and counteract the government propaganda.

As Batista’s forces failed to crush the guerrilla movement, the radio broadcasts
exaggerated its victories and continued to inform the Cuban public about the
Moncada Programme and other M-26-7 promises. They also served to counter the
government claims that Castro was dead.

Growing international awareness of the brutality of Batista’s regime, contrasted with

the seemingly noble and charismatic Fidelistas, helped convince the US government
to withdraw their military support for the regime. With Castro’s broadcasts
constantly advertising his plans for rejuvenating the Cuban economy, business
leaders began to give their support to the rebels.

Castro’s propaganda also helped to convince Batista that, by 1958, the guerrilla army
in the Sierra Maestra numbered between 1000 and 2000 experienced fighters. In
reality, Castro had little more than 300 fighters until just before his final victory in
1959.

Batista’s Counter-Attack: Operation Verano

In June 1958, Batista launched Operation Verano (Operation Summer) with 12,000
government troops, backed by air support, tanks, and artillery. Despite their
overwhelming superiority in numbers and equipment, the government forces were
handicapped by a number of weaknesses:

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1. More than half (approximately 7000) were conscripts with little training and
even less incentive to fight.
2. The operational command was divided between two rival generals.
3. Castro’s forces knew the ground well and were able to prepare for the offensive
by planting minefields and planning ambushes.
4. By mid-1958, the local population was firmly supportive of Castro and his men,
providing them with excellent intelligence about troop movements while doing
the exact opposite for the government forces.

The first major engagements were a disaster for the army, which suffered heavy
casualties. Castro’s men often treated their enemies mercifully, sometimes even
allowing them the choice to join the rebels. This encouraged the disheartened troops
to seek out an opportunity to surrender rather than fight.

The one government “victory” of Operation Verano, the Battle of Las Mercedes (July
29 to August 8), was still a victory for the rebel forces in the long run. An ambush
succeeded in trapping two rebel columns, killing 70 men. Total disaster was avoided
because Guevara’s column managed to cut off 1500 army reinforcements. This
bought time for Castro to negotiate a ceasefire.

Castro's Victory
Following the failure of Operation Verano, Batista's forces knew the end was near.
Castro launched a counter-attack, moving into central Cuba with forces swelled by
peasants and army deserters. By December 1958, the Fidelistas numbered nearly
3,000, a growth from the 18 survivors of the Granma expedition. Supporters
smuggled in weapons, but most rebel weapons came from Batista's forces through
surrender or desertion.

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The image shows Fidel Castro and his Fidelistas celebrating their victory in 1959.

After fighting in Santiago and Santa Clara, and the defeat of the army garrison at
Yaguajay on December 30, 1958, Batista fled to the Dominican Republic. Castro
entered Havana in triumph on January 2, 1959.

Herbert L. Matthews' Interview with Castro

Castro used the media by allowing New York Times journalist Herbert L. Matthews
into the Sierra Maestra for an interview. Matthews wrote about the guerrilla band
and their leader, creating the impression that Castro's force was larger and controlled
a wide area. This disseminated the myth of Castro's invincibility. Before the interview,
the Cuban press focused on Havana's resort atmosphere, but after, articles focused
on rebel demands and interviews with Castro, keeping the revolution in the US press.

Collapse of the Batista Regime

According to Balfour, the Batista regime collapsed because it was:

corrupt and barbarous.

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Additionally, Batista's failure to retain support from social elites meant he relied on
communist-led trade unions and organized labor. The M-26-7 movement's promises
to reduce corruption appealed to the working classes, especially peasants. Escalating
violence and the economic crisis damaged Batista's support from the business elite.
His failure to counter Castro's propaganda, combined with police torture, led to US
government withdrawal of support and encouraged international support for Castro.

Ideological Stance over Time

Castro's ideological stance evolved, showing both communist/Marxist and nationalist
views:

Date Evidence of Communist/Marxist Views Evidence of Nationalist Views Source

Various Land reform, nationalization Focus on Cuban independence Policies

US Government's Response
As international awareness of Batista's brutal regime grew through pro-Castro
articles, the US government banned arms sales to both sides in Cuba. While the ban
had little material impact, it symbolically showed the US no longer fully supported
Batista.

Batista's Defeat and the "Great Man Theory"

Batista was defeated by the symbolic ghost of José Martí, reincarnated in Fidel
Castro. According to the Great Man Theory, Castro's success resulted from his
personal qualities and social conditions. Castro cut a dashing figure, a fitting heir to
Martí, due to his media use and Batista's failed policies.

Political Parties in Cuba

Partido Revolucionario Cubano Auténtico: Conservative/nationalist party.
Partido Socialista Popular: Cuban Communist Party, renamed in 1944.
Partido Ortodoxo: Socialist, nationalist, anti-imperialist party founded in 1947.
Partido Liberal de Cuba: Centre-right party founded in 1910.

Comparing Castro to Hitler and Chávez

Similarities and differences in the rise to power of Hitler, Castro, and Chávez:

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Key event Hitler Castro Chávez

Failed
Failed coup attempt –
attempt to Munich Putsch, Attack on the Moncada
Operation Zamora,
seize power November 1923 Barracks, July 1953
February 1992
by force
The speech he gave at The speech he gave at
His televised call for his
Failed coup his trial (“The Goddesshis trial (“History will
soldiers to
led to of History acquits me”)absolve me”) and its
surrender/cease fighting
public and the book (Mein subsequent
after the coup failed and
popularity Kampf) he wrote while publication as the
his subsequent trial
in prison Moncada Programme
From October 1953 to
May 1955; released
From November 1923 From February 1992 to
during a government
to December 1924; early 1994; released
amnesty as Batista
Time in released after serving from prison after the
attempted to appear
prison nine months of a impeachment of the
less dictatorial in the
lenient five-year prison president that he had
wake of the widely
term tried to oust
condemned 1954
elections
Changed tactics and
Fought a guerrilla war
achieved power Following his release
from November 1956
through the democratic from prison, he used his
Method of to December 1958;
process; President Paul popularity from the coup
gaining achieved power
von Hindenburg used to begin a political
political through military
his emergency powers career; won the
power victory; became de
to make Hitler presidential elections in
facto leader of Cuba in
Chancellor of Germany December 1998
January 1959
in January 1933

Castro's Consolidation and Maintenance of

Power (1959-1962)
After Batista fled, Castro and his supporters took power, aiming to create the "new
Cuba" promised in the Moncada Programme.

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This image shows Castro and his supporters entering Havana in January 1959.

Castro needed to consolidate his position quickly, especially given the CIA's
involvement in coups. He repeated he was not a communist. Historians agree Castro
was a pragmatist focused on nationalism, Cuban independence, and social and
economic improvements.

Key Questions
How was Fidel Castro able to secure his control over Cuba after January 1959?
What difficulties did he face?
How did he overcome these difficulties?
What new problems occurred as a result of these solutions?

Key Concepts
Change
Continuity

Establishing the "New Cuba"

Despite the Catholic Church's history of supporting the wealthy, Castro did not
immediately move against organized religion. His economic reforms were initially
moderate but changed when he began nationalizing large landholdings and US
corporations.

US Trade Embargo

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The start of the US trade embargo in 1959-1960 pushed Castro into a trade deal
with the USSR, moving him closer to communism. In May 1961, after the failed Bay
of Pigs Invasion, he declared the Cuban Revolution socialist and Cuba a communist
state.

Bay of Pigs Invasion

On April 17, 1961, a group of anti-Castro Cubans launched an invasion intended to
overthrow Castro but were defeated within three days. The invasion was planned,
funded, and executed by the USA.

Authoritarian States
While communist/Marxist influence is visible in some of his early policies, Castro's
policies were drawn from a nationalist, pro-Cuban, and anti-imperialist perspective.

We are only trying to move from feudalism to enlightened capitalism.

Cuba is not ready for socialism. - Antonio Nunez Jimenez

INRA
The National Institute of Agrarian Reform, established in 1959.

Becoming the Leader of Cuba

A provisional government was appointed by Castro, with Manuel Urrutia Lleó as
president and José Miró Cardona as prime minister. Castro was appointed
commander-in-chief of the armed forces. He also established the Office of the
Revolutionary Plans and Coordination (ORPC) to oversee land reforms.

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This image shows a group of men gathered around a table, possibly discussing plans
for the revolution.

Miró resigned, and Castro was appointed prime minister. It soon became apparent
that true power lay with Castro and the ORPC.

Castro's Leadership Style

Castro preferred action over words, leading to accusations of dictatorship. He
suspended elections to consolidate the revolution, promising they would be held
shortly, but they weren't.

National Institute for Agrarian Reform (INRA) ‍

The INRA was established, led by Marxist economist Antonio Núñez Jiménez, and
was in charge of agrarian reforms, answerable only to Castro. The INRA absorbed the
ORPC, becoming Cuba's real government.

Transition to Communism ☭

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Communists were given positions of power, leading to complaints from M-26-7

members and anti-Batista allies. Castro responded by removing anti-communists
from power.

Castro's Resignation and Return

Castro resigned as prime minister in protest at President Urrutia's refusal to
implement social reforms. This led to demands for Urrutia's resignation. Urrutia
resigned and was replaced by Osvaldo Dorticós, who remained president until 1976.

A propaganda poster from 1976 showing Castro as a young man.

Consolidating the Revolution

By December 1960, Cuba was becoming a single-party state with Castro as its
"supreme leader."

Political parties were banned.

Newspapers and radio stations were censored.
Communist-led trade unions were growing more powerful.
All judicial appointees were made with Castro's approval.

Postponing Elections

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Castro postponed elections to consolidate the revolution, fearing

counterrevolutionary attempts by the USA and their allies. He declared:

Real democracy is not possible for hungry people.

Transition to Communist Party

In 1963, the ORI became the United Party of the Socialist Revolution (PURS), and
by 1965, Castro announced the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), with himself as its
undisputed leader.

Castro's Challenges (January 1959)

Post-Batista Cuba faced numerous problems, and Castro implemented various
solutions:

Problem Solution

Inequities in land
Radical land reform; nationalization of large landholdings
ownership
Universal education and universal health care; improvement
and enforcement of labor laws; removal of racist barriers to
Inequities in society
careers and promotion prospects; rent reductions of 30–50
percent (March 1959)
Reform of judiciary and police; arrest, trial, and punishment
The need for
of members of the Batista regime (especially Batista's
transparent social
torturers and murderers); televising the trials and executions
justice
of the most notorious criminals from Batista's regime
Punishment of corrupt officials and policemen; increase in
Endemic corruption
pay
Ownership or control
of much of Cuba’s
Nationalization of industries
economy by US
corporations
Creation of jobs in towns; temporary reopening of casinos
Economy in severe
and brothels; land reform/redistribution; economic ties with
trouble
USSR after 1960
Banning of political parties; unification of the main groups to
Lack of democracy
form ORI

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Dealing with Opposition to the Revolution

In the early years of the Cuban Revolution, Castro faced opposition from various
groups:

The Escambray rebels (War Against the Bandits, 1960–1965)

Members of the M-26-7 and other anti-Batista groups who opposed the move
towards communism but did not take up arms
The wealthy middle classes, who had hoped that their interests would be
protected

The growing influence of communists led to various forms of resistance to Castro

from within Cuba. Some, like Huber Matos, were denounced as traitors and arrested.
Others chose to take more direct action. This included some members of the DRE, the
anti-communist and anti-Batista student group that had joined forces with Che
Guevara's M-26-7 units in December 1958 during the fighting for the city of Santa
Clara. During the revolution, they had been active in the Escambray mountain region,
and in 1960, they returned to their hideouts there, prepared to fight Castro's forces.
Other disaffected rebels and Batista loyalists joined them, leading to a five-year
guerrilla campaign (called the Escambray Rebellion or "War Against the Bandits")
that ended in January 1965 with their utter destruction.

The Escambray Rebellion (1960–1965)

Following Castro's victory in January 1959, some soldiers still loyal to Batista
decided to continue the fight from the Escambray Mountains. They were soon joined
by others (including William Alexander Morgan) who disliked the pro-communist
leanings of the new government and by peasant farmers disenchanted with the land
reforms. The Escambray Rebellion (known in Cuba as "Lucha contra Bandidos", the
War Against The Bandits) was a guerrilla campaign similar in style to Castro's own
Sierra Maestra campaign against Batista's forces.

These rebels enjoyed far less popular support than the M-26-7 rebels had, but they
were given the same US military aid, via CIA and Mafia agents, that the previous
regime had enjoyed. However, after the debacle of the Bay of Pigs Invasion, the USA
cut off funding and supplies to the rebels. Castro's counterintelligence units were
busily uncovering and arresting CIA agents and their networks, and so it was only a
matter of time before Castro's numerically superior forces defeated the rebels (in
January 1965).

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Castro appointed Huber Matos, a former teacher and farmer who had been a brilliant
rebel commander during the Sierra Campaign, as military governor of Camagüey
province. In October 1959, he wrote a resignation letter, stating his concerns about
the growing influence of the communists. His timing was unfortunate: his previous
complaints to Castro about the communists had been ignored, but this letter was
sent two days after the appointment of Raúl Castro (the new government's most
prominent communist) as Minister of the Armed Forces.

Matos (along with many of his officers) was immediately arrested for "rebellion",
tried, and sentenced to 20 years' imprisonment. As Balfour states: "The Revolution
was beginning to devour its sons."

Castro also had to deal with external threats. For example, in August 1959, an anti-
Castro coup organized by Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo (probably acting on
advice from the CIA) was foiled because William Alexander Morgan, one of the plot
leaders, secretly informed Castro. All of this helped to convince Castro that the
revolution was far from safe yet.

The saving grace for Castro came, ironically, from the USA. The constant threats and
aggressive actions by the USA and Cuban exiles who had fled there meant that
Castro was able to clearly identify himself as the bastion of Cuban defense against
imperialist oppression. With the failure of the Bay of Pigs Invasion, his position was
secure. The ensuing wave of nationalism and the incontrovertible evidence of the
USA’s intentions to undo the positive changes of the revolution led to anyone who
criticized Castro being denounced as a traitor. The terrorist attacks by CIA agents and
Cuban exiles just helped to confirm Castro’s position as the savior of Cuba.

William Alexander Morgan (1928–1961)

William Alexander Morgan was a US citizen who volunteered to fight against
Batista and had been recruited to the M-26-7 when his rebel group joined forces
with Che Guevara’s during the Sierra Maestra campaign. The military training gained
during his time in the US army (where he was possibly recruited by the CIA) served
him well, and he was soon promoted to the rank of Comandante – one of only three
foreigners to hold that rank – the others being Eloy Gutiérrez Menoyo (Spanish) and
Ernesto "Che" Guevara (Argentinian).

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The US government has, unsurprisingly, denied claims that El Yanqui Comandante

(as he was known) was an agent of the CIA. Morgan was one of the leaders of an
anti-Castro coup organised by Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo. However, Morgan
had secretly informed Castro of the plot, and it failed. Possibly due to the persistent
belief of his involvement with the CIA, Morgan was implicated in the March 1960 La
Coubre explosion and, later, accused of gunrunning to aid the anti-Castro rebels in
the Escambray Mountains. It was for the last of these that, in March 1961, he was
executed by firing squad.

This black-and-white photograph depicts a man, presumed to be William Alexander

Morgan, being escorted by uniformed individuals. The setting, likely a prison, adds to
the image's intensity, reflecting the tensions and suspicions surrounding Morgan's
role during the Cuban Revolution.

The USA’s Economic War on Cuba (Early

1960s)
In response to the nationalization of plantations and foreign-owned businesses, in
November 1959, the US government banned all exports to Cuba, hoping that
economic starvation would force Castro to adopt a more business-friendly stance.
The USA was, by far, Cuba’s biggest trading partner, and the Cuban economy was
almost entirely dependent on this link. However, the trade embargo had the effect of
forcing Cuba into the eager arms of the USA’s Cold War enemy, the USSR.

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Nikita Khrushchev, the Soviet premier, had previously been uninterested in pursuing
communist expansion in Latin America, preferring instead to consolidate the USSR’s
grip on Eastern Europe and paving the way towards better relations with the USA.
When presented with an existing socialist state, however, it seemed too good an
opportunity to pass up. With the US embargo threatening to cripple Cuba’s economy,
there was little alternative for Cuba but to turn to the USSR. Khrushchev agreed in
1960 to buy their sugar and provide weapons and oil in return. Soviet oil would now
replace American oil in Cuba’s refineries.

The US corporations that owned the Cuban oil refineries refused to process Soviet oil
and found themselves suddenly and unceremoniously taken over by Castro. This
naturally shocked and angered the US government almost as much as the US
corporations who had just lost their highly profitable multi-million dollar
investments: its nearest overseas neighbor was becoming an ally of its greatest
global enemy.

This deal with the USSR can be credited with saving the Cuban Revolution at a time
when it was at its most vulnerable. The USA, now convinced that Castro was a
communist, increased the intensity of the embargo against Cuba. Castro responded
by accelerating the nationalization process. Land reform was underway, and health
care and education had both been made universally available. As far as Cuba’s
working class was concerned, Castro was their savior, and he had earned their loyalty
by keeping his promises.

Military Problems and Solutions (Early 1960s)

The ever-present threat of invasion by the USA, and the CIA campaign to destabilize
the Cuban Revolution through terrorist attacks, meant that Castro had to ensure that
Cuba was in a position to defend itself. The first step was to remove Batista loyalists
from the army and other security services, through the Revolutionary Courts and
public trials and executions of the worst of Batista’s torturers and killers.

In October 1959, Castro used Huber Matos’s so-called "rebellion" to consolidate his
control over Cuba. He created armed militias to complement the existing state
military and civil controls: the armed forces, the military counter-intelligence section,
the police, and the secret police (which replaced the hated BRAC). It was these
militias that helped to save Cuba in April 1961 when they delayed the Cuban exile
landing forces at the Bay of Pigs long enough for the Cuban army to arrive and
destroy them. Following this victory, Castro enjoyed the unquestioning loyalty of both
the Cuban people and the military. He never lost the latter.

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The Bay of Pigs Invasion (April 1961)

In April 1961, Kennedy sent 1400 Cuban exiles who were trained by the US military
and the CIA to invade Cuba. These Cubans, known as Brigade 2506, were taken by
civilian freighters and supported by US warships. About 200 paratroopers were also
dropped by US planes painted in the Cuban air force colors.

The invasion was intended to spark a popular uprising amongst the Cuban people
and to lead to the overthrowing of the Castro government. It failed dramatically
when the Cuban militia discovered them and fought fiercely to prevent them
establishing a beachhead. Although the militia were outgunned by the invaders, they
bought valuable time for the Cuban army to launch a counterattack. Castro took
personal command of the fight, commandeering a tank and leading his forces in
battle.

In an effort to maintain plausible deniability, the USA did not send any American
troops to fight; they only provided intelligence and logistical support from their
warships. The hoped-for uprising did not occur as Castro’s police forces immediately
arrested the most prominent anti-Castro activists in Cuba. Additionally, Cuban radio
broadcast a warning to the people that invaders were attempting to undo the
revolution, thus inspiring a massive surge of pro-Castro popularity.

After three days, the Cuban exiles were defeated. 118 were killed, 360 wounded,
and 1202 captured. On the Cuban side, casualties were far higher (mostly due to the
indiscriminate bombing by the US warplanes) – over 4000 civilians, militiamen, and
police were killed or wounded with 176 soldiers killed and over 500 wounded. The
captured invaders were paraded in front of the world’s media and they publicly
admitted that they had been trained, financed, and equipped by the US. The US
government were no longer able to claim the moral high ground in the Cold War.

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This image captures Fidel Castro, identified by his signature beard and military attire,
leading the Cuban counterattack during the Bay of Pigs Invasion. The photograph
portrays a sense of determination and leadership as Castro engages in battle,
symbolizing Cuba's resistance against the CIA-backed Cuban exiles.

The most significant effects of this failed invasion were the way it showed the world
that Castro had been correct about US intentions. It led almost directly to the Cuban
Missile Crisis of October 1962.

The threat posed by Castro’s Cuba to the USA’s allied dictatorships in Latin America
did not go unnoticed. The Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962 was a direct result of
Castro’s conviction that another US invasion attempt was inevitable. He was probably
right in this view, as the US government was under intense pressure from Cuban
exiles, US corporations, and the Mafia to try again to depose Castro.

The Cuban Missile Crisis (1962)

Khrushchev placed Soviet nuclear missiles on Cuba as a bargaining chip to convince
the USA, Britain, and France to withdraw from West Berlin – as well as to discourage
another American invasion attempt against Cuba. The ensuing confrontation with the
US escalated and brought both sides closer to a global nuclear war than ever before
or since. The crisis was averted by the removal of the Soviet missiles from Cuba and
American nuclear missiles from Italy and Turkey. West Berlin remained in US, British,
and French hands.

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Castro was furious when the Soviets reneged on their promise that their missiles
would remain. President Kennedy’s promise that the USA would not invade Cuba did
little to reassure him – although, so far, successive US governments have honored
that promise (notwithstanding continuing attempts to kill Castro and to destabilize
the Cuban economy through terrorist attacks).

The map visually represents the locations of Soviet missile sites in Cuba during the
Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, highlighting the proximity of these sites to the United
States and the potential threat they posed.

Throughout the 1960s, Castro embarked on a policy of assisting other anti-

imperialist revolutionary groups, especially in Africa and Latin America. Che Guevara
and Castro (and other veterans of the Sierra Maestra campaign) sent Cuban troops to
assist rebel groups around the world, with varying degrees of success. Bored with his
ministerial role, Guevara personally led some of these expeditions. In 1967, shortly
after the failure of his 1963–1965 expedition to the Congo, Guevara led a mission to
Bolivia where his group was ambushed and he was captured, tortured, and executed
by a CIA-led team of Bolivian rangers.

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This image is a vintage-style illustration of flight routes from Cuba to the United
States, highlighting the potential danger of nuclear missiles on Cuba.

In 1975, Cuban forces were deployed to Angola to help the left-wing Popular
Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) against the US-backed South African
and Zairean invasion forces. Such forces were supporting right-wing militants, the
National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and The National Union for the Total
Independence of Angola (UNITA). After almost a decade of fighting, the two sides
negotiated a ceasefire, but not before the war had earned itself the nickname of
"Cuba’s Vietnam" – a reference to the way that Cuban forces became mired in this
war as Americans had been in Vietnam. One point of comparison, however, is that
the Cuban government never had a shortage of volunteers for the Angolan
expedition or the accompanying humanitarian mission.

Castro’s Domestic Policies

Key Questions:

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In his economic and social policies, what was Castro trying to achieve for Cuba,
and why?
What were the problems that Castro faced?
What were the results of his policies, and how did he react?
To what extent did his policies change between 1959 and the early 21st
century?

Key Concepts:
Significance
Consequences

Economic Relations with the USSR

The shift from economic reliance on the USA to economic reliance on the USSR after
1960 brought with it a political shift, and Cuba drew ever closer to the communist
ideology of the USSR. Although Cuba did not declare itself to be a communist state
until after the April 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion, in November 1960 raucous cheers
from the Cuban delegation had punctuated Khrushchev’s speech at the UN General
Assembly in New York. At the same time, photographs of a grinning Castro
embracing an equally cheerful Khrushchev outside the former’s hotel in Harlem were
seen all over the world.

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In this photograph, Fidel Castro and Nikita Khrushchev are seen embracing,
symbolizing the strengthening alliance between Cuba and the Soviet Union in 1960.
The image highlights the camaraderie and shared political alignment between the
two leaders during a pivotal moment in the Cold War.

The Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962, however, soured this relationship. Castro
felt that the USSR had used his country in a broader power play with the USA,
disregarding the needs of the Cubans. With Khrushchev’s withdrawal of Soviet
nuclear missiles, Cuba was once again left vulnerable to the very real threat of a US
invasion – its only protection being the US president’s promise that this would not
happen. However, by the end of 1968, the two nations were back on good terms
(with Castro making the first move by publicly expressing support for the USSR’s
violent actions in Czechoslovakia in August 1968).

Both Castro and Che Guevara had misgivings about the communist model espoused
by Lenin, preferring instead to create a system more suited to the Latin American
environment in which they lived. However, by 1968, Guevara was dead and Castro
was increasingly dependent on the USSR for Cuba’s economic survival. The Cuban
state therefore began to adopt many of the structures of the Soviet state.

Castro's Communism
Historians tend to agree that Castro was not a communist at this stage. Rather, he
was a nationalist whose policies were less governed by the doctrines of Marx or
Lenin and more so by the needs of nationalism and Cuban independence, with a
strong focus upon political, social, and economic improvements designed to benefit
the whole of society rather than just the wealthy elites. When he was introducing his
agrarian reforms, for example, Castro even drew upon Catholic rhetoric by likening
his policies to Christ’s teachings. Despite the Catholic Church’s history of support for
the wealthy classes against the poor, Castro did not immediately move against
organized religion as most communist rulers did.

His economic reforms were, initially, seen as rather moderate by most

contemporaries, although this soon changed when he began nationalizing the large
landholdings and other businesses of US corporations and wealthy Cuban planters.
Nevertheless, even the US vice-president, Richard Nixon, stated after meeting Castro
in 1959 that he was not a communist and that the US and Castro could and should
work together.

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Events beyond Castro’s control changed this and, in May 1961 (immediately after the
failed Bay of Pigs Invasion) he publicly declared that the Cuban Revolution was a
socialist one and that Cuba was a communist state. However, even though the open
declaration of Cuba as a communist state only took place in 1961, the move towards
Communism had begun during the earliest days of the new government.

Economic Problems and Solutions

Prior to Castro’s victory, the Cuban economy had suffered from unfavorable trade
conditions with the USA, which had seen many Cuban planters and other
businessmen shift their allegiance away from Batista. During his 1959 tour of the
Americas, Castro promised to redress this situation. Coltman points out that
wealthier Cubans had been hoping that "Castro would restore democracy without
undermining the economic status quo". However, they were to be disappointed –
though not to the degree that many Castro supporters had hoped for. Castro’s
promised agrarian reforms were more moderate than many had anticipated, possibly
as a conscious decision to avoid antagonizing their belligerent neighbor to the north.

Unemployment in Cuba had been high before the revolution, especially in the
impoverished rural areas. The work (only sporadically available) for many landless
peasants had been back-breaking and poorly rewarded. Castro’s policies changed
this and peasants found themselves paid more fairly and given more rights and
shorter working hours. By the mid-1960s there was even a labor shortage in Cuba.
However, production fell in some areas because, according to some commentators,
Castro’s policies had removed the incentive for people to work hard – although this
view does not take into account the effects of the US trade embargo against Cuba.

The 1970s saw Cuba following Soviet advice to allow greater liberalization in its
economy, with decentralized planning and management as well as more material
incentives in order to encourage

The Rectification Campaign, 1986-1987

Following the USSR's advice to liberalize the Cuban economy, Castro became
dissatisfied with the resulting corruption and inequality. Trade unions protested
against being treated as a "production army" through reduced productivity and
absenteeism. Castro apologized and launched the Rectification Campaign to reverse
these mistakes, showcasing his humility.

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INRA, Nationalization, and Land Reform ‍

Castro aimed to improve peasants' lives, nationalizing major industries (like US-
owned public utilities and telephone companies), drastically reducing rents, and
transforming large landholdings into cooperatives similar to those in communist
China during the 1950s.

Land was confiscated from large companies and redistributed to peasants, with over
200,000 peasants receiving title deeds. Compensation was paid to former owners
using tax office records, which US corporations had undervalued to dodge taxes. This
led to anti-Castro sentiment in the US government and media.

The M-26-7 leaders viewed land reform as a path to social justice, drawing
inspiration from Mao Zedong's agrarian reforms in China.

The Agrarian Reform Laws

The Agrarian Reform Laws of 1959-1963 nationalized large landholdings (over
1000 acres for Cuban companies and over 3000 acres for foreign companies) and
productive plantations, allowing land redistribution among impoverished workers
and small owners or government control as state farms/cooperatives. The reforms
aimed to achieve rapid social and economic justice before the peasants' patience ran
out.

While US corporations and landowners lost profits, many Cuban businesses and
middle-class plantation owners supported Castro's reforms, dividing the opposition
and consolidating his power.

Social Problems and Solutions

Castro aimed to improve life for all Cubans. Although Batista addressed racism,
inequalities persisted. Castro outlawed discrimination based on gender or race, but
prejudice towards homosexuality remained.

Health Care and Education in Castro's Cuba

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Once in power, Castro implemented free universal health care and education. The
image is of Cuban schoolchildren in uniform posing with a portrait of Che Guevara. A
massive vaccination program began in 1962, eradicating polio, malaria, and
diphtheria by 1971. Investment in rural infrastructure improved healthcare access,
and high-quality education was available to all citizens, increasing the literacy rate
from 78% in 1953 to 99.8% in 2014.

Control of the Media

Castro silenced anti-revolutionary media, initially as a temporary measure. He later
reneged on this promise, citing public security due to the threat of US intervention.
University professors and journalists faced dismissal or arrest for dissenting opinions.
Even former allies like Carlos Franqui disagreed with his communist leanings.
However, Castro's treatment of critics was less brutal than Batista's, allowing
Franqui to go into exile instead of being imprisoned or killed.

Cuban Refugees
Cubans have fled to Miami since before independence, creating a Cuban exile
community. Since the revolution, major emigrations have included:

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1959-1960: Cubans worried about regime change.

1960-1962: Operation Peter Pan (Catholic Church helped send children to the
US).
Oct-Nov 1965: Camarioca Exodus (Castro allowed Cubans to leave for the US
from Camarioca).
1965-1973: "Freedom Flights" (Cubans with US relatives fled to Miami).
Apr-Oct 1980: Mariel Boatlift (125,000 Cubans fled due to poor economic
conditions).
Jul-Aug 1994: Malecón Exodus (35,000 Cubans emigrated due to economic
crisis post-Soviet Union collapse).

Many Cubans trying to escape to the USA on homemade boats and rafts have
drowned in the Straits of Florida and do not feature in the statistics. The image
shows Cuban refugees arriving in Key West, Florida by the United States Coast
Guard.

Social Control and Repression

Castro faced criticism for his dictatorial style, harshness toward Batista regime
members, banning political parties, and unfulfilled election promises. He defended
the trials and executions of Batista's henchmen, stating that "revolutionary justice is
not based upon legal precepts, but moral conviction."

Castro's public punishment of criminals prevented violent reprisals. However, some

compared the trials to Stalin's show trials. Castro later admitted the trials might have
been flawed but prevented law and order collapse.

Over time, Castro established a security apparatus due to threats from:

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The US government
US corporations
The CIA
Batista loyalists
Autenticos
The American Mafia
US-supported Latin American governments

Internal opposition emerged within the PCC and from intellectuals. Allowing
dissidents to leave for the US reduced the need for repressive measures. Castro
diluted opposition by allowing "exoduses" of those he called "scum."

Although Castro criticized Batista's police brutality, he argued that repression was
necessary for survival due to threats against Cuba.

Operation Mongoose (The Cuban Project)

In early 1960, President Eisenhower authorized $1.3 million for the CIA to remove
Castro from power. Plots included assassination attempts using Mafia or Cuban exile
assassins, poisoned wetsuits, and economic sabotage to provoke uprisings. CIA
agents conducted terrorist campaigns, including bombing a civilian airliner and tourist
hotels.

According to the 1975 Church Committee, the CIA attempted to kill Castro at least
eight times between 1960 and 1965. Fabián Escalante Font claims there have been
638 attempts to kill Castro from 1960 to the present day.

The Ochoa Affair, 1989

The June 1989 Ochoa Affair, in which senior military leaders were arrested for
corruption and drug smuggling, created intense divisions within Cuban society.
General Arnaldo Ochoa and others were sentenced to long prison terms or death. It
has been speculated that General Ochoa had been planning a coup.

The government's control over the media and the public's gratitude for the positive
effects of the revolution helped maintain stability.

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The "Special Period in Time of Peace", 1989-c.

2000
The collapse of the Soviet Union (1989-1991) severely impacted Cuba, as the USSR
was the lynchpin of the Cuban economy. The worst effects were felt from 1990 to
around 1996, but Castro's Cuba survived due to:

Absence of organized opposition

General support for Castro
The army's loyalty
Disloyalty being a punishable offense
Government control over the media *Gratitude for social justice, healthcare, and
education

During this "Special Period":

Cuban GDP fell by 34%

Oil imports dropped to 10% of pre-1990 levels
Loss of food imports led to famine
Medical imports fell dramatically

The government responded with the "Food Programme" in October 1990 to

encourage farmers to increase food supply, mass mobilization of volunteers, a
recycling campaign, and reallocation of funds into biodiversity research, combined
with a nationwide austerity campaign designed to limit waste. Tourism-related
industries grew, state-owned farms were downsized, and agricultural cooperatives
(UBPCs) were created. By the mid-1990s, US dollars were allowed as currency, and
capitalist elements were reintroduced.

Comecon (Council for Mutual Economic Assistance): Founded in 1949 as

a response to the American Marshall Plan, it aimed to promote mutually
beneficial trade between communist and socialist countries.

The US Reaction to the "Special Period"

Castro feared a US invasion. The US trade embargo already prevented US companies
from dealing with Cuba, but the Helms-Burton Act of 1996 imposed penalties on
foreign companies doing business in Cuba.

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The Helms-Burton Act, 1996

According to Bal our, the Helms-Burton Act is one o the
mostcontroversial bills in the history o the US .

It sanctioned:

US businesses importing Cuban products

Countries, institutions, or businesses trading with Cuba
Foreign businesses using resources nationalized by Cuba from US
corporations/individuals

Castro called it a "brutal and genocidal Helms Burton law." The intensified embargo
would not be lifted until:

Castro's government was replaced by a transitional government

Nationalized property was returned to "original owners" (US corporations,
individuals, and the Mafia)
Compensation was paid to US corporations/individuals for their nationalized
property

The EU instructed its members to ignore the Act. The US eventually agreed to ignore
clauses dealing with foreign companies. Many companies invested in Cuba, primarily
in tourism.

The Special Period and Industrial Production

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Cuba's modernization had led to reliance on Soviet oil. The image depicts an off-road
bus, called a Camello, traveling through Havana. The collapse of the USSR caused
transportation and industrial production to halt. The government distributed bicycles
and created "Camellos" (camel buses) from adapted trucks.

Castro allowed foreign investment and legalized private businesses. State subsidies
were removed, and progressive taxation was introduced. The US dollar was
permitted as currency.

The Special Period and Agriculture

The loss of oil imports reduced food production, leading to famine. In 1992, state-
owned plantations were reorganized, and private ownership of plots was
reintroduced. Plantations changed crops due to the loss of the Soviet sugar market.

Pesticides and fertilizers declined. Australian permaculture experts taught

sustainable agriculture techniques. Rooftops were turned into vegetable beds.
Students and unemployed Cubans were relocated to the countryside to grow food.
These measures alleviated the famine, shifted the diet to a more vegan style, and
allowed farmers to sell surplus crops privately.

The Special Period and Society

According to a 2013 study, the Special Period had mixed effects. Malnutrition and
poverty-related illnesses increased, but the shift from meat to vegetables reduced
cardiovascular diseases.

1990s Economic Hardship and Social

Protections
During the 1990s, Cuba faced severe economic challenges known as the Special
Period. This era was marked by:

Increased use of bicycles due to fuel shortages.

Improvement in general health.
Population-wide average weight reduction of 5.5 kilograms per person.

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In August 1994, a public demonstration against poverty occurred in Havana's

Malecón district. This protest, the first of its kind since 1959, led to an exodus of
around 35,000 people seeking a new life in the USA.

Despite the economic difficulties and reduced food subsidies, Cuba maintained a
higher level of social protection for its poor compared to many other countries, with
universal healthcare and education remaining constant. The economic struggles of
former Eastern Bloc countries served as a cautionary tale against fully embracing an
unrestricted capitalist model.

Erosion of Egalitarianism
While economic reforms were implemented, they didn't fully liberalize the economy.
Access to US dollars provided a distinct advantage, leading to an erosion of the
egalitarian nature of Cuban society.

Despite food shortages and a lack of consumer goods, Cuba continued to achieve:

The highest ratio of doctors per capita.

One of the lowest rates of infant mortality in the world.

The Special Period and Politics

Cubans largely supported Castro as a symbol of strength against the USA. His
consistent stance also garnered support from other Latin American nations.

The continued US economic pressure and the threat of a return to the Batista era
solidified support for Castro's regime among older Cubans. However, younger
generations viewed the Special Period's economic crisis as a need for change.

Demands for political and economic reforms arose, which Castro cautiously
addressed, facing opposition from conservative factions within the party and military.

Party members who strongly advocated for reform were removed, indicating that
Castro's control over Cuba was not absolute.

The rhetoric surrounding the Cuban Revolution shifted from comparisons to the
Bolshevik Revolution to emphasizing Latin American nationalism. There was also a
resurgence of support for Che Guevara's ideologies, stressing justice and
egalitarianism.

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Limits to Freedom
Castro, wary of the Soviet Union's experience with perestroika, limited political
reforms. The Centre for the Study of America, which had suggested reforms to the
Cuban economic and political systems, was investigated in March 1996 for allegedly
serving US interests, leading to the reassignment of its leading members.

Luis Posada Carriles (aka Bambi)

Cuban-born Posada (b. 1928) knew Castro while they were both
university students. Following the revolution, Posada was involved with
anti-Castro groups beore being arrested. On his release rom prison, he
fed to the USA rom where he helped the CIA to plan the ill-ated Bay o
Pigs Invasion in April 1961. Determined to overthrow Castro, he was
trained in terrorism methods by the CIA and, since 1964, he has been
involved in many terrorist attacks against Cuba or Cuban interests in Latin
America (including the 1976 bombing o Cubana Flight 455, which killed
73 civilians). Throughout his career, Posada has been supported by the
CIA and the US-based right-wing Cuban exile group, the Cuban American
National Foundation (which itsel has close links to the CIA). Posada
currently lives in Miami and is treated as a hero by many members othe
hardline Cuban exile community there.

End of the Special Period

By mid-1996, Raúl Castro (with Fidel's support) began to reverse some of the
Special Period's changes. Taxes on private enterprises, such as family-run restaurants
(paladares), were raised, and self-employment licenses became more expensive,
signaling a move back to a more centralized economy.

Castro's Cuba, 1996 to 2008

Economic cooperation with Spain ended as the new government sought closer ties
with the USA. The European Union linked its economic assistance to Cuba with
increased liberalization measures.

The Cuban tourism industry was affected by terrorist bombings against tourist hotels,
carried out by Luis Posada Carriles, a former-CIA agent born in Cuba.

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Pope John Paul II's Visit

In January 1998, Castro gained a public relations advantage when Pope John Paul II
visited Cuba. This visit indicated the Catholic Church's tacit support and
acknowledged that Cuban socialism differed from the anti-religious Russian model.
During his visit, the Pope criticized the regime, leading to the release of 300 prisoners
and greater tolerance of Church activities.

Alliance with Venezuela

With Hugo Chávez's victory in Venezuela in December 1998, Castro found a new
ally. Chávez, considering Castro his mentor, initiated preferential oil sales to Cuba,
and by 2004, the two nations established a mutually beneficial trade agreement.

Deterioration of US-Cuban Relations

After George W. Bush became US president in 2000, US-Cuban relations worsened.
In 2002, Bush declared Cuba part of the "Axis of Evil." The Cuban government
responded with a counter-petition supporting the socialist nature of the Cuban
constitution, gathering over 8 million votes. In March 2003, around 75 members of
the Varela Project, a pro-democracy movement, were arrested for allegedly receiving
foreign money for political purposes and given long sentences.

Discussion
Castro claimed that they had made mistakes in the early days of the Cuban
Revolution. Examples of this were discussed in class.

Support for Cuba increased from other Latin American countries due to the
perception of US bullying. Trade links were established with nations like Iran and
post-apartheid South Africa. A wave of left-wing electoral victories, known as the
"Pink Tide," swept Latin America from 1998. By 2005, most of the Latin American
population lived under democratically elected left-wing governments, many of
whose leaders cited Castro and Cuba as their inspiration.

ATL Research and Communication Skills

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Essay plan construction, partner review, verbal explanation, questioning, note-taking,

and essay writing within 45 minutes were assigned.

Castro's Legacy
In February 2008, after a long illness, Fidel Castro stepped down as leader of Cuba,
passing power to his brother Raúl. Castro significantly changed Cuba and had a
disproportionate impact on the Cold War. His endurance beyond the Soviet Union
testifies to his personal qualities and the resilience of Cuba.

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