Participatory Rural Appraisal of the

Impacts of Tourism on Local Indigenous

Communities and National Parks: the
Case of the Pemón Kamaracoto
Domingo A. Medina
Iokiñe Rodriguez

Abstract—Participatory Rural Appraisal was used to assess the Areas to reduce pressure on natural resources, and to
Kamaracoto’s perceptions of the impacts of tourism in the Valley of achieve local support for the conservation goals for which
Kamarata located within Canaima National Park in Venezuela. these areas were originally established (West and Brechin
Participatory Rural Appraisal proved to be effective in identifying 1991).
social, cultural, and subsistence values attributed to environmental One of the activities strongly linked to Protected Area
elements (shifting cultivation, tepuyes, animals, waterfalls, savan- protection is nature-based tourism (ecotourism). In the last
nas, minerals) and economic activities (such as farming, tourism, decade many international and national environmental
and mining). Similarly, sources of important environmental organizations, development agencies, governments, schol-
changes that the community has experienced were determined (for ars, and tour operators have been pushing ecotourism agen-
example, decrease of animal species diversity and population, das as national, regional, and local strategies to capitalize
decrease in forest resources for building traditional houses and on Protected Areas’ natural resources without destroying
dugout boats, increase in tourist visitation, and increase in young- them. Part of the revenue is expected to be earmarked for
sters favoring work in tourism over shifting cultivation). The causes conservation efforts and to provide local economic benefits,
of such change and how they affect or will affect the community’s including economic incentives for communities at the pe-
sustainability were also determined. The process proved to be riphery or within Protected Areas to replace income loss
valuable for the community in terms of planning community action from restrictions on allowable uses. The increase in the
and proposing regulations seeking to mitigate impacts of non- number of ecotourism operators, activities, and travel pack-
traditional uses of the Park’s resources, such as tourism. In addi- ages to Protected Areas and the increase in tourist visitation
tion, the process was effective in identifying community partnership have made pristine, remote, natural, and cultural sites more
needs with outside groups (such as, nongovernment organizations accessible, integrating these destinations with the global
and universities) to solve local environmental problems and issues economy and subjecting them in the process to the political
related to tourism and the park. economy of tourism (Medina 1996).
A “Participatory Rural Appraisal” methodology was ap-
plied to assess the impacts of tourism on indigenous commu-
nities and on the National Park of Canaima (Venezuela).
It is well known that the creation, and many times Participatory Rural Appraisal was selected as the most
imposition, of protected areas on local indigenous people
effective means to deal with the increasing park and indig-
have been a source of conflict and undesirable impacts
enous communities conflicts and the need for management
(Hough 1988; West and Brechin 1991). Although globally strategies that minimize these conflicts and the negative
many National Parks and other protected areas have clearly
impacts on Park resources. The long-term goal is to create
recognized indigenous peoples’ settlements and their rights
an atmosphere favorable for establishing a partnership
to access resources for subsistence (Stevens 1997), still, in that can benefit both the indigenous people and the Park.
many Latin American countries, there are no clear policies
In this paper we (1) argue the need for adopting and institu-
or management strategies to deal with human settlements
tionalizing participatory approaches for the conservation of
within or at the boundaries of National Parks. As a result, Protected Areas, (2) discuss Participatory Rural Appraisal
the need has emerged to integrate local populations into
in relationship to the case presented here, and (3) present
establishment, management, and monitoring of Protected
our study which analyzes the impacts of tourism develop-
ment on the indigenous communities that live within
Canaima National Park.

In: Watson, Alan E.; Aplet, Greg H.; Hendee, John C., comps. 1998.
Personal, societal, and ecological values of wilderness: Sixth World Wil- Protected Areas, Participation, and
derness Congress proceedings on research, management, and allocation,
volume I; 1997 October; Bangalore, India. Proc. RMRS-P-4. Ogden, UT: U.S. Conservation ___________________
Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research
Station.
Domingo A. Medina is Professor, Department of Parks, Recreation &
Participatory approaches for development are being
Tourism, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48827 U.S.A. adopted by multilateral funding agencies such as the World
E-mail: [email protected]. Iokiñe Rodriguez, ECONATURA (a Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank (Schwartz
Venezuelan Environmental nongovernment organization), Caracas, 1067-A,
Venezuela. E-mail: [email protected]. and Deruyttere 1996) to assure that development projects

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 19

succeed not only in their design, but also in their implemen- and extension, poverty and social programs, health and food
tation, evaluation, sustainability, and most importantly in security, and natural resource management (Chambers
delivering benefits to end users. This realization came only 1994a,b). To a lesser extent Participatory Rural Appraisal
after years of unsuccessful “top-down authority,” “non- has been used in park conflict resolution (Hoyle 1995; Mason
developmental,” and “outsider” approaches to “planned and Danso 1995; Rodriguez and Sharpe 1996) and tourism
change.” Conservation has to be a widely participatory impacts (Tomintoul Community 1994). The approach has
process to bring about and harmonize environmental pro- proved to be a powerful one, in many cases generating valid
tection with social and material advancement. This concep- and reliable data (Chambers 1994b).
tion stresses the capacity of people to control their situation Empowerment is reached in the planning process because
and manage their environment. It is concerned with equal- information in Participatory Rural Appraisal is internally
ity and equity; it emphasizes citizen participation; it focuses produced, analyzed, owned and shared by local people in-
on enhancing local self-reliance; and it involves integrating stead of just gathered and analyzed with the biases of
traditional local knowledge with scientific knowledge. Un- outsiders (Chambers 1994b). The role of the outsiders in this
der this view of conservation, participation is needed for approach is more as a convenor, catalyst or facilitator of the
conflict management in issues related to protected area- means for people to undertake and share their own investi-
people interactions. In addition, participation has been gations and analyses (Chambers 1994a).
identified as key in (a) mitigating negative social and eco- Empowerment also comes from transferring leadership to
nomic impacts of environmental policies and development locals, valuing their knowledge and generating opportuni-
projects—by legitimizing them; (b) improving management ties and environments, so they can extend their knowledge
efforts; and (c) building support, partnership, and co-man- and acquire new skills and abilities such as: systematic
agement arrangements with local stakeholders. analysis of problems, designing plans, establishing priori-
An exclusionary and centralized concept of National Parks ties, formulating strategies, implementing activities in an
has been maintained widely in Latin American policy and organized manner, evaluating them, and distributing their
practice, neglecting the historical, political, and social con- benefits (Valarezo 1993). In conservation, only by generat-
text of these countries. In this way, government agencies ing empowerment can local communities assist in the pro-
tend to be strong in top-down authority and hierarchy, as tection of the Park. In this view, empowerment creates the
evidenced by the scale, bureaucracy, and level of enforce- environment such that the solutions to local issues can come
ment of their decisions and operations. Also, very little from initiatives from within the communities—with or with-
experience has been gathered to value participation and its out outsider partnerships. New proposals, projects, or pro-
potential; managers are not trained in participation pro- grams for conservation can and should come from local
cesses, and there is no budget allocation for implementing communities, but from communities that are organized and
participation programs and mechanisms. Participation, that have the capacity to formulate and negotiate them.
whether in development or in conservation, is a long-term This case study centers on the impacts of tourism develop-
process and a political one (Peters 1996). Although cost- ment on the Pemón-Kamarakoto community in Canaima
effective in the long run (Schwartz and Deruyttere 1996), it National Park. From previous studies, it was known that the
requires special interpersonal and managerial skills, and Pemón-Kamaracoto communities have manifested an inter-
other conditions to be able to incorporate it and institution- est in participating in Park management affairs; they are
alize it in Protected Area management strategies (for a aware of their dependence on Park resources and know that
recent discussion see Borrini-Feyerabend 1997). Until these they have a direct stake in the protection of the Park given
conditions are met, participatory approaches are most likely their historical and cultural relation to the land they inhabit
to find resistance among governmental Protected Area and their economic and social dependency on it. They have
agencies. Therefore, it is not surprising that many countries specific knowledge of the natural resources of the Park, and
do not have any participatory approaches, community con- they maintain local institutional arrangements and abilities
sultation mechanisms, or institutional arrangements in useful for management. They have proximity to places
place that can involve local stakeholders in decisionmaking where problems occur that allows them to experience di-
and sharing resource management responsibilities of Na- rectly changes and impacts. In addition, they have represen-
tional Parks. Similarly, it is not surprising that park and tative local institutions that defend the rights of their
people problems and lack of support for Protected Areas community members, and they have a level of social organi-
continue. zation that allows them to function as a community to
maintain a working relationship with Park officials.

Participatory Rural Appraisal ______

Canaima National Park and the
Participatory Rural Appraisal is regarded as an approach
(or a series of methods) to learning about local life and Pemón Situation ________________
conditions, “from, with, and by,” local people (Chambers
Venezuela has 15 percent of its territory designated as
1994a). Chambers explains that the approach and methods
National Park lands, distributed among 43 Parks. In
have the intention of enabling local people to share, enhance,
addition, and with no exception, all of the parks have
and analyze their knowledge of life and conditions, to plan,
conflicts with human settlements living within or at their
to act, monitor, and evaluate. Participatory Rural Appraisal
borders. In 1982, 13 percent (18,626) of the Venezuelan
has been used in many countries and applied in a variety of
indigenous population inhabited at least eight of the major
fields (sectors) and settings including agriculture research
National Parks. This percentage was distributed among

20 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998

304 communities and consisted of nine ethnic groups: Barí, breeders of domestic animals, and gatherers (Simpson 1940;
Yupka, Pumé, Hiwi (or Guajibo), Piaroa, Yanomami, Sanema, Thomas 1982; Urbina 1979). The Pemón have shown great
Pemon, and Warao (Lizarralde 1992). Canaima National adaptation to the difficult and very limiting living conditions
Park, the focus of this paper, was created in 1962 and in the uplands, which are known to be unsuitable for inten-
extended in 1975 to its current size. Located in the Bolivar sive agricultural practices (due to the depthless substrate,
State (southeastern Venezuela) in a region that lies on the low nutrient contents, and highly unfavorable chemical
Precambrian Guayana Shield (one of the most ancient land properties), and where game is dispersed on forest slopes,
surfaces of South America), Canaima National park is one of and where fish resources are scarce because of small water
2
the largest in the Americas, covering an area of 30,000 km bodies and generally swift currents. These conditions make
(7,413,000 acres). As part of the Venezuelan Guayana, it cropping cycles in conucos (swiddens) short, natural regen-
contains incredible ecological diversity due to its natural eration cycles slow, and hunting and fishing very inefficient.
history, geomorphological formations and altitudinal varia- Many factors are influencing the Pemón society within
tions, soil properties, and different climatic regimes. The Canaima. Their traditional life styles are impacted, and
vegetation cover of this part of the Guayana region consists their balanced resource relation with the Gran Sabana
of forest, shrub, herbaceous, and pioneer formations found environment is changing. Today the Pemón are experienc-
in the different ecosystems of evergreen and semideciduous ing the difficulties of rising population growth and changes
forest, savanna, and tepuis (flat-top mountains formed by in social structure.
Precambrian core of igneous and metamorphic basement The Pemón have a long history of external influences,
rocks covered by large layers of sediment, with an age cultural intervention, and expropriation of land. The cre-
estimated at 6 billion years). The varieties of ecosystems in ation of Canaima National Park in 1962 recognized the
Canaima support a wide range of habitats and niches that in cultural values of the Pemón communities (including their
turn support a highly diverse number of ferns, flowering areas of settlement and traditions) and contemplated the
plants, trees, fauna, arthropods, and many endemic and incorporation of the indigenous communities into the ad-
endangered species. ministration and management of the Park (Gaceta Oficial
Canaima National Park protects between 60 to 70 percent 1991). But like many other communities within National
2
of the Caroní River Basin (95,000 km ), which is drained by Parks in Venezuela, the Pemón have been affected histori-
two large river systems—the Caroní and Paragua Rivers. cally by restrictions in the use of park resources. Little
The Basin is the only source of water for two hydroelectric has been documented in this regard, however. Hydroelectric
dams that provide electricity to operate important indus- and mining projects sponsored by the Venezuelan Corpora-
trial plants and supply electric service to other areas in tion of Guayana, expansion of road systems, increasing
Venezuela (and soon to Brazil). In 1993, Canaima was unregulated tourism activities, and a history of missioniza-
declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO. The preserva- tion and agriculture extension work have threatened the
tion (for present and future generations) of such an incred- Pemón resource base and their traditional agricultural and
ible resource constitutes a challenge to Venezuelan society. hunting practices, their traditional economic activities, and
their patterns of settlement, land use, and housing. Finally,
71 percent of the communities within Canaima have no
The Pemón Amerindians in Canaima documents of land ownership, and 36 percent have some
National Park kind of land conflicts with companies, official organizations,
state enterprises, farms, or ranches.
Canaima is located in the Gran Sabana Municipium, A concern of ecologists and park managers in the Gran
which has an indigenous population of 13,051 inhabitants Sabana with direct, long-term impacts on hydrological cycles
of different ethnic backgrounds. The Pemón’s population is and erosional processes is the continuous substitution of
the largest in the whole Municipium, representing nearly forest by savanna, and the subsequent degradation of the
99 percent of the total population. In 1992, there were 8,094 latter on a large scale. Anthropogenic causes include the
indigenous people (0.27 inhabitant per square kilometer) in practice of burning in both forest and savanna areas by
the Park itself, distributed in 94 settlements. The Pemón indigenous people, as well as agriculture, cattle-raising,
(as they call themselves) belong to the Carib-speaking fam- hunting, mining, timber extraction, and tourism activities.
ily and are divided into three groups (Arecunas, Kamaracotos, Natural causes have been attributed to successional trends,
and Taurepan) concentrated in different parts of the Gran dependent on both climatic changes and fire.
Sabana and with different dialects—possibly mutually in- The National Park of Canaima is considered the first and
telligible (Thomas 1982). most important tourism destination in Venezuela. It has
Approximately 500 to 600 years ago, the Pemón began high demand among foreign tourists and is experiencing
occupying the Gran Sabana uplands, immigrating from increasing visitation. In a study of 280 tourism packages in
adjacent savannas. The Pemón were the first among four Venezuela, Canaima by itself represented 9.4 percent of the
successive immigrations of Carib family groups that popu- destinations marketed. A recent study estimates that be-
lated Venezuela in the so-called “fourth wave” (CONAHOTU tween 1991 and 1995 the number of visitors to Canaima
1972). The Pemón live in settlements mostly in open sa- National Park increased from 78,488 to 121,101 (Medina
vanna near rivers, and are highly dependent on the sur- 1996).
rounding forest resources and rivers for their subsistence. Many international and national tourism organizations
They have traditionally been small farmers or “conuqueros” and agencies are establishing, operating and extending
(using the system of slash and burn for cultivation), hunters “ecotourism” systems in Canaima, looking for remote and
of birds and terrestrial mammals, fishermen, small-scale unique destinations within the Park in order to keep

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 21

exclusivity and elude the great concentration of visitors Canaima. They also do not include visitors from private
that are arriving. Under Venezuela’s Law of Tourism planes nor from two of the private local enterprises.
(Articles 59 and 60), prior consultation with indigenous
communities is explicitly required before any tourism devel-
opment can go ahead in their areas. Unfortunately, consul- Methodology: The Workshop ______
tation is not a common practice in National Parks, and
The Participatory Rural Appraisal approach was carried
indigenous communities are marginalized from any
out in the methodological form of a workshop. The workshop
decisionmaking regarding tourism development on the
took place in the Kamarata community in a rural school on
lands they occupy. Tourism organizations and agencies are
two consecutive days (14 and 15 of September 1996). The
operating without being properly evaluated in terms of
workshop was designed to (a) understand the Pemón
their contribution to the conservation of the Park and in
(Kamaracotos Indians) community’s environmental values
terms of how much they benefit local communities. Simi-
and (b) determine the community’s perceived social and
larly, given the restrictions that the National Park sets for
environmental changes and consequences due to tourism
human settlements in their boundaries, and the limitation
and other human geographical factors.
of the environment, an increasing number of indigenous
No specific criteria for selecting participants were set
people are looking at tourism as an option for development.
other than to ask that participants be adults who lived in the
Many communities are soliciting permits from the Park
valley and who wanted to participate on a voluntary basis.
Service for tourism purposes and depend on national and
The group of participants turned out to be 11 people, an
international enterprises for tourist contact, goods, and
ideal size for the group dynamics required by the method-
supplies. They have little control over the tourism activity,
ology. The group size gave opportunities to share insights
and are not fully aware of the potential negative impacts of
and was large enough to provide a diversity of views. The
tourism for the community and its natural environment.
group included four women and seven men. It included two
elderly men, four adult men, one adult woman, one young
The Study Site adult man, and three young adult women. The group also
represented three of the largest settlements. Two of the men
The study site is the Valley of Kamarata, located in the were the current chiefs (capitanes) of their communities and
west sector of the Park. This zone is approximately 50 km one woman was a former capitan. Interestingly, there were
long and 15 km wide. The spur of the Auyantepui falls in the two elementary school teachers (one man and one woman),
north and the east. The valley is relatively flat and presents two women involved in an arts and crafts business, two
a scenic view typical of large, and small, open savannas. tour guides (one man and one woman), and one technician
The Kamarata Valley has an estimated population of (man) who worked for the Venezuelan Electric Company
2,101 indigenous people (2.8 inhabitants per square monitoring weather in the Valley. This group heterogeneity
kilometer) distributed in 21 settlements, comprising ap- resulted in a very productive meeting.
proximately 328 households (Medina 1996). According to The workshop can be described as a framed but semi-
these estimations, the Kamarata Valley holds 26 percent of structured discussion and brainstorming in a group dy-
the entire indigenous population in the park and 2.5 percent namic similar to a focus group. First, participants were
of the total land surface. The Valley is relatively isolated. asked to name elements in the Valley that were relevant and
The only way to get there is by foot, dugout boats through important to them. Then, participants were divided into
the Acanán River, or by airplane. This makes the Valley an small groups of two to three people where they selected one
interesting study site because its remoteness controls many element and discussed its importance. This was followed by
intervening and influential factors that exist in the more a discussion of what changes they have observed in relation
accessible east sector of the Park where a road system to the element, what causes they attribute to such changes,
connects the Park with the capital of the Bolivar State and and what they believed were the consequences of such
towns in the north of Brazil. changes. After this discussion each group would present to
In the Valley, there are two tourist camps (Kavak and the rest of the participants the results of their discussion.
Uruyen) with different levels of tourism development. Kavak Interestingly, the format allowed discussion of trends, and
has been in operation for more than 15 years, while Uruyen consequences of such trends, without having a true baseline
has only recently begun operation. Both camps are operated for comparison other than the participants’ observations
by national airlines and tour operators (under concession and analysis. At this point, as in many Participatory Rural
with the Park Service), and are owned and managed by a Appraisal processes, everybody had the opportunity to ask
local civil association (Asociación Civil Kavak-Yeuta) and questions and verify the validity of the information by cross-
three local “microempresas” (private enterprises under con- checking and amending each other, building upon what was
tract with the airlines). Tourism transportation into the already discussed, adding new insights and analysis. The
Valley occurs through daily flights from Margarita Island, workshop tried to center on endemic information, meaning
Ciudad Bolivar, and the tourism center of Canaima. Be- in the knowledge, and categories and values of the local
tween 1991 and 1995 the number of visitors in Kavak participants instead of the views of the facilitators. None-
increased slightly from 11,427 to 12,314. Uruyen received in theless, on many occasions the facilitators probed and syn-
1995 only 1,453 visitors (Medina 1996). Tourists from Kavak thesized information, interpretations, and opinions for the
and Uruyen, combined, represent 11.4 percent of the total sake of clarifying points and recorded the information as
visitation level in the Park. These data do not include accurately as possible. The facilitators’ role was to guide the
visitors coming to the Valley by dugout boats (curiaras) process and foster a two-way learning experience between
through the Acanán river in fluvial excursions from facilitators and local participants, creating an atmosphere

22 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998

for communication and understanding of the different Trees for making churuatas or building curiaras, as well
views of the problems and needs. as the San Pablo and Cucurito palm leaves, are scarce
Ten elements from the Valley were chosen by participants because many of them have been harvested and are not
as most important. They were (not in order of importance): found close by anymore. Many of these resources have to be
selva or rainforest, flat-topped mountains (tepuy), savanna, brought from places in the upper river or bought from other
moriche palms, rivers and waterfalls, fish, animals, miner- remote settlements. Medicinal plants are not used as much,
als, the community, and visitors. These elements suggest and forest products are not utilized to fabricate clothes
how intricate is the relation of the Pemón Kamaracoto with anymore. However, more crafts are made from forest mate-
their natural environment. It does not seem to be an accident rials. The trend is towards less consumption and production
that those elements chosen hold intrinsic subsistence and of traditional medicines and, consequently, the potential
cultural values for the Kamaracoto, possibly because they loss of the knowledge base needed to acquire these resources.
are the basis for their survival as a community and as The changes in the conucos and the depletion of many
indigenous people. Each of these elements will be presented, forest resources are attributed to population growth, new
emphasizing their relative importance to workshop partici- market opportunities to sell conuco products, and require-
pants, underlying changes to the elements, and the causes ments of the tourism business. There are now more incen-
and consequences attributed to such changes, stressing the tives to produce manioc (yucca) in the conucos on a commer-
impacts due to tourism. cial basis. The casabe is sold now for tourism centers (such
as Canaima), and to tourism workers and other community
members (such as school teachers) who do not work inten-
Rainforest sively in their conucos. On the other hand, the participants
The rainforest (ichureta) represents for the Kamaracoto a feel that tourism requires (obligates) the use of logwood and
sacred place. It is the place where most of the shifting palm leaves to build churuatas for tourists as well as for the
cultivation activity (the agricultural system most used by construction of more curiaras for transporting tourists. The
the Pemón communities) takes place, providing them with image of “authenticity” and uniqueness of the Valley’s natu-
their principal source of food. Its importance is reflected in ral and cultural resources is something that is sold through
the number of conucos and the land surface each family unit outside tour operators’ promotions and advertising.
allocates, including the time they spend for such practices. Based on trends, the group foresees the cultivation of more
The forest supplies the Pemón with logs, wood, and palm or larger conucos, but less available forest. This may require
leaves (Cucurito and San Pablo leaves) to make their homes extending the cultivation of the conucos or reducing the
(churuatas). Logs are also used for building dugout boats fallow period of many regenerating secondary forests, or
(curiaras), paddles (canaletes), and other wooden and fiber both. The Kamaracoto perceive that the conuco production
materials needed for arts and crafts and for manufacturing will be increasingly geared towards commercial objectives
instruments, for example, squeezer (sebucan - tangöi), re- and less toward subsistence purposes. The conucos will be
ceptacles (bateas, moru, watea and pangai’) for the prepara- less diversified, requiring the purchase of certain products
tion of the casabe (eke - baked manioc bread cakes) and from others or the local stores. Also, they perceive that there
kachiri (a beer-like fermented beverage made from bitter will be an increase in the creation of large community
manioc). In the forest are animals and birds for hunting, conucos for generating revenues to pay for community needs,
and the many creeks provide drinking water and small fish.
goods, or services.
Other resources from the forest include medicines, materi-
als for making clothes, and barbasco (fish “poison”) for
fishing. Tepuis
In regard to changes in the rainforest, the group observed
that there are now more shifting cultivation plots and many The tepuis (mesas or flat-topped mountains) mark the
more people working in conucos. Currently, the older geographical location where the Pemón communities are
Kamaracotos are for the most part the ones that work in the found and delineate their land boundaries. Rivers form in
conucos. The production of cultigen is less diverse than the tepuis and provide places for recreation and education
before, and casabe and plantains are produced not only for for many outsiders. Tepuis are considered sacred “temples”
subsistence but also for commerce. The conucos are now where the mawari or imawariton (evil or good spirits who
located farther away from each household. This is due in look like Pemón people but can take the shape of animals)
part to the conuco cycle, which leaves the land fallow after live. The piaches (shamans) find in the tepuis a sanctuary
2 or 3 years of cultivation (even more in the Valley), and new for their inspiration and also a place to learn directly from
fertile land is sought. The group observed that the closest the mawari. Each tepuy has its own legend found in some of
and largest tracts of fertile land have already been used and the Pemón myth and stories. Some of the tepuy carry names
they are now in their fallow period. Some believe that the of important events, places, or caciques (political leaders).
forest does not regenerate in its totality after the conucos. In relation to trends, there is an increase in the number of
Regeneration of the forest is slow, and the fallow period has paths accessing the mountain tops along which trampling
been estimated at between 20 to 25 years or more. New and trash is easily observed (despite prohibition of climb-
types of trees grow in the abandoned conucos (probably ing in the tepuis until management plans and monitor
pioneer species after the gap left by conucos), but there is mechanisms are in place). Many of the traditional names
uncertainty that these new species may be different from of the tepuis, rivers, and waterfalls have been changed by
the original strong, large trees that were cut when preparing outsiders (as observed in tourist and official maps), and
the plots. many sacred places are not respected. Invasions of sacred
places include landing small airplanes, placing antennas for

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 23

communication over the tepuis, and removal of endemic the fields with fires. Hence, other species, different from
plant species by researchers, botanists, and tourists. Other the savanna grasses rejuvenate, changing the savanna
observations include cases of accidental fires. The environment.
Kamaracotos feel that the community has made no effort On the other hand, more walking trails and roads for
and taken no actions to keep traditional names and protect vehicles are open, compacting the land surface, making it
sacred places . almost impossible for the savanna to regenerate. The ve-
These trends are attributed to the creation of the Park, hicles are used for transporting people to different settle-
more tourists, and the promotion of the area to researchers ments and tourism camps. They are used to transport
and important personalities. Also, it is attributed to the tourists to attractions or to the river for transportation in
myriad of exploration, research, and management activities curiaras. Also, they are used to transport water in the dry
of government agencies and universities, and to the activi- season or to transport goods for the local stores.
ties of advertising and film enterprises. As a consequence, Other changes observed include the introduction over
tepuis can lose their beauty and attractiveness. The proper time of fruit trees that are not endemic to the area (mango,
names of the tepuis will be forgotten and the young coconut, orange, mandarin, and guayaba) and the accumula-
Kamaracotos will not respect the tepuis as sacred places. tion of large deposits of waste and garbage in the savanna,
products of the communities and tourism camp activities.
No plans exist for their treatment.
Savanna The wood that is used for fuel is found mainly in the
The savanna (itöi) is where the Pemón build their houses conucos. For tourism, firewood is purchased from the
and churuatas near water courses or streams. They live in conuqueros or is cut from small trees and shrubs in the
the savanna because they respect and fear the forest, and savanna. Fairly recently, tour operators have adopted kero-
for security reasons, given the greater visibility in the sene or gas stoves to cook meals for tourists, and wood is
savanna. In the savanna, it is easier to create pathways to used only for large grills.
more rapidly access other settlements or places, and its The participants did not see changes in the savanna as
openness allows for using signals for communication. The major issues and consider that these trends will not affect
savanna is habitat for small animals and insects such as new settlements because it is still a very livable place.
larvae of the moriche palm, grasshoppers, and ants, which Conversely, they see the potential of environmental and
are part of the Pemón diet. Also, it is easier to fish in small health problems due to fires, litter, and non-degradable
streams in the savanna during the winter season. Whereas trash. Also, there are possibilities of forests with new tree
the savanna is known to be unproductive, it is important for species, more tourism camps in the savanna, and less avail-
small-scale agriculture and cattle grazing. The savanna is able sources for firewood.
also a tourism attraction, something that is not surprising
given the uniqueness of this type of ecosystem, found only in Moriche Palm
2 percent of the land comprising the west side of Canaima
Park. The moriche palm (kuaiküta) indicates to the Pemón
The Valley has a history of agricultural development and where true water deposits are in the savanna. Moriche is a
cattle ranching in the savanna, following the activities of source of food (such as fruits [kuai, and larvae] and ivo) for
missionaries. Forests were cut to create open space for cattle animals and people. With the leaves of the moriche, the
and for cultivating rice; these areas were later converted into Kamaracotos build part of their houses, and the palm sup-
grazing areas. The savanna was divided into ranching and plies materials for arts and crafts such as chinchorros
grazing areas by fences and wires that are still in place. (hammocks), typical vestment, and adornment. However,
Today, some conucos produce rice, but very few families keep these resources are not the main sources traditionally used
cattle. for arts and crafts.
Changes in the Savanna are attributed to population Originally, morichales were deforested in the Valley to
build roads and airstrips, but now many of those areas have
growth in large settlements, changes in conuco areas, pat-
regenerated. The use of the moriche palm is still not exten-
terns of conuco exploitation for commercialization and tour-
ism, uncontrolled fires, and transportation needs. There sive and is harvested in a traditional way, gathering fruits
and larvae on a small scale. The surplus of larvae is now sold,
are certainly more human settlements in the savanna, and
when it used to be traded. Yet, the Kamaracoto state that
the tendency now is to set up conucos in savanna forests close
to the settlements instead of cultivating in the mountain there is an increase in the exploitation of moriche leaves
because they replace the San Pablo and Cucurito palm
forest. Some of these conucos are owned by local tourism
leaves from the forest (these leaves are scarce, hard to
businesses to sell watermelons, pineapples, and sweet or
bitter manioc. The problem with the conucos in these forests obtain, or expensive) to make things. Hence, the exploitation
of the moriche palm is expected to increase for building
is that they tend to be replaced by savannas because of the
traditional houses and for possible use in commercial craft-
forests’ low recovery capacity and frequent fires.
It is well documented that the Pemón use fire not only making specifically for tourism.
to clear land for their conucos but also for hunting,
communicating, and rejuvenating grasses in dry savanna Rivers and Waterfalls
areas to avoid extensive fires due to long dry seasons. Today
in the Valley the savanna is burned many times out of The rivers (tuna) and waterfalls (wena) are also consid-
season because of access to fuel and because many young ered sacred places by the Kamaracoto. Rivers are habitat for
people do not know how to burn the savanna. They abuse fish and are essential for animal, plant, and human life.

24 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998

Rivers and streams define geographical places and territo- no aimaras or muisunu, and only small sardines and ined-
rial land, as well as define names of caciques, important ible fish are found (terecages). This could be a sign of
events, or the names of settlements. Many tourism enter- depletion of the fish population due to overconsumption, or
prises have even adopted names of local waterfalls and simply the emigration of the large fish. This is an area for
rivers. The Kamaracoto know that rivers contain water that further inquiry.
evaporates, precipitates, and then irrigates their conucos, There are also changes in the traditional techniques of
and they know very well the behavioral patterns of the fishing. Barbasco (fish poison) is not as plentiful in the forest
river levels in rainy and dry seasons. Rivers are a source of as it used to be; ritual practices related to fishing have
fish, a means for transportation to reach their conucos and changed, and the sacred stones for different species of fish
hunting places, and are important to commerce and for are gone. Some people now use diving masks, small bows
fluvial tourism. They provide natural pools for bathing, and arrows, and fishing nets (atarrayas). A less impacting
hygiene, and recreation such as swimming and curiara (conservationist) method for fishing such as “kuna” (a plant
races. Waterfalls have hydraulic potential for electricity, species mixed with other substances and prepared in the
and certainly are tourist attractions. Kamarata has built a form of small balls that attract fish) are not used anymore
small dam with outside assistance near the town that because the method is not known among the younger
supplies electricity to approximately 516 people. Also, the generations.
Kamaracoto have built a water supply system in partner- The causes of some of the changes are attributed to the
ship with the mission that brings water from the Auyantepui increase in human population and noise and the increased
(“la toma”) and provides water to five settlements (760 use of motors on curiaras for commerce and tourism, which
people approximately) through a 25 km system of pipes. scare away the big fish to more serene places. Also, fish have
Trends related to rivers and waterfalls are attributed become accustomed to the fish bait used and it needs to be
again to population growth and behavior, environmental changed.
limitations, adoption of new lifestyles, and the increase in The Kamaracoto expect, as a consequence, less fish in the
tourist visitation, activities, and services. Today, more river and less consumption of fish protein. One of the
bridges are found across streams in the savanna, indicating solutions agreed upon by the community is not to fish with
more people traveling across the savanna. Conucos are barbasco in the Acanán River (the major river in the valley)
being constructed along rivers in communities such as until the fish population grows. Now fish has to be brought
Kuana and Awaraparú, probably because of the lack of forest from outside (mainly by local businesses) and is very expen-
for conucos nearby or because people are taking advantage sive for the locals. Many fish that are sold are contaminated
of beaches on the riverbanks that hold mineral-rich and with mercury because they come from rivers where gold is
freshly deposited sediments. mined.
Frequently, the use of soap, shampoo, and detergent is
observed in the rivers for bathing or washing dishes and
sometimes gasoline from motor boats is discharged in the Animals
rivers. There is an increase in the construction of tourist Animals (oto or toron) are intrinsic to nature and give life
camps around waterfalls, and there is an increase in infra- to the Pemón people. Indigenous communities tend to settle
structure development for tourists near or at riverbanks, around areas where animals are abundant. Animals are a
such as new docks and churuatas. The principal tourist source of food, medicine, trophies, and are resources for
camps have constructed septic tanks close to the rivers. As making utensils, instruments, arts, crafts, and adornment.
part of the expansion of the sites to visit, tour guides now Some animals are important to the Kamaracoto for spatial
take tourists farther up the mountain, visiting places such orientation and as indicators of the seasons (such as frogs
as “la toma” (which is the source of water for Kamarata) for and birds). Many also alert residents when someone is
sightseeing and bathing. All these issues, until now, were coming. Some animals are kept as pets. Dogs often help in
not perceived as problems, but the group now foresees that hunting parties.
if these trends continue there will be more contamination of The Kamaracoto know that there are seasonal variations
the rivers, less fish, potential diseases in the community, or patterns in the availability of game, yet they observe
and contamination or obstruction of the water supply sys- that game animals and birds in the mountain forest, and
tem of the Kamarata community. many large savanna animals (such as deer, tapir, iguanas,
and anteater bears) and insects, are not easily found. The
Fish Valley has experienced game depletion, or the Kamaracotos
have scared away animals and birds, including inedible
The fish (muró) are the best components of the river, given species. Zamuros are the only bird species observed to have
their variety, according to the Pemón. Fish such as the increased. Hunting places are now found far away, requiring
aimara and boquini are a more important source of protein long hunting events (1 week or more) that are intensive and
for the Kamaracoto than are game animals, and are one of inefficient. Other impacts to animals likely include the
the reasons their settlements are found close to water- increase in noise from radios, firearms, machines to grate
courses. Tüma, a type of soup prepared with water, fish, manioc, and airplanes that fly daily in and out of the valley.
different types of peppers, and kumachi (condiment), is a Hunting practices have changed also, including rituals,
common meal among the Kamaracoto and is often prepared traditions, techniques and strategies. Firearms are com-
for social gatherings. monly used, hunting parties are not organized, and hunting
The Kamaracoto have observed that each time they go is less communal. Increases in fires are related to dis-
fishing, the fish are less abundant and smaller. There are organized hunting events and use of fuels. The cost of

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 25

ammunition and other materials for hunting is expensive. Community
Resources such as cerbatanas (blow guns), curare, and other
resources have to be purchased in other areas because such For the Kamaracoto, the community (patamuna) is the
materials are not found locally. Currently there are fewer organizational base that identifies them as indigenous people.
people who hunt, and sources of animal protein have to be They perceive the community as the ground of their social
bought in Kamarata. relations, communication, and education, and it is the ve-
The Kamaracoto expect, based on the trends they observe, hicle for preserving traditions, customs, and other cultural
local depletion of animals. This would require traveling long traits. The Kamaracoto people believe that they defend the
distances to hunt, building camps in remote hunting areas, natural environment and that they contribute to the devel-
and the use of more dogs for hunting. If not, the tendency will opment of the country by preserving nature for life.
be to hunt less and depend on local stores for meat or to The Kamaracoto observe important changes concerning
migrate to the north of the valley. Another possible outcome their social organization with reference to the level of cohe-
is that people will begin to domesticate endemic animals or siveness as a community, transculturation, and education.
introduce animals such as sheep, chicken, and other live- The Kamaracoto observe that whereas before they had one
stock for food (something that is against the Park law). community, now it is divided not only geographically (one
Again, population growth, changes in hunting practices, town and several small settlements) but also socioeconomi-
and noise seem to be the major sources that account for cally. The division or fragmentation of the community is
animal population trends. Tourism seems to play a small attributed to the establishment of new leaders and new
role in these trends. All of the food for tourists is brought economic groups represented by tourism microenterprises
from the cities. and commercial stores as well as power groups influenced by
politicians during election years. Another factor in frag-
mentation has been the creation of a civil association to
Minerals attend to tourism. This parallel organizational structure
has gained power because it administers the revenues from
Minerals (tötepelken) and the soil in the Valley are con-
tourism, which are significantly higher and increasing com-
sidered to be patrimony of the underground soil of the land
pared to any other source of income within the Valley. This
the Kamaracoto inhabit. The clay that is found in some parts
has been a source of conflict with the traditional structure of
of the Valley (called Caolin) is used by women to manufac-
decisionmaking in the Kamarata community. Allegations of
ture unique pottery. These pots and pans (o.ina) are used for
corruption, debts, stolen money, and misapplication of re-
cooking and, until fairly recently, for trade in different parts
sources have surrounded the association. There is a gener-
of the region. On the other hand, the Kamaracoto know that
alized perception that the different settlements that helped
diamonds and gold can be found in the Valley and that they
in the development of the infrastructure for tourism have
can bring monetary benefits according to their scale of
not received the benefits from tourism as expected. This
exploitation.
problem seems to be mostly a lack of training in business
Among the changes that the group has observed in regard
management and uneven and unfair business relations
to minerals are that there is less exploitation and the
with outside tour operators. With certainty, the Kamaracoto
“bullas” (boom of diamond or gold diggings) are sporadic,
believe that these divisions create conflict and misunder-
although they recognize that the value of the minerals has
standing, and seem to affect the community’s ability to act
increased since the creation of the Park and the Park law
cooperatively in local and supralocal affairs for the benefit of
(mostly when the INPARQUES is able to enforce the law).
the community.
Mining has been closely controlled by the community be-
The concern for transculturation is observed in changes
cause of its negative impacts, and miners have shifted
such as the way the Pemón dress (specifically the young), the
toward job opportunities in tourism.
devaluing of traditions, adoptions of new recreational activi-
Mining still remains insignificant in the Kamaracoto
ties while traditional games and typical dances are being
culture, as when Simpson did his study in the Valley in 1939,
lost, use of money (instead of trade) for commerce, depen-
probably because gold and diamond deposits are scarce.
dency on currency for travel, goods, and services, intro-
Yet, the Kamaracoto believe that mining diversifies the
duction of new languages such as Spanish, English, and
options for jobs in the Valley, and that the artisan (tradi-
German (the latter two for tourism-related jobs), and changes
tional) type of mining is more beneficial than the more
in religion (a move from polytheism to monotheism).
technical intensive type. The Kamaracoto have had two
The Kamaracoto recognize that formal education pre-
major “bullas” experiences that brought conflict in the com-
pares people to be better leaders. Nonetheless, there is less
munity, and they are very much aware of problems related
transfer of knowledge from parents to children as well as
to mining. Mining means the abandonment of the conuco
less contact between them because the formal educational
(with consequences for the food supply), significant environ-
system requires children to spend more time in school and
mental devastation, outsider migration, and the increase of
less time working and learning from parents in daily sub-
diseases such as paludismo and venereal infections.
sistence activities. According to the group discussion, the
The production of traditional pots and pans has signifi-
mission and the Venezuelan education system (partly a
cantly slowed. There is little transfer of knowledge to the
responsibility of the mission) are linked to changes in reli-
younger generations on how to make the pots. The small
gion, emphasis on “western” education, and changes in the
production of pots is for tourists and their price is too high
transfer of traditional knowledge from generation to
for people in the community.
generation.

26 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998

 The problems that the community faces are much more trash (locally there is limited means to dispose of it prop-
complex than before and require leaders with more capacity erly); many young Kamaracoto tend to abandon school
not only to understand and resolve local problems, but to also and the family conucos to look for job opportunities in
understand and deal with supralocal issues that affect the tourism; and many Kamaracoto believe that racial mixing
community. The community and the “capitanes” are per- between locals and visitors is an undesirable outcome that
ceived to be apathetic toward the problems and lacking the can threaten the community and its cultural values. Finally,
will to try to solve them. Likewise, the group feels that there the community has seen and experienced the beginnings of
is no alternative source of leadership to turn to for orienta- fragmentation as the local tourism “microempresas” com-
tion or solutions (from within or outside the community). pete for tourists.
With all these changes in community structure and char-
acter, the Kamaracoto feel that there will be more division
of the community. This, they believe, will cause the Pemón Conclusions ____________________
culture to disappear (or at least diffuse or acculturate), and
Participatory Rural Appraisal proved to be both an
young people will be forced to migrate, leaving the commu-
assertive approach to foster participation and an effective
nities more susceptible to political parties and outsider
methodology to learn about important social, cultural, and
manipulation.
subsistence values attributed by the Pemón Kamaracoto to
environmental elements (forest, tepuyes, animals, water-
Visitors falls, savannas, minerals) and economic activities (shifting
cultivation, tourism, and mining) in the Kamarata Valley.
According to the group discussion, visitors (kairan, pachi, Through this approach, we have found that changes in the
or karanton) come to the Valley to visit an environment that conucos (location, number, size, and patterns of exploita-
they don’t know. Visitors are important to the Kamaracoto tion), depletion of many essential forest and savanna re-
in several respects: they bring hard currency and medicines sources, and the migration or depletion of game animals and
into the community, some contribute (via anthropologi- fish are attributed by the Kamaracoto to the following
cal studies) to the better understanding of the Pemón cul- factors: (a) population growth; (b) changes in population
ture, and visitors represent a potential source of cultural behavior, evidenced by the acquisition of new values and
exchange. need for cash (for outside goods and services), adoption of
Among the changes that the Kamaracoto have observed new lifestyles which are themselves reflected in the acquisi-
are the increase of visitors to the Valley not only by plane but tion of commodities (such as motorboats, firearms, bicycles),
also by the Acanán river (that connects the Valley to Angel and changes in traditional practices of fishing, hunting, use
Falls and to Canaima) and through an old path from of fire, and transportation; (c) opening of new market oppor-
Kavanayén across the mountain range to the east of the tunities to sell conuco products, arts, crafts, and pottery
Valley. Visitors are known to come mainly for nature tour- (commerce and tourism); and (d) increase in labor and
ism, to visit the Kavak and Uruyen savanna, to explore the material requirements of the tourism business due to in-
Auyantepuy’s canyons, climb the Auyantepuy, or in the case creased tourist visitation, infrastructure, and other tour-
of cinema enterprises, to film movies (including porno- ism-related activities and services.
graphic videos). The group attributed the increase in tourist In addition, the intervention of the mission, the govern-
visitation to the activity of foreign enterprises that not ment education system and programs, the emergence of
only promote ecotourism to the area, but also bring tourists new political leaders and economic groups (tourism “micro-
themselves. There is also a perceived increase in tourism empresas,” local stores, and groups linked to political par-
attractions, routes, and circuits that have diversified the ties), and internal friction of the settlements have brought
tourism product in the Kamarata Valley. Another reason transculturation and internal competition, which in turn
given for the increase in visitation is the growth in the has affected the community’s social organization and leads
number of local tourism entrepreneurs (“microempresas”) to fragmentation. Nevertheless, the alleged cases of corrup-
which have changed from one to eight in the last 5 years, tion, debts, and misallocation of resources that have sur-
establishing contract arrangements with outside tour op- rounded the tourism association seem to be more the result
erators. The Kamaracoto believe that there are very few of a lack of training in business management, coupled with
services for tourists, they lack effective community organi- competition among local microempresas and uneven and
zation for tourism, and have very little control over who unfair business relations with outside tour operators than
visits, when they visit, and where they go. actual corruption. These allegations also come from the
This increase in visitors is perceived to have brought perception that the association receives large amounts of
several consequences. On one side, more work opportuni- revenues and that the community has not received its share
ties have opened up (especially for young locals) with the of benefits as expected when community members were
need for infrastructure construction, motor boat operators, asked to participate with their labor, knowledge, food, and
maintenance services, tour guides, cooking, and wait staff. materials in the development of the Kavak camp.
The possibilities of greater income creates, in turn, opportu- Tourism in the Kamarata Valley is mainly a product of its
nities for the community to invest in other priority areas history, the creation of the Park, the promotion of the area
such as health, education, and transportation. The both by outsiders (gold diggers, bush pilots, explorers, mis-
Kamaracoto know that increases in visitation will require sionaries, researchers, resource managers, tourism entre-
more services and infrastructure. preneurs, and film makers) and, to a lesser extent, by locals.
On the problem side, the attitude is that the influx of Tourism in the valley has changed from being something
visitors has brought pollution to the area in the form of inevitable to being a desired economic option for the

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998 27

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28 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-4. 1998