2

MODULE 2
What Was The February
Revolution?1917
 Who: The people of Russia later joined by troops from the Russian
Army and Imperial Guard vs Tsar Nicholas II, Imperial Government
Gendarmes and Ministry of Internal Affairs Department (MVD) of Police.
 What: Protests and marches that escalated into riots, mutiny and
violence.
 Where: Petrograd (St Petersburg) Russia’s second largest city.
 When: 22 February – 3 March Julian calendar (8 – 16 March 1917
Gregorian calendar – adopted by Russia in 1918).
 Part of: Took place during the First World War.
 Result: Abdication of the Tsar and the end of nearly 500 years of
autocratic rule in Russia. Provisional Government established and
reforms introduced. Russia continues to fight in the First World War.

The February Revolution was the first of two revolutions that took place in
Russia in 1917.

At the time of the revolution Russia was an autocracy, with Tsar Nicholas
II holding absolute power over his people. Its political, social and economic
structures were extremely backward in comparison to other countries in
Europe. Food shortages and military failures at the start of the twentieth
century had caused strikes and riots that were often brutally
suppressed. The 1905 Revolution had led to some reforms, including the
establishment of a State Duma (legislative assembly), but there was still no
real democracy in Russia.

Russia's entry into the First World War was initially supported by most
Russians. However its infrastructure struggled to cope with the demands of
war. Russia's industry depended almost entirely on foreign imports.
When Germany and its Turkish allies blockaded Russia's Eastern ports,
its railway, electricity and supply systems broke down. There were not
enough laborers to collect the harvests and there were serious food
shortages.

The war was going badly for Russia with a string of defeats. In 1915, the Tsar
attempted to boost moral by taking personal command of the army. This
move had disastrous results. The Tsar was a poor military leader and he was
now blamed for every defeat. He had also left his wife, the German-
born Tsarina Alexandra, in charge at home. The Tsarina was very
unpopular and seemed to be under the control of the equally unpopular
mystic Grigori Rasputin.
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With little food, no ammunition or even proper uniforms, Russian soldiers

began to mutiny in their thousands. Strikes and protests in Russia saw no
reforms from the government. Trade unions were banned and
'troublemakers' were sent into exile. By early 1917 most Russians had
completely lost faith in the Tsarist regime.

PHOTOGRAPHS

Land and Freedom

Image: IWM (Q 69399)

A crowd gathers outside the Duma in Petrograd, February 1917. Some carry
banners with the slogan 'Land and Freedom'.
See object record
On 22 February 1917, metal workers in Petrograd went on strike. They were
joined the next day, International Women's Day, by female protesters
marching against food rationing. More protestors and strikers took part and
around 200,000 filled the streets of the city, demanding the replacement of
the Tsar and an end to the war. Eventually nearly all industry in Petrograd
was shut down. The Tsar ordered the commander of the Petrograd garrison,
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General Khahalov, to suppress the rioting by force. But troops in the city
refused. They mutinied and joined the protesters. Having lost the support of
the army and under the advice of his army chiefs and ministers, the Tsar
abdicated for himself and his son on 2 March 1917. His brother refused to
succeed the throne, marking the end of the Tsarist regime.
PHOTOGRAPHS

Fontanka Canal, Petrograd, 13 March 1917

Image: IWM (Q 69404)

Royal emblems torn from shop fronts an hour after the Tsar's abdication lie
on the ice which covers the Fontanka Canal, Petrograd, 13 March 1917.
See object record
Immediately following the revolution a new Provisional Government was
formed. This was a self-appointed 'cabinet', made up of members of the
Duma and led by the politician and landowner, Prince George Lvov. The
new government had no constitutional authority and was seen to still
overwhelmingly represent the interests of the privileged and wealthy. Its
position was also weakened because of 'Dual Power'. It had to share power
with another body – the Petrograd Soviet of Worker's and
Soldiers' Deputies. This was an assembly of over 500 which had been elected
by ordinary people and so was seen as more representative.

Despite introducing a programme of liberal reforms over the following

months, the Provisional Government decided not to take Russia out of
the First World War. They failed to address one of the main causes for the
February Revolution and this would be one of the factors that led to a second
revolution, in October 1917.

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Factors that led to the February Revolution,

1917

Political problems
Political problems
The incompetence of Nicholas II
Tsar Nicholas II was unable to rule effectively. He made poor decisions that
led to worsening relations with the government and increased hardship for
civilians and soldiers alike.
Nicholas refused to accept any reduction in the absolute power he held.
He was detached from the plight of the Russian people and his policies also
alienated ethnic minorities.
When the Duma was recalled during World War 1, a group of Octoberists and
Kadets established the Progressive Bloc. This group wanted to have more
control over the war. In response, in 1915, Nicholas closed the Duma. This
alienated many liberals.
Nicholas declared himself Commander in Chief of the army and departed for
the Eastern Front to take control of operations.
However, Nicholas was not well educated in the tactics of war. Moreover, his
absence left a weakened government in Petrograd (formerly St Petersburg).
The war and the Tsarina

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Figure caption,
Tsarina Alexandra and her son, Tsarevich Alexei
As the war continued, the quality and effectiveness of the Russian Empire's
government was called into question.
The departure of Nicholas II to the front left his wife, Tsarina Alexandra, in
control. Alexandra was not hugely popular in Russia. She was reserved and
awkward in public. More importantly, she was a German princess and some
were suspicious as to where here loyalties lay in the war.
Alexandra gained increasing influence over the appointment of ministers to
the government. She was determined that no member of the imperial
government should ever be in a sufficiently strong position to challenge the
authority of her beloved husband. She appointed less threatening,
sometimes incompetent, ministers to replace those who knew how to
govern.
As a result, members of the government tended to be increasingly weak and
ineffective men. They owed their positions to winning favour with the
Tsarina, rather than their ability and effectiveness.
This would have been bad enough with Russia at peace, but in wartime, it led
inevitably to disaster for the monarchy and for Russia.
Issues with Rasputin

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Figure caption,
Rasputin
The imperial family was brought into disrepute as the Tsarina fell under the
influence of Grigori Rasputin.
Rasputin was a monk from Siberia. He was rumoured to be a Khlyst, member
of an extreme underground sect that had split from the Orthodox Church. He
was infamous for his drunkenness and for womanising.
However he also gained a reputation as a healer, able to perform amazing
feats and miracles.
Rasputin came to the attention of the royal family. In April 1907, Alexandra
called on him to heal her only son, the Tsarevich Alexei. He was suffering
from painful bleeding as a result of an injury. It was not publicly known but
Alexis suffered from the blood disease haemophilia.
After Alexei recovered, Tsarina Alexandra became convinced that Rasputin
could control the young boy's illness.
While there is still debate over the nature of his powers over the health of
Alexei, it is clear that his influence over the Tsarina was considerable. He
advised her on appointments to the government, interfered in important
decisions. He could do no wrong in the eyes of the Tsarina. Excuses were
always made for his excessive and antisocial behaviour.
To the Russian people, Rasputin symbolised everything that was wrong with
imperial government. The court and the royal family became objects of

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ridicule, to be despised. Rasputin's murder by royalists at the end of 1916,

came too late to undo the damage he had caused.
Revolutionary groups
The membership and influence of revolutionary groups had been severely
reduced by 1914, mainly through the repressive tactics of Stolypin and the
Okhrana. But radical opinion was not wholey defeated:
 Revolutionary groups survived underground and continued to attract
support.
 Revolutionaries managed to assassinate Stolypin in 1911.

 Pravda, the Bolshevik newspaper, was highly popular amongst

workers.

Despite the Bolsheviks holding influence over many workers, Lenin had no
part in bringing about the February Revolution. He believed that revolution
should be organised, not developed from unorganised protest.
Impact of World War One
The War brought terrible suffering for soldiers and civilians alike. Best
estimates state that almost two million Russian soldiers were killed. A similar
number of civilians also perished. Morale during this time was very low and
the myth of the army as the Russian ‘steamroller’ had been vanquished.
The Russian people looked for someone to hold to account for their suffering.
In 1915, the Tsar had declared himself Commander in Chief of the Army. This
made him a suitable target for this discontent.
Military defeats
World War One was a total disaster for Russia. The Russian army suffered
defeat after defeat at the hands of Germany.
1914

Figure caption,
German troops pose with Russian guns captured at the Masurian Lakes
The Russians invaded Eastern Germany with two large armies. They were
completely routed by smaller German forces at the battles of Tannenberg
and the Masurian Lakes.
1915
Germany turned the full weight of its power against Russia and launched a
series of onslaughts, including the Gorlice-Tarnow Offensive and the 2nd
Battle of the Masurian Lakes.

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The Germans and Austrians unified their command and were able to
successively rout Russian forces, who lacked modern weaponry or enough
supplies. The Russians were forced into retreat. Large areas of Russian
territory including Lithuania and Poland, were overrun.
1916
For a time, the Russians achieved victory against the Germans and Austrians
and regained some territory. However, the gains were minimal and Russia
suffered heavy defeats late in the year.
Leadership

Image caption,
Nicholas II blesses Russian troops
In 1915, Tsar Nicholas II took personal command of the army. He left St
Petersburg and moved to army headquarters in Russian Poland.
Nicholas II may have believed that, by taking charge, his army would be
inspired and would fight with renewed vigour. Unfortunately, the Tsar knew
little about the command and organisation of large military forces. The series
of defeats and humiliations continued.
The organisation of the Russian army deteriorated and there were massive
shortages of ammunition, equipment, and medical supplies.
Nicholas II's decision to take charge meant that he was increasingly seen by
the Russian people as having personal responsibility for the military disasters
inflicted on Russia.
Economic problems
From the start of the war, Russia's economic problems grew steadily worse.
By the beginning of 1917, the country was facing virtual economic collapse.
Industry
Russian industry moved into crisis during the war. Vital raw materials from
overseas could no longer reach Russia. This resulted in shortages of raw

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materials and finished goods. The army faced major shortages of supplies
and weapons.
Transport
Russia had an underdeveloped railway system. This was taken over by the
government to be used primarily for the war effort. It had to cope with the
pressures of moving large quantities of troops and supplies to the
battlefronts. This made it more difficult to keep the cities supplied with food.
Agriculture
Agricultural methods remained backward and still relied on many peasants
being able to work the land. Millions of peasant farmers were conscripted
into the army. This led to a major shortage of manpower on the farms and a
corresponding fall in production.
There were serious shortages of food in the city shops. The price of even the
most basic foods was rising steeply.
By 1916, inflation had reached 200 per cent, the value of the rouble had
fallen substantially and the price of goods was soaring. This made life
increasingly difficult, particularly for poorer people.
Revolution from below
Discontent among peasants
Many of those conscription into the army had come from the Russian
peasantry. By 1916 a third had been injured.
As the Russian Army had retreated from Poland and Lithuania in 1915, they
had employed a ‘scorched earth’ policy, destroying a great deal of farmland.
Peasant livelihoods were obliterated.
Shortages in grain during the war resulted in many of the poorer land
workers hoarding what they produced.
Discontent among workers

Figure caption,

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Women take to the streets of Petrograd

The ‘war economy’ had resulted in a steep increase of workers in the cities.
City administrations faced added pressure to provide housing and services.
Unemployment rose in industries that were not directly contributing to the
war effort (these factories could not maintain a supply of raw materials).
Living conditions deteriorated, especially as a result of shortages in the
shops. These were caused by:
 the abandonment of Poland and Lithuania in 1915 had deprived Russia
of much farmland
 peasants hoarded grain for their own use rather than selling it

 the railways were committed to the war effort not transporting supplies
to the cities

There was a severe lack of food in Moscow and, in 1917, Petrograd only
received half of the grain required to feed its citizens. These shortages
contributed to social unrest.
In January 1917, in commemoration of Bloody Sunday, 140 000 workers went
on strike in Petrograd. In February, rioting broke out in the city. Crowds
attacked bakeries in a desperate search for bread. This was partially in
response to the announcement of bread rationing.
In the following days, strikes and demonstrations took place. Strikers from
the Putilov Engineering Plantith joined the crowds at the celebration of
International Women’s Day. As the number of people on the streets of
Petrograd increased, soldiers refused orders to fire on the crowds. Instead
they began to join in the protests.
The Petrograd Soviet was established and issued Order #1, announcing that
soldiers had the right to elect their own officers.
The fall of the Tsar
When informed of these events, Nicholas II dismissed it as a "hooligan
movement" which would soon be over. Even as his regime met total
collapse, the Tsar still showed his inability to face reality.
Nicholas made an attempt to return from the war front to the capital,
Petrograd, and reclaim his authority. But in late February revolutionaries
diverted the train to Pskov. Isolated and powerless without the support of the
army, his reign as Tsar was over - the only option now was abdication.
Nicholas named his brother, the Grand Duke Michael, as his successor.
Michael lacked the support of the people or the military. He refused the
position. With that, the Romanov dynasty surrendered control of Russia.

Origins of the Bolsheviks

The Bolshevik Revolution had its origins with Russia's
first Marxist political party, the Russian Social Democratic

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Workers' Party (RSDWP) which was founded by a collection of

Social Democratic organisations in 1898.

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Fig. 1 - The 1903 Second Congress of the RSDWP saw the presence of
Vladimir Lenin and Georgy Plekhanov (top row, second and third from left)
In 1903, the Bolsheviks and Mensheviks were born after
disagreements at the RSDWP Second Congress, but they did not
formally split the party. The official split in the RSDWP came after
the October Revolution in 1917, when Lenin led the Bolsheviks to
control Russia. He formed a coalition soviet government with
the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, refusing cooperation with other
parties. Once the coalition ended in March 1918 after disagreements
over the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the Bolsheviks transformed into
the Russian Communist Party.

Did you know? The Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party was
known by a few names. You might also see RSDLP (Russian Social

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Democratic Labour Party), the Russian Social Democratic Party

(RSDP) or the Socialist Democratic Party (SDP/SDs).

Bolshevik Definition
Let's first look at what 'Bolshevik' actually means.

Bolshevik

The term means “those of the majority” in Russian and refers to

Lenin's faction within the RSDWP.

Bolshevik Revolution Summary

So now we know the origins of the Bolshevik party, let's look at a
timeline of the key events of 1917.

Bolshevik Revolution 1917 Timeline

Below is a timeline of the Bolshevik revolution throughout the year
1917.

1917 Event

February Revolution. The (mostly Liberal, bourgeois)

February
Provisional Government (PG) assumed power.

Tsar Nicholas II abdicated. Petrograd Soviet was

March
established.

Lenin returned to Petrograd and issued his April

April
Theses.

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The July Days protests. Alexandr Kerensky takes

July office as Prime Minister of the (coalition of socialist
and Liberals) Provisional Government.

The Kornilov Revolt. The Petrograd Soviet's Red

August Guard was armed to protect the Provisional
Government.

Septemb Trotsky became chairman of the Petrograd Soviet,

er gaining a Bolshevik majority.

Bolshevik Revolution. Lenin became chairman of the

October Council of Peoples' Commissars (Sovnarkom),
leading Russia's new Soviet Government.

Novemb Constitutional Assembly elections. Russian Civil

er War began.

Following internal pressure in the Sovnarkom, Lenin

Decemb agreed to allow some Left-Socialist Revolutionaries
er into the Soviet Government. They later resigned in
protest of the March 1918 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.

Leader of Bolshevik Revolution

Vladimir Lenin was the leading personality behind the Bolshevik
Revolution, but he required assistance to successfully organise the
takeover. Let's look at how Lenin and his party led the Bolshevik
Revolution.
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Lenin
Lenin had been the leader of the Bolshevik Party since the RSDWP
started fracturing in 1903. He developed the ideology of Marxism-
Leninism that he hoped would be a practical application of Marxist
theory in Russia. However, due to his high profile as a revolutionary,
he was rarely physically present in Russia, and so organised the
Bolshevik party from abroad in Western Europe.

Lenin's International Movements

Lenin was arrested and exiled to Siberia in 1895 for creating the
Social Democratic organisation the St Petersburg Union of
Struggle for the Liberation of the Working Class. This meant he
had to send a delegate to the First Congress of the RSDWP in 1898.
He returned to Pskov, Russia in 1900 as he was banned from St
Petersburg, and created the Iskra, an RSDWP newspaper,
with Georgy Plekhanov and Julius Martov.

He moved around Western Europe after this, settling in Geneva after

the RSDWP's Second Congress in 1903. Lenin returned briefly to
Russia after Tsar Nicholas II agreed to the 1905 October Manifesto,
but fled again in 1907, fearing arrest. Lenin moved around Europe
during the First World War and finally returned to Russia in April 1917.
After the 1917 February Revolution, Lenin organised safe passage
with Russia's invaders, Germany, and travelled to Sweden and then to
Petrograd in April 1917. Lenin's 1917 April Theses established the
Bolshevik position. He urged another revolution that would overthrow
the Provisional Government (PG), form a Soviet-led government,
end Russia's involvement in WWI, and redistribute land to the
peasantry.

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Fig. 2 - Lenin delivered a speech when he returned to Petrograd in April 1917.

He later summarised the speech into a document which became known as the
April Theses
Lenin fled to Finland after the July Days (1917) as new prime
minister Alexandr Kerensky had claimed he was a German agent.
Whilst in Finland, Lenin urged the Bolsheviks to stage a revolution,
but failed to get support. He travelled back to Russia in October and
eventually persuaded the party.

Trotsky immediately began preparing the Red Guard to revolt and

staged the successful Bolshevik Revolution. The Second All-Russian
Congress of Soviets was held and established the new Soviet
government, the Council of People's Commissars (a.k.a. the
Sovnarkom), with Lenin elected as the chairman.

Trotsky
Trotsky played an integral role in the Bolshevik Revolution; however,
he was only a recent convert to the Bolshevik cause. After the 1903
Second Congress of the RSDWP, Trotsky supported
the Mensheviks against Lenin.
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However, Trotsky left the Mensheviks after they agreed to collaborate

with Liberal politicians after the 1905 Russian Revolution. He then
developed a theory of “permanent revolution”.

Trotsky's "Permanent Revolution"

Trotsky stated that once the working class began to seek democratic
rights, they would not settle for a bourgeois government and would
continue to revolt until socialism was established. This would then
spread to other countries.

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Fig. 3 - Trotsky led the Soviet Government's military and helped the Bolsheviks win the Russian Civil
War.
Trotsky was in New York at the beginning of 1917 but travelled to
Petrograd after news of the February Revolution. He arrived in May
and was soon arrested after the July Days protests. Whilst in jail, he
joined the Bolshevik party and was elected to its Central
Committee in August 1917. Trotsky was released in September,
and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies elected
him chairman. This gave Trotsky de facto control of the Red Guard.

Trotsky led the Red Guard to support the Bolsheviks' rise to power
during the Revolution. There was little resistance when the Red
Guard arrived at the Winter Palace to depose the PG, but there
followed a series of uprisings against the Soviet Government.

The Red Guard

Workers' Militias were voluntary military organisations within

factories throughout Russia's major cities. The Militias professed to
“protect soviet power”. During the February Revolution, the
Petrograd Soviet was reformed and supported the PG. This was
because the Soviet consisted of many Socialist
Revolutionaries and Mensheviks who believed that a bourgeois
government was a necessary revolutionary stage before socialism. As
the PG continued with WWI and failed to act on the Soviet's interests,
workers grew discontent.

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Lenin's April Theses demanded the soviets assume control of Russia,

gaining Bolshevik support from workers. The July Days protests were
conducted by workers but used Bolshevik slogans. Alexandr
Kerensky called on the Soviet to protect the government against
the military coup d'état threat of General Kornilov in August
1917 and proceeded to arm the Red Guard from the government
barracks. Once Trotsky became the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet,
the Bolsheviks held a majority and could direct the Red Guard to
stage the Bolshevik Revolution with military force.

Causes of the Bolshevik Revolution

There were a series of causes for the Bolshevik Revolution, which, as
we have examined, were capably taken advantage of by the
Bolsheviks to secure their leadership of the country. Let's look at
some long and short-term causes.

Long-term causes
There were three main long-term causes for the Bolshevik Revolution:
the Tsarist autocracy, the failed Dumas, and Imperial Russia's
involvement in warfare.

The Tsar
The Tsarist regime was by far the most deep-rooted cause of the
Bolshevik Revolution. Socialism began to gain popularity throughout
the 19th century and was exacerbated by the arrival of the more
radical Marxist groups who opposed Tsarism. Once Lenin had
established Marxism-Leninism as a strategy to overthrow the Tsar and
establish socialism, the Bolshevik cause grew in popularity, climaxing
in the 1917 Revolution.

Did you know? The Romanov Dynasty maintained its autocratic

control of Russia for just over 300 years!

The Duma
After the 1905 Russian Revolution, Tsar Nicholas II allowed the
creation of the Duma, the

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first elected and representative governmental body. However,

he limited the Duma's power with his 1906 Fundamental Laws and
allowed Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin to rig the third and fourth
Duma elections to reduce socialist representation.

Although the Duma was supposed to change Russia into

a constitutional monarchy, the Tsar still held autocratic power. The
failure to establish democratic systems in Russia lent support to the
Bolshevik's proposals of a dictatorship of the proletariat and the
overthrow of the Tsar.

Constitutional Monarchy

A system of government whereby the monarch (in this case the Tsar)
remains the head of state but their powers are limited by a
constitution and they share control of the state with a government.

Warfare
After Tsar Nicholas II took power, he had plans for imperialist
expansion. He provoked the unpopular Russo-Japanese
War in 1904 which led to Russia's embarrassing defeat and the 1905
Russian Revolution. When the Tsar engaged Russia in the First World
War, he gained more unpopularity as Russia's Imperial Army suffered
the heaviest losses of any other belligerent country.

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As the working class grew discontent with Russia's involvement, the

Bolsheviks gained support due to their strong denouncement of WWI.

Short-term causes
The short-term causes began with the February Revolution in 1917
and can be summarised by the Provisional Government's poor
leadership. Initially, they had the Petrograd Soviet's support. As the
Petrograd Soviet consisted of Mensheviks and SRs, they believed
that the bourgeois PG was necessary to
develop industrialisation and capitalism before a second
revolution could instate socialism. Let's look at how the Provisional
Government dealt with the challenges of 1917, leading to further
revolution.

First World War

Once the PG assumed leadership of Russia after the Tsar's
abdication in March 1918, the first major issue to deal with was
WWI. As the proletariat was at the centre of the Petrograd Soviet's
concerns, they did not support the war and expected the PG to
negotiate Russia's withdrawal. In May 1917, a telegram to the Allies
was leaked that stated the PG's foreign minister Pavel
Milyukov's intent to continue Russia's involvement in WWI. This
sparked outrage in the Petrograd Soviet, who demanded socialist
representation in the PG, and demonstrated the first of many
incompetences of the PG.

July Days Protests

A group of workers took arms and began to lead protests against the
PG in July, demanding that the Petrograd Soviet take control of the
country instead. The workers were quoting Bolshevik slogans inspired
by Lenin's April Theses. The protests were violent and getting out
of control but demonstrated the increasing support for the Bolsheviks.

Furthering support for the Bolsheviks: The July Days

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The PG could not control the July Days protests, and the Petrograd
Soviet refused to heed the protesters' demands and take sole control
of Russia. Although the Bolsheviks reluctantly began to support the
protesters with a peaceful demonstration, they were not
prepared to stage a revolution. Without the strategic means of the
Bolsheviks or the political backing of the Soviet, the protest
eventually de-escalated in a matter of days.

The PG reorganised again and placed Alexandr Kerensky as prime

minister. To reduce the support of the dangerously revolutionary
Bolsheviks, Kerensky issued the arrests of many radicals, including
Trotsky, and outed Lenin as a German agent. Although Lenin fled
into hiding, the arrests showed how the PG was now counter-
revolutionary and therefore not striving for socialism, adding grist to
the Bolshevik cause.

Kornilov Revolt
General Kornilov was a loyal Tsarist general of the Russian Army
and began marching on Petrograd in August 1917. He defected
against Prime Minister Kerensky and appeared to be preparing
a coup d'état against the PG. Kerensky asked the Soviet to defend
the PG, arming the Red Guard. It was a major embarrassment for
the PG and showed their ineffective leadership.

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Fig. 5 - Although General Kornilov was a volatile commander of the Russian Army, he was well respected
and an effective leader. Kerensky appointed him in July 1917 and dismissed him the following month
fearing a coup d'etat
In September 1917, the Bolsheviks gained a majority in the
Petrograd Soviet and, with the Red Guard armed after the Kornilov
revolt, paved the way for a swift Bolshevik Revolution in October. The
PG barely resisted the armed Red Guard when they stormed the
Winter Palace, and the Revolution itself was relatively bloodless.
However, what followed saw significant bloodshed.

Effects of the Bolshevik Revolution

After the Bolsheviks seized power, there were many discontented
parties. Other socialist groups protested the all-Bolshevik
government, demanding a combination of socialist
representation. Lenin eventually conceded to allow some Left

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SRs into the Sovnarkom in December 1917. However, they

eventually resigned in March 1918 after Lenin's crushing
concessions in the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk to withdraw Russia from
WWI.

The Bolshevik consolidation of power after their Revolution took the

form of the Russian Civil War. The White Army (any anti-Bolshevik
groups such as Tsarists or other socialists) fought against the
Bolshevik's newly formed Red Army throughout Russia. The
Bolsheviks initiated the Red Terror to persecute any domestic
political dissent from anti-Bolshevik individuals.

Following the Russian Civil War, Lenin issued his 1921 Decree
Against Factionalism, which prohibited defection from the
Bolshevik party line – this outlawed all political opposition and placed
the Bolsheviks, now the Russian Communist Party, as the sole
leaders of Russia.

Did you know? Having consolidated power, in 1922, Lenin founded

the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) as the first
socialist state guided by a communist ideology.

Bolsheviks Revolution - Key takeaways

 The Bolsheviks were Lenin's faction of the Russian Social
Democratic Workers' Party (RSDWP) which informally split with
the Mensheviks in 1903.
 For the majority of Russia's revolutionary activity, Lenin was in
exile or evading arrest in Western Europe. He returned to
Petrograd in April 1917 to issue his April Theses, which gathered
support for the Bolsheviks amongst the proletariat against the
Provisional Government.
 Trotsky became the chairman of the Petrograd Soviet in
September 1917. This gave him control of the Red Guard which
he used to aid the Bolshevik Revolution in October.
 The long-term causes of the Bolshevik Revolution included the
atmosphere in Russia under the Tsarist autocracy and the failure
at progress in the Dumas or in international warfare.

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 The short-term causes included the PG's continuation of WWI,

the growing support for the Bolsheviks demonstrated by the July
Days, and the embarrassing episode of the Kornilov Revolt.
 After the Bolsheviks came to power, the Russian Civil War raged
against them. They consolidated power with the successes of
the Red Army and the work of the Red Terror. Lenin formed the
USSR in 1922, confirming Russia's commitment to communism.

References
1. Ian D. Thatcher, 'The First Histories of the Russian Social-
Democratic Labour Party, 1904-06', The Slavonic and East
European Review, 2007.
2. 'Bolshevik Revolution: 1917', The Westport Library, 2022.
3. Hannah Dalton, 'Tsarist and Communist Russia, 1855-1964',
2015.

4. Impact of World War One

5. The War brought terrible suffering for soldiers and civilians alike. Best
estimates state that almost two million Russian soldiers were killed. A
similar number of civilians also perished. Morale during this time was
very low and the myth of the army as the Russian ‘steamroller’ had
been vanquished.
6. The Russian people looked for someone to hold to account for their
suffering. In 1915, the Tsar had declared himself Commander in Chief
of the Army. This made him a suitable target for this discontent.
7. Military defeats
8. World War One was a total disaster for Russia. The Russian army
suffered defeat after defeat at the hands of Germany.
9. 1914

10.
11. Figure caption,
12. German troops pose with Russian guns captured at the Masurian
Lakes
JOHN SIBANDA 23
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13. The Russians invaded Eastern Germany with two large armies.
They were completely routed by smaller German forces at the battles
of Tannenberg and the Masurian Lakes.
14. 1915
15. Germany turned the full weight of its power against Russia and
launched a series of onslaughts, including the Gorlice-Tarnow Offensive
and the 2nd Battle of the Masurian Lakes.
16. The Germans and Austrians unified their command and were
able to successively rout Russian forces, who lacked modern weaponry
or enough supplies. The Russians were forced into retreat. Large areas
of Russian territory including Lithuania and Poland, were overrun.
17. 1916
18. For a time, the Russians achieved victory against the Germans
and Austrians and regained some territory. However, the gains were
minimal and Russia suffered heavy defeats late in the year.
19. Leadership

20.
21. Image caption,
22. Nicholas II blesses Russian troops
23. In 1915, Tsar Nicholas II took personal command of the army. He
left St Petersburg and moved to army headquarters in Russian Poland.
24. Nicholas II may have believed that, by taking charge, his army
would be inspired and would fight with renewed vigour. Unfortunately,
the Tsar knew little about the command and organisation of large
military forces. The series of defeats and humiliations continued.
25. The organisation of the Russian army deteriorated and there
were massive shortages of ammunition, equipment, and medical
supplies.

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26. Nicholas II's decision to take charge meant that he was

increasingly seen by the Russian people as having personal
responsibility for the military disasters inflicted on Russia.
27. Disastrous Involvement:
1. Russia’s participation in World War I was disastrous. Its poorly equipped
army faced immense costs, which exacerbated existing problems within
the country.
2. These problems included poverty, food shortages, and social unrest.
28. Economic Consequences:
1. The war left Russia economically strained. The immense costs of military
operations strained the already fragile economy.
2. Factories struggled to produce goods, and farms faced labor shortages
due to men being at the front lines.
29. Social Unrest:
1. The war intensified social tensions. Soldiers and civilians alike suffered,
leading to discontent and protests.
2. Ultimately, these hardships contributed to the revolutionary events of
1917.

In summary, Russia’s involvement in World War I had profound consequences, setting

the stage for revolution, civil war, and decades of Communist rule

Nicholas II as a war leader:

implications of personal
leadership of the war effort
Nicholas II: A Tsar at War

1. A Tsar Unsure of His Role:

Nicholas II, the last Tsar of Russia, inherited a complex and fragile
empire. He was a deeply religious man, but lacked the political skills
and decisiveness his predecessors possessed. He often relied on
advisors and struggled to make bold decisions.
In the early 20th century, Russia faced internal turmoil: economic
inequality, growing discontent among workers and peasants, and a

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clamor for political reform. Nicholas II remained resistant to change,

clinging to autocratic power.

2. The War That Changed Everything:

When World War I erupted in 1914, Nicholas II, swayed by

nationalist sentiment and pressure from his advisors, saw it as an
opportunity to restore Russia's international prestige and
consolidate his power. He believed a swift victory would quell
domestic unrest and solidify his position.
However, the reality of war proved brutal. The Russian army,
equipped poorly and led by incompetent generals, suffered
devastating defeats.
The Tsar, determined to lead from the front, assumed the role of
Commander-in-Chief in 1915, leaving his wife, Alexandra, to rule in
his absence.

3. A Nation in Crisis:

Nicholas's leadership during the war was disastrous. His decisions

were often based on emotion, not strategy, leading to unnecessary
losses and a plummeting morale.
The war effort strained the Russian economy, pushing the country
towards bankruptcy.
The Tsar's absence from the capital left a vacuum of power, fueling
public discontent and the growth of revolutionary movements.
Alexandra's rule, particularly her reliance on the mystical advisor
Grigori Rasputin, further alienated the people and undermined the
monarchy.

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4. The Russian Revolution: A Revolution Fueled by War:

The disastrous war effort, coupled with the Tsar's inept leadership
and the growing influence of the Bolsheviks, sparked the February
Revolution in 1917.
The Tsar abdicated, ending the Romanov dynasty and the centuries-
old autocratic system of Russia.
The revolution led to the establishment of a provisional government,
which initially attempted to continue the war effort. However, the
Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, promised an end to the war, land for the
peasants, and "peace, bread, and land."
Their promise resonated with the weary and war-torn population,
ultimately leading to the Bolshevik Revolution in October 1917.

4.2 The Impact of World War I:

World War I played a crucial role in the collapse of the Tsarist

regime. The war exposed the weakness of the Russian government,
military, and economy, fueling public discontent and creating the
conditions for revolution.
The war also provided the opportunity for revolutionary movements,
specifically the Bolsheviks, to gain support and power.
Ultimately, World War I served as the catalyst for the Russian
Revolution, marking the end of the Tsarist era and ushering in a new
era of communist rule.

Key Takeaways:

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Nicholas II's personal leadership during World War I proved

disastrous, leading to a string of defeats, economic hardship, and
increasing public dissatisfaction.
The war exacerbated existing tensions in Russia and provided the
opportunity for revolutionary movements to gain traction.
World War I was a major contributing factor to the fall of the Tsarist
regime and the rise of the Bolsheviks.
Why did Tsar Nicholas II abdicate
from the Russian throne?
Tsar Nicholas II's abdication came against a backdrop of a changing
political, social and religious nation but the catalyst for change came
through Russia's struggles in the First World War. Nicholas was
chosen to rule by his family rite. Russia was an autocratic nation and
it was believed that it was his divine rite to rule, like his father
before him. However, Nicholas was actually a poor leader in a
backwards and pre-industrilaised country. Russian failures in the
Russo-Japanese War saw an earlier revolution in 1905, only to be
quashed by Nicholas' admissions into creating a representative
government. By passing some power to the people it questioned his
divinity as a ruler and saw the people begin to demand more was
done. This came at a time where peasants, or serfs, had previously
had no rights, and were taxed heavily to fund the Tsar's vast armies.
As a result, serfs would often pass over much of their stock in food
and suffered from famine unable to live on what was left. After
seemingly sacrificing some of his power to the people, Nicholas
went back on his word to remove the power and use of the
government he had allowed to exist. Causing dissent amongst the
representatives and giving new found support to the Bolshevik and
other revolutionary groups. Against this backdrop Russia entered
the First World War as a weakened nation. With war there are costs,
not just in the lives of men, women and children near the conflict
but also at home. The Tsar took personal control of the army in
1915, putting any future outcomes of the war directly at the hands
of his leadership and leaving the people at home in the hands of his
German wife, Alexandra. Soon rumours arose of a poisonous
relationship between the Tsarina's advisor, Rasputin, and Alexandra
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whereby he had far too much influence over her decisions. Evidently
this had the effect of casting doubt over Nicholas' intentions and as
Russia suffered great losses of life and land on the Eastern front
dissent grew. The continued war saw valuable resources sent to the
front such as food and drink. Leaving an already starving population
in even more desperate need. The Marxist ideas of communism
gained even greater support during these times of unrest, the
promise of all men recieving the same made for a better life than
some earning nothing and others earning all. Marxist
supporters promised reforms that would create a better life for the
peasants. As a consequence of the war, there was a massive
shortage in manpower, industry declined and inflation rose rapidly.
This all culminated in a general strike in February 1917, one that the
Tsar percieved as just a hooligan movement that would pass.
This notion highlights the serious underappreciation of Nicholas
to the severity of the problem and the hopeless situation his people
found themselves in. After his own soldiers began to join the strike,
refusing Nicholas' orders to quell the people by force, and his
desperate attempt to return to the capital was halted, abdication
was his only option left.

THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

A
photograph of Provisional Government ministers (seated) in 1917.
The Provisional Government inherited political authority after the
abdication of Nicholas II. It enjoyed a brief honeymoon period
marked by hope, optimism and public support. But the Provisional
Government was soon confronted by the same policy issues that
JOHN SIBANDA 29
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had undermined and destroyed tsarism. The abdication of Nicholas II

might have relaxed the mood of the people – but it did not bring
bread or coal into Petrograd. Even more pressing was the question
of Russia’s involvement in World War I. Many argued that it should
seek peace terms from Germany and withdraw from the war, to
ease pressure on its economy and people and to manage its political
reformation. Others believed that Russia, having made promises to
its allies in 1914, should honour them. The Provisional Government
chose the latter path, a decision that eventually proved fatal. By the
end of July 1917, the Provisional Government was disregarded,
disrespected and almost powerless. The question was not whether it
would survive but when it would fall.

The core of the new government was drawn from a provisional

committee of Duma deputies, assembled at the beginning of the
unrest that became the February Revolution. On March 2nd, hours
after Nicholas II abdicated the throne, the committee shed three of
its Octobrist members and reformed as the Provisional Government
of Russia. In its first manifestation, the Provisional Government
contained 12 ministers, seven of whom were liberal Kadets. Its first
prime minister was Prince Georgy Lvov, a minor royal and wealthy
landowner who favoured a transition to a liberal-democratic
government. The only true socialist in Lvov’s cabinet was Alexander
Kerensky, a Socialist-Revolutionary who had led the Trudovik labour
faction in the Duma. On March 3rd the Provisional Government
issued a manifesto containing eight principles by which it would
function. The first four of these were the most significant:
1. An immediate and complete amnesty in all cases of a political and
religious nature, including terrorist acts, military revolts and agrarian
offences, etc.

2. Freedom of speech, press, and assembly, and the right to form

unions and to strike and the extension of political freedom to persons
serving in the armed forces limited only by the demands of military
and technical circumstances.

3. The abolition of all restrictions based on class, religion, and

nationality.

4. The immediate arrangements for the calling on the Constituent

Assembly on the basis of universal, equal and direct suffrage and

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secret ballot, which will determine the form of government and the
constitution of the country.
As its name suggests, the Provisional Government was only a
transitional regime, formed to oversee Russia’s transformation from
tsarism to a democratically elected Constituent Assembly. Most
expected elections for this Constituent Assembly to be organised
within six months, certainly well before the end of 1917. In the
meantime, the Provisional Government attempted to rule as one
might expect an elected government to rule. But this itself was
problematic, for several reasons.
Though its members were drawn from the Duma, the Provisional
Government had no mandate; it had not been selected or endorsed
by the people. Russians were aware that it was a temporary
government, so its laws and decrees were not always respected or
taken seriously. As the year progressed, the Provisional Government
found it more and more difficult to see its policies through to
completion. By the summer the government was largely impotent
and its most of its directives were carried out partially or half-
heartedly, if at all. One contemporary observer dubbed it the
“Persuasive Government”, since it had to cajole or convince to get
things done.

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A meeting of the Petrograd Soviet in 1917.

A significant factor in the Provisional Government’s weakness was
the rise of another body: the Petrograd Soviet. A reincarnation of the
old St Petersburg Soviet of 1905, the Petrograd Soviet came
together in the final days of the February Revolution. It began as a
rowdy meeting of militant workers and soldiers but within days had
become a representative council, containing delegates from almost
every factory, workplace and military unit in the capital. At its peak,
the Petrograd Soviet boasted more than 3,000 members. While its
meetings were loud and boisterous, the Soviet’s political aims were
initially moderate. Its executive council (Ispolkom) and daily
newspaper (Izvestia) were dominated by Mensheviks and moderate
Socialist-Revolutionaries. In its first weeks the Soviet harboured very
little talk of overthrowing or replacing the Provisional Government –
but it was more divided on the question of war, with a sizeable
number of its delegates supporting Russia’s immediate withdrawal.
One of the Petrograd Soviet’s first and most meaningful resolutions
was its famous Order Number One, issued two days prior to the
abdication of the tsar. This order called on all military units to
maintain discipline and readiness – but to seek the approval of the
Soviet before carrying out any orders issued by the State Duma. It

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was passed to reduce the chances of an armed counter-revolution,

either from the tsarist regime, its generals or conservatives in the
Duma.
Order Number One is often interpreted as an attempt to undermine
the Provisional Government; this is not the case, as the Provisional
Government had not yet been formed. But the order clearly
demonstrated the Soviet’s willingness to ignore or countermand
orders given by civilian authorities, if they conflicted with the
interests of workers and soldiers. This set the scene for what was
later known as the ‘Dual Power’: the eight months of 1917 when
political control was divided between the Provisional Government
and the Petrograd Soviet. As Kerensky later put it, the Soviet
possessed “power without authority” while the Provisional
Government had “authority without power”.

“While the Provisional Government was losing power, the Soviets

spread rapidly throughout Russia, reaching not only large industrial
centres but also local towns and rural districts. The Soviets were unruly
and in themselves posed no direct threat to the government’s
existence. That situation changed when the Bolsheviks began to
dominate an increasing number of Soviets, particularly in large towns
and industrial centres. Since the Bolsheviks were eager to gain power
by force, the Provisional Government was doomed. The giant Russian
Empire was like a minor post-colonial state: a few dozen armed and
determined men could stage a coup d’etat without encountering
serious resistance.”
Christopher Lazarski, historian
Even more fatal for the Provisional Government was its decision to
keep Russian troops in World War I. It did so for several reasons, not
least because most members of the government had supported the
war effort from the beginning. Some, like Lvov, considered it a
matter of duty: having entered the war to support her allies, Russia
should maintain her commitment until victory was achieved. Others
believed that a Russian withdrawal threatened the international
standing and interests of the new government. Russia would require
more foreign loans, capital and trade in the post-war world; to
withdraw from the war might jeopardise those. In addition, Russia’s
tactical position in early 1917 was poor, so any peace overture to
Germany would probably result in a sizeable loss of territory and
resources. Others argued that the war question should be decided
by the new Constituent Assembly; the Provisional Government
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should not interfere in the status quo. The consensus, therefore, was
to maintain Russia’s commitment on the Eastern Front.

A cartoon depicting the Provisional Government working on

suitcases – and therefore ready to flee.
While these arguments had some merit, the decision to sustain the
war effort drove a wedge between the Provisional Government and
the people. It also produced significant changes in the government
itself. In mid-April, foreign minister Pavel Milyukov penned a
telegram to the Allies, informing them that Russia would remain in
the war until its conclusion. Milyukov’s telegram was leaked to
radical socialists and then the press, which triggered large public
demonstrations in Petrograd. Facing enormous public pressure,
Milyukov and war minister Alexander Guchkov were forced to resign.
Guchkov was replaced by Kerensky, who was joined in the cabinet
by six other socialist ministers. Kerensky had learned no lessons
from the April unrest or the fate of his predecessors, however. Two
months after his appointment as war minister, he ordered an
ambitious new offensive against the Austro-Hungarians in Galicia.
Kerensky toured the frontline, worked closely with military
JOHN SIBANDA 34
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commanders and gave rousing speeches – but these ploys had little
effect. The Russian army was fatigued by three years of war, still
poorly led and under-resourced and pushed to the brink of mutiny
by anti-war propaganda. The July Offensive in Galicia was a costly
defeat, resulting in 400,000 casualties. Kerensky’s only response
was to sack his commander-in-chief, Brusilov, and replace him with
General Lavr Kornilov – a move that would soon have consequences
for Kerensky’s government.

1. The Provisional Government was formed in March 1917 from a

temporary committee of Duma deputies.

2. Its mission was to manage Russia’s transition from tsarism to a

democratic government through an elected Constituent Assembly.

3. The government had no mandate and exerted little power. Most

followed its orders only when they were acceptable.

4. The Petrograd Soviet, a representative council of 3,000 delegates,

also challenged the government’s authority.

5. The most pressing concern for the Provisional Government was its
decision to maintain the war effort. This made the government
extremely unpopular, particularly in April (forcing the resignation of
Milyukov) and again in July (after Kerensky’s failed offensive in
Galicia).

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