Genocide

Genocide is foremost an international crime for which individuals, no matter how high in
authority, may be indicted, tried, and punished by the International Criminal Court (ICC).
According to Article 6 of the ICC Statute, This crime involves, "any of the following acts
committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious
group, as such:

(a) Killing members of the group;

(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical
destruction in whole or in part;

(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;

(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group."

The genocide in Bangladesh

The genocide in Bangladesh began on 26 March 1971 with the launch of Operation Searchlight,
[5]
as West Pakistan began a military crackdown on the Eastern wing of the nation to
suppress Bengali calls for self-determination rights.[6] During the nine-month-long Bangladesh
war for independence, members of the Pakistani military and supporting
[7] [4][8]
Islamist militias from Jamaat-e-Islami killed up to 3,000,000 people and raped between
200,000 and 400,000 Bangladeshi women,[8][9] according to Bangladeshi and Indian sources, [10] in
a systematic campaign of genocidal rape.[11][12] In December 2011, a BBC News report cited
unnamed "independent researchers" as claiming that between 300,000 and 500,000 people were
killed. The actions against women were supported by Muslim religious leaders, who declared
that Bengali women were gonimoter maal (Bengali for "public property").[13] As a result of the
conflict, a further eight to ten million people, mostly Hindus, [14] fled the country at the time to
seek refuge in neighbouring India. It is estimated that up to 30 million civilians became
internally displaced.[8] During the war, there was also ethnic violence between Bengalis
and Urdu-speaking Biharis.[15] Biharis faced reprisals from Bengali mobs and militias [16] and from
1,000[17] to 150,000[18][19] were killed. Other sources claim it was up to 500,000.

Women Repression
The generally accepted figure for the mass rapes during the nine-month long conflict is between
200,000 and 400,000.[114][8][115][116] During the war, a fatwa in Pakistan declared that the Bengali
'freedom fighters' were Hindus and that their women could be taken as the 'booty of war'.
[117]
Imams and Muslim religious leaders publicly declared that the Bengali women were
'gonimoter maal' (war booty) and thus they openly supported the rape of Bengali women by the
Pakistani Army.[13] Numerous women were tortured, raped and killed during the war.
[118]
Bangladeshi sources cite a figure of 200,000 women raped, giving birth to thousands of war-
babies. The soldiers of the Pakistan Army and razakars also kept Bengali women as sex-slaves
inside the Pakistani Army's camps, and many became pregnant.[8][119] The perpetrators also
included Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, which targeted noncombatants and committed
rapes, as well as other crimes.[15]
Among other sources, Susan Brownmiller refers to an estimated number of over 400,000.
Pakistani sources claim the number is much lower, though having not completely denied rape
incidents.[120][121][122] Brownmiller quotes:[123]
Khadiga, thirteen years old, was interviewed by a photojournalist in Dacca. She was walking to
school with four other girls when they were kidnapped by a gang of Pakistani soldiers. All five
were put in a military brothel in Mohammadpur and held captive for six months until the end of
the war.

The Provisional Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh

The Provisional Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh was established following
the declaration of independence of East Pakistan on 10 April 1971. It was the supreme leadership
of the Bangladeshi liberation movement. It included the first cabinet of Bangladesh; the nascent
Bangladeshi diplomatic corps; the Constituent Assembly of Bangladesh; the Mukti
Bahinimilitary, paramilitary and guerrilla forces; and the Independent Bangladesh Radio.
The provisional government was formed in the town of Mujibnagar (formerly Baidyanathtala).
Its capital in exile was Calcutta, the capital of the Indian state of West Bengal and the former
capital of British India, which hosted thousands of Bangladeshi refugees escaping the 1971
genocide. The provisional government included many defectors from the Pakistani government,
foreign service and military; as well as leading intellectuals and cultural figures from East
Pakistan. Its chief executive was Tajuddin Ahmad, the first Bangladeshi Prime Minister.
A worldwide campaign was undertaken by the Provisional Government to garner support for
Bangladesh's independence, genocide victims and refugees. It appointed special envoys and
operated representative missions in New Delhi, Washington D.C. and London among many other
cities.
 Formation
The provisional government was established in the town on Baidyanathtala in Meherpur, Kushtia
District. Its leaders were administered their oaths at a mango orchard near the site of the Battle of
Plassey, in which the British defeated the last independent Nawab of Bengal in 1757.

Constitution
The legal basis of the Bangladeshi provisional government was provided by the proclamation of
independence issued on 10 April 1971, which served as the interim constitution of Bangladesh
until 1972. It declared that Pakistan failed to convene its elected representatives for framing a
new constitution on 3 March 1971; and instead launched an "unjust and treacherous war", a
reference to the 1971 Bangladesh genocide.[2] As a result, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, described as
the undisputed leader of the 75 million people of East Pakistan, fulfilled aspirations for self-
determination by declaring Bangladesh's independence on 26 March 1971.
The proclamation declared Bangladesh as a People's Republic with equality, human
dignity and social justice as its fundamental principles.[2]

Cabinet

Office holder Name(s) Notes

Nominal president. Detained in West

President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Pakistan throughout the war.

Vice President Syed Nazrul Islam Acting President

Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmad Principal wartime political leader.

Head of the Planning

Nurul Islam Chief economic policymaker
Commission

Commander-in-Chief of the Mukti

Defence Minister Colonel M. A. G. Osmani
Bahini
 Finance Minister Mansur Ali

Abul Hasnat Muhammad

Home Minister
Qamaruzzaman

Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad Ahmad was removed after attempting

Foreign Minister
Abdus Samad Azad secret talks with Islamabad

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman administration

Bangladesh's founding leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, as prime minister, with US

President Gerald Ford at the Oval Office in 1974
Upon his release on 10 January 1972, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman briefly assumed the provisional
presidency and later took office as the prime minister, heading all organs of government and
decision-making.[1] The politicians elected in 1970 formed the provisional parliament of the new
state. The Mukti Bahini and other militias amalgamated to form a new Bangladeshi army to
which Indian forces transferred control on 17 March. The government faced serious challenges,
which including the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply
of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and
the state's economy had immensely deteriorated by the conflict.
Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement. He
travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain
humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation. He signed a treaty of friendship with
India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training
Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel. [2] Mujib forged a close friendship with
Indira Gandhi,[3] strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and
friendship for India. Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees.
The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented. A constitution was proclaimed in
1973 and elections were held, which resulted in Mujib and his party gaining power with an
absolute majority. He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation,
food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973
focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.[4]
In 1974, Bangladesh experienced the deadliest famine ever, which killed around 1.5 million
Bangladeshi people from hunger. The Bangladesh famine of 1974 is a major source of discontent
against Mujib's government. Bangladeshi people feel ashamed, insulted and demoralised as a
nation for this famine that was not due to a food crisis.
Left wing insurgency[edit]
At the height of Sheikh Mujib's power, left wing insurgents, organised by Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal's armed
wing Gonobahinifought against the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, to establish a Marxist government.[5][6]
The government responded by forming the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini[7] which began a campaign of brutal human rights abusesagainst
the general populace, including the force became involved in numerous charges of human rights abuse including political
killings,[8][9][10] shooting by death squads,[11] forced disappearances[12] and rape.[10] Members of Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini were granted
immunity from prosecution and other legal proceedings.[13][14]

Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL)[edit]

The 1974 famine had personally shocked Mujib and profoundly affected his views on governance, [15] while political unrest gave
rise to increasing violence. During the famine, 70000 people were reported as dead (Note: Reports vary). In response, he began
increasing his powers. On 25 January 1975 Mujib declared a state of emergency and his political supporters approved a
constitutional amendment banning all opposition political parties. Mujib assumed the presidency and was given extraordinary
powers.[3][13] His political supporters amalgamated to form the only legalised political party, the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik
Awami League, commonly known by its initials—BAKSAL. The party identified itself with the rural masses, farmers and
labourers and took control of government machinery. It also launched major socialist programmes. Using government forces and
a militia of supporters called the Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini, Mujib clamped down on any opposition to him.[13][14] The militia known as
RakhiBahini and police were accused of torturing suspects and political killings. While retaining support from many segments of
the population, Mujib evoked anger amongst veterans of the liberation war for what was seen as a betrayal of the causes of
democracy and civil rights.

Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and aftermath[edit]

On 15 August 1975, a group of junior army officers invaded the presidential residence with tanks and killed Mujib, his family
and personal staff.[3] Only his daughters Sheikh Hasina Wajed and Sheikh Rehana, who were visiting West Germany, escaped.
They were banned from returning to Bangladesh. [16] The coup was planned by disgruntled Awami League colleagues and military
officers, which included Mujib's colleague and former confidanté Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad, who became his immediate
successor. There was intense speculation in the media accusing the US Central Intelligence Agency of having instigated the plot.
[17]
Lawrence Lifschultz has alleged that the CIA was involved in the coup and assassination, basing his assumption on the then
US ambassador in Dhaka Eugene Booster.[18]
Mujib's death plunged the nation into many years of political turmoil. The coup leaders were soon overthrown and a series of
counter-coups and political assassinations paralysed the country.[13] Order was largely restored after a coup in 1977 gave control to
the army chief Ziaur Rahman. Declaring himself President in 1978, Ziaur Rahman signed the Indemnity Ordinance, giving
immunity from prosecution to the men who plotted[19] Mujib's assassination and overthrow.

Ziaur Rahman administration, 1975–81[edit]

Successive military coups resulted in the emergence of Army Chief of Staff General Ziaur Rahman ("Zia") as strongman. He
pledged the army's support to the civilian government headed by President Chief Justice Sayem. Acting at Zia's behest, Sayem
dissolved Parliament, promising fresh elections in 1977, and instituted martial law.[20]
Acting behind the scenes of the Martial Law Administration (MLA), Zia sought to invigorate government policy and
administration. While continuing the ban on political parties, he sought to revitalise the demoralised bureaucracy, to begin new
economic development programs, and to emphasise family planning. In November 1976, Zia became Chief Martial Law
Administrator (CMLA) and assumed the presidency upon Sayem's retirement five months later, promising national elections in
1978.[20] As President, Zia announced a 19-point program of economic reform and began dismantling the MLA. Keeping his
promise to hold elections, Zia won a five-year term in June 1978 elections, with 76% of the vote. In November 1978, his
government removed the remaining restrictions on political party activities in time for parliamentary elections in February 1979.
These elections, which were contested by more than 30 parties, marked the culmination of Zia's transformation of Bangladesh's
Government from the MLA to a democratically elected, constitutional one. The AL and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP),
founded by Zia, emerged as the two major parties.[20]
In May 1981, Zia was assassinated in Chittagong by dissident elements of the military. The attempted coup never spread beyond
that city, and the major conspirators were either taken into custody or killed. In accordance with the constitution, Vice-President
Justice Abdus Sattar was sworn in as acting president. He declared a new national emergency and called for election of a new
president within six months—an election Sattar won as the BNP's candidate. President Sattar sought to follow the policies of his
predecessor and retained essentially the same cabinet, but the army stepped in once again.[20]
1980s[edit]
The dictatorship of Hussain Muhammad Ershad, 1982–90[edit]
Presidential Oath Ceremony after 1986 election, with the Chief Justice and Military Secretary (1984–1989) Brigadier ABM Elias

Army Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Hussain Muhammad Ershadassumed power in a bloodless coup on 24 March 1982,
citing the "grave political, economic, and societal crisis" that the nation was in. This move was not unanticipated, as Ershad had
previously expressed distaste with the ageing Sattar (who was past his 75th birthday) and his handling of national affairs, in
addition to his refusal to allow the army more participation in politics. Like his predecessors, Ershad suspended the constitution
and—citing pervasive corruption, ineffectual government, and economic mismanagement—declared martial law. Among his first
actions were to privatise the largely state-owned economy (up to 70% of industry was in public ownership) and encourage private
investment in heavy industries along with light manufacturing, raw materials, and newspapers. Foreign companies were invited
to invest in Bangladeshi industry as well, and stiff protectionist measures were put in place to safeguard manufacturing. All
political parties and trade unions were banned for the time being, with the death penalty to be administered for corruption and
political agitation. Ershad's takeover was generally viewed as a positive development, as Bangladesh was in a state of serious
economic difficulty. Two weeks before the coup in March, Prime Minister Shah Azizur Rahman announced that the country was
facing significant food shortages. The government also faced a severe budget deficit to the tune of 4 billion takas, and
the IMF declared that it would not provide any more loans until Bangladesh paid down some of its existing debts. The following
year, Ershad assumed the presidency, retaining his positions as army chief and CMLA. During most of 1984, Ershad sought the
opposition parties' participation in local elections under martial law. The opposition's refusal to participate, however, forced
Ershad to abandon these plans. Ershad sought public support for his regime in a national referendum on his leadership in March
1985. He won overwhelmingly, although turnout was small. Two months later, Ershad held elections for local council chairmen.
Pro-government candidates won a majority of the posts, setting in motion the President's ambitious decentralisation program.
Political life was further liberalised in early 1986, and additional political rights, including the right to hold large public rallies,
were restored. At the same time, the Jatiya (National) Party, designed as Ershad's political vehicle for the transition from martial
law, was established.[20]
Despite a boycott by the BNP, led by President Zia's widow, Begum Khaleda Zia, parliamentary elections were held on schedule
in May 1986. The Jatiya Party won a modest majority of the 300 elected seats in the National Assembly. The participation of the
Awami League—led by the late President Mujib's daughter, Sheikh Hasina Wajed—lent the elections some credibility, despite
widespread charges of voting irregularities.[20]
Ershad resigned as Army Chief of Staff and retired from military service in preparation for the presidential elections, scheduled
for October. Protesting that martial law was still in effect, both the BNP and the AL refused to put up opposing candidates.
Ershad easily outdistanced the remaining candidates, taking 84% of the vote. Although Ershad's government claimed a turnout of
more than 50%, opposition leaders, and much of the foreign press, estimated a far lower percentage and alleged voting
irregularities.
Ershad continued his stated commitment to lift martial law. In November 1986, his government mustered the necessary two-
thirds majority in the National Assembly to amend the constitution and confirm the previous actions of the martial law regime.
The President then lifted martial law, and the opposition parties took their elected seats in the National Assembly. [20]
Bangladeshi pro-democracy activist Noor Hossain photographed by Dinu Alam before he was killed, protesting the autocratic rule of Hussain Muhammad

Ershad.

In July 1987, however, after the government hastily pushed through a controversial legislative bill to include military
representation on local administrative councils, the opposition walked out of Parliament. Passage of the bill helped spark an
opposition movement that quickly gathered momentum, uniting Bangladesh's opposition parties for the first time. The
government began to arrest scores of opposition activists under the country's Special Powers Act of 1974. Despite these arrests,
opposition parties continued to organise protest marches and nationwide strikes. After declaring a state of emergency, Ershad
dissolved Parliament and scheduled fresh elections for March 1988.[20]
All major opposition parties refused government overtures to participate in these polls, maintaining that the government was
incapable of holding free and fair elections. Despite the opposition boycott, the government proceeded. The ruling Jatiya
Partywon 251 of the 300 seats. The Parliament, while still regarded by the opposition as an illegitimate body, held its sessions as
scheduled, and passed numerous bills, including, in June 1988, a controversial constitutional amendment making Islam
Bangladesh's state religion and provision for setting up High Court benches in major cities outside of Dhaka. While Islam
remains the state religion, the provision for decentralising the High Court division has been struck down by the Supreme Court. [20]
By 1989, the domestic political situation in the country seemed to have quieted. The local council elections were generally
considered by international observers to have been less violent and more free and fair than previous elections. However,
opposition to Ershad's rule began to regain momentum, escalating by the end of 1990 in frequent general strikes, increased
campus protests, public rallies, and a general disintegration of law and order. [20] Following the 1990 Mass Uprising in Bangladesh,
HM Ershad resigned on 6 December 1990 ending his military dictatorship.

Devolution and Local government Act[edit]

To improve rural administration, Ershad introduced the Upazila and Zila Parishad system. He held the 'first democratic elections
for these village councils' in 1985.

1990s[edit]
Transition to democracy
A wide umbrella of political parties united against Ershad. Ziaur Rahman's widow, Khaleda Zia, led the Bangladesh Nationalist
Party, which allied with the Bangladesh Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's daughter Sheikh Hasina. Jamaat-e-
Islami Bangladesh and other Islamic parties and alliances joined the opposition ranks. They called for strikes and protests that
paralysed the state and its economy. Although the parliament was dissolved, fresh elections were boycotted by the opposition,
including Awami League and Jamaat. Students launched an intensifying opposition campaign, which ultimately forced Ershad to
step down. On 6 December 1990, Ershad offered his resignation. [21] On 27 February 1991, after two months of widespread civil
unrest, an interim government headed by Acting President Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed oversaw what most observers
believed to be the nation's most free and fair elections to that date.[20]

First Khaleda administration, 1991–96

Prime minister Zia with United States President Bill Clinton.

The centre-right Bangladesh Nationalist Party won a plurality of seats and formed a government with support from the Islamic
party Jamaat-I-Islami, with Khaleda Zia, widow of Ziaur Rahman, obtaining the post of prime minister. Only four parties had
more than 10 members elected to the 1991 Parliament: The BNP, led by Prime Minister Begum Khaleda Zia; the AL, led by
Sheikh Hasina; the Jamaat-I-Islami (JI), led by Ghulam Azam; and the Jatiya Party (JP), led by acting chairman Mizanur Rahman
Choudhury while its founder, former President Ershad, served out a prison sentence on corruption charges. The electorate
approved still more changes to the constitution, formally re-creating a parliamentary system and returning governing power to the
office of the prime minister, as in Bangladesh's original 1972 constitution. In October 1991, members of Parliament elected a new
head of state, President Abdur Rahman Biswas.[20]
In March 1994, controversy over a parliamentary by-election, which the opposition claimed the government had rigged, led to an
indefinite boycott of Parliament by the entire opposition. The opposition also began a program of repeated general strikes to press
its demand that Khaleda Zia's government resign and a caretaker government supervise a general election. Efforts to mediate the
dispute, under the auspices of the Commonwealth Secretariat, failed. After another attempt at a negotiated settlement failed
narrowly in late December 1994, the opposition resigned en masse from Parliament. The opposition then continued a campaign
of marches, demonstrations, and strikes in an effort to force the government to resign. The opposition, including the Bangladesh
Awami League, led by Sheikh Hasina, pledged to boycott national elections scheduled for 15 February 1996.[20]
In February, Khaleda Zia was re-elected by a landslide in voting boycotted and denounced as unfair by the three main opposition
parties. In March 1996, following escalating political turmoil, the sitting Parliament enacted a constitutional amendment to allow
a neutral caretaker government to assume power and conduct new parliamentary elections; former Chief Justice Muhammad
Habibur Rahman was named Chief Adviser (a position equivalent to Prime Minister) in the interim government. New
parliamentary elections were held in June 1996 and the Awami League won plurality and formed the government with support
from the Jatiya Party led by deposed president Hussain Muhammad Ershad; party leader Sheikh Hasina became Prime Minister
of Bangladesh.[20]
First Hasina administration, 1996–2001

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina inspects the ceremonial honour guard during a full honour arrival ceremony at the Pentagon on 17 October 2000.

Sheikh Hasina formed what she called a "Government of National Consensus" in June 1996, which included one minister from
the Jatiya Party and another from the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal. The Jatiya Party never entered into a formal coalition arrangement,
and party president Hussain Muhammad Ershad withdrew his support from the government in September 1997. Only three
parties had more than 10 members elected to the 1996 Parliament: the Awami League, BNP, and Jatiya Party. Jatiya Party
president, Ershad, was released from prison on bail in January 1997.[20]
International and domestic election observers found the June 1996 election free and fair, and ultimately, the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party decided to join the new Parliament. The BNP soon charged that police and Bangladesh Awami League activists
were engaged in large-scale harassment and jailing of opposition activists. At the end of 1996, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party
staged a parliamentary walkout over this and other grievances but returned in January 1997 under a four-point agreement with the
ruling party. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party asserted that this agreement was never implemented and later staged another
walkout in August 1997. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party returned to Parliament under another agreement in March 1998. [20]
In June 1999, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and other opposition parties again began to abstain from attending Parliament.
Opposition parties staged an increasing number of nationwide general strikes, rising from six days of general strikes in 1997 to
27 days in 1999. A four-party opposition alliance formed at the beginning of 1999 announced that it would boycott parliamentary
by-elections and local government elections unless the government took steps demanded by the opposition to ensure electoral
fairness. The government did not take these steps, and the opposition subsequently boycotted all elections, including municipal
council elections in February 1999, several parliamentary by-elections, and the Chittagong city corporation elections in January
2000.[20]
In July 2001, the Bangladesh Awami League government stepped down to allow a caretaker government to preside over
parliamentary elections. Political violence that had increased during the Bangladesh Awami League government's tenure
continued to increase through the summer in the run up to the election. In August, Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina agreed during
a visit of former President Jimmy Carter to respect the results of the election, join Parliament win or lose, forswear the use of
hartals (violently enforced strikes) as political tools, and if successful in forming a government allow for a more meaningful role
for the opposition in Parliament. The caretaker government was successful in containing the violence, which allowed a
parliamentary general election to be successfully held on 1 October 2001.[20]

2000s
Second Khaleda administration, 2001–2006
The Four Party Alliance led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party won over a two-thirds majority in Parliament. Begum Khaleda
Zia was sworn in on 10 October 2001, as Prime Minister for the third time (first in 1991, second after the 15 February 1996
elections).[20]
Despite her August 2001 pledge and all election monitoring groups declaring the election free and fair, Sheikh Hasina
condemned the election, rejected the results, and boycotted Parliament. In 2002, however, she led her party legislators back to
Parliament, but the Bangladesh Awami League again walked out in June 2003 to protest derogatory remarks about Hasina by a
State Minister and the allegedly partisan role of the Parliamentary Speaker. In June 2004, the AL returned to Parliament without
having any of their demands met. They then attended Parliament irregularly before announcing a boycott of the entire June 2005
budget session.[20]
On 17 August 2005, near-synchronized blasts of improvised explosive devices in 63 out of 64 administrative districts targeted
mainly government buildings and killed two persons. An extremist Islamist group named Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen
Bangladesh(JMB) claimed responsibility for the blasts, which aimed to press home JMB's demand for a replacement of the
secular legal system with Islamic sharia courts. Subsequent attacks on the courts in several districts killed 28 people, including
judges, lawyers, and police personnel guarding the courts. A government campaign against the Islamic extremists led to the arrest
of hundreds of senior and mid-level JMB leaders. Six top JMB leaders were tried and sentenced to death for their role in the
murder of two judges; another leader was tried and sentenced to death in absentia in the same case.[20]
In February 2006, the AL returned to Parliament, demanded early elections and requested significant changes in the electoral and
caretaker government systems to stop alleged moves by the ruling coalition to rig the next election. The AL blamed the BNP for
several high-profile attacks on opposition leaders and asserted the BNP was bent on eliminating Sheikh Hasina and the Awami
League as a viable force. The BNP and its allies accused the AL of maligning Bangladesh at home and abroad out of jealousy
over the government's performance on development and economic issues. Dialogue between the Secretaries General of the main
ruling and opposition parties failed to sort out the electoral reform issues.[20]

Political crisis and Caretaker government, 2006–2008

Main articles: Caretaker government of Bangladesh and 2006–08 Bangladeshi political crisis

Hamid Karzai, Pervez Musharraf, and Fakhruddin Ahmed at the Annual Meeting 2008 of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland

The months preceding the planned January 22, 2007, elections were filled with political unrest and controversy. [22] Following the
end of Khaleda Zia's government in late October 2006, there were protests and strikes, during which 40 people were killed in the
following month, over uncertainty about who would head the caretaker government. The caretaker government had difficulty
bringing the all parties to the table. Awami League and its allies protested and alleged that the caretaker government favoured the
BNP.[23]
The interim period was marked by violence and strikes. [24][25] Presidential Advisor Mukhlesur Rahman Chowdhury negotiated with
Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia and brought all the parties to the planned 22 January 2007 parliamentary elections. Later Hussain
Muhammad Ershad's nomination was cancelled; as a result, the Grand Alliance withdrew its candidates en masse on the last day
possible.[26] They demanded to have voters' lists published.
Later in the month, the president Iajuddin Ahmed imposed a state of emergency. Iajuddin Ahmed resigned from the post of chief
adviser, under the pressure of Bangladesh Army, and appointed Fakhruddin Ahmed, the new chief adviser. Political activity was
prohibited.[27] The military-backed government worked to develop graft and corruption cases against leaders and members of both
major parties. In March 2007, Khaleda Zia's two sons, who both had positions in Bangladesh Nationalist Party, were charged
with corruption. Hasina was charged with graft and extortion in April 2007, and a day later, Khaleda Zia was charged with graft
as well.[28][29][30] There was attempt by Bangladesh Army chief Moeen U Ahmed, the head of Anti-Terrorism division of the
Directorate General of Forces Intelligence Brigadier General ATM Amin, and Director of Directorate General of Forces
Intelligence Brigadier General Chowdhury Fazlul Bari to remove Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia from politics. [31] Former Army
Chief, General Hasan Mashhud Chowdhury, was made the head of Bangladesh Anti Corruption Commission. The Anti
Corruption Commission and the Bangladesh Election Commission were strengthened by the caretaker government. [32] On 27
August 2007 violence broke out in the University of Dhaka campus between students and soldiers of Bangladesh Army. Students
called strikes and burned effigies of the army chief. Police attacked the students and physically assaulted Acting Vice-chancellor
Prof AFM Yusuf Haider and other faculty members of the University of Dhaka. [33] Students were joined in demonstration by
street vendors and slum residents who were evicted by the government. Bangladesh Army agreed to the demands of the protesters
and removed the Army camp from the University of Dhaka campus. Students and teachers expressed the continued state of
emergency in Bangladesh.[34]
Second Hasina administration

Sheikh Hasina with Vladimir Putin in Moscow

The Awami league won national election on 29 December 2008 as part of a larger electoral alliance that also included the Jatiya
Party led by former military ruler General Hussain Muhammad Ershad as well as some leftist parties. According to the Official
Results,[35] Bangladesh Awami League won 230 out of 299 constituencies, and together with its allies, had a total of 262
parliamentary seats.[36] The Awami League and its allies received 57% of the total votes cast. The AL alone got 48%, compared to
36% of the other major alliance led by the BNP which by itself got 33% of the votes. Sheikh Hasina, as party head, is the new
Prime Minister. Her term of office began on 7 January 2009 after Fakhruddin Ahmed. [37][38] The new cabinet had several new
faces, including three women in prominent positions: Dr Dipu Moni (Foreign Minister), Matia Chowdhury(Agriculture Minister)
and Sahara Khatun (Home Minister). Younger MPs with a link to assassinated members of the 1972–1975 AL government
are Syed Ashraful Islam, son of Syed Nazrul Islam, Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh, son of Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni, and Tanjim
Ahmad Sohel Taj, son of Tajuddin Ahmad.
Since 2009, the Awami League government faced several major political challenges, including BDR (border security force)
mutiny,[39] power crisis,[40] unrest in garments industry[41] and stock market fluctuations.[42] Judicial achievements for the party
included restoring 1972 constitution (set by the first Awami League government), [43] beginning of war crimes trials, [44] and guilty
vedict in 1975 assassination trial.[45] According to the Nielsen 2-year survey, 50% felt the country was moving in the right
direction, and 36% gave the government a favourable rating. [46] On 18 September 2012 Bangladesh Supreme Court declared the
abolition of the caretaker government system.[47]

2010s
War crimes tribunal
Main article: International Crimes Tribunal (Bangladesh)

2013 Shahbag protests, Protest against the war criminals in Shahbagh, Bangladesh.

During the 2008 general election, the Awami League (AL) pledged to establish the tribunals in response to long-standing calls for
trying war criminals. The first indictments were issued in 2010. However, the main perpetrators of the war crimes, the Pakistan
soldiers, remained out of the reach of the courts.[48]
The government set up the tribunal after the Awami League won the general election in December 2008 with a more than two-
thirds majority in parliament. The War Crimes Fact Finding Committee, tasked to investigate and find evidence, completed its
report in 2008, identifying 1,600 suspects. Prior to the formation of the ICT, the United Nations Development Programme offered
assistance in 2009 on the tribunal's formation. In 2009, the parliament amended the 1973 act that authorised such a tribunal to
update it.[49]

Third Hasina administration, 2014–present

General election were held in Bangladesh on 5 January 2014, in accordance with the constitutional requirement that the election
must take place within the 90-day period before the expiration of the term of the Jatiyo Sangshad on 24 January 2014. The
elections were controversial, with almost all major opposition parties boycotting and 154 of the total 300 seats being uncontested.

2014 Bangladesh Violence

On 5 January 2014, the 10th general elections were held in Bangladesh. Around 21 people were killed on polling day. The
Opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party and its ally Jamaat-e-Islami had already boycotted the elections. The buildup to the
elections were marred by successive strikes and violence by the opposition parties. After the polls, workers and supporters of the
opposition parties began attacking the minority Bengali Hindus. Seven persons belonging to the Jamaat-e-Islami and the
Bangladesh Nationalist Party were arrested in connection with the attacks. [50] The National Human Rights Commission held the
government responsible for the attacks on Hindus after the election.[51]

Attacks on secularists and anti militancy operations (2013-2017)

From 2013, a number of secularist writers, bloggers and publishers in Bangladesh have been killed or seriously injured in attacks
perpetrated by Islamist extremists. The attacks have taken place at a time of growing tension between Bangladeshi secularists,
who want the country to maintain its secularist tradition of separation of religion and state, and Islamists, who want an Islamic
state. Tensions have also risen as a result of the country's war crimes tribunal, which has recently convicted several members of
the opposition Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami party for crimes committed during Bangladesh's bloody war of independence in 1971.
Secularists have been calling for harsher penalties for the convicted, with some calling for the Jamaat-e-Islam party itself to be
outlawed, drawing the ire of the party's supporters. Responsibility for the attacks on secularists which have since occurred have
been claimed by a number of militant groups including Ansarullah Bangla Team, who have frequently justified their attacks on
the grounds that their victims are "atheists" and enemies of Islam. Four bloggers had been killed in 2015, 4 people were arrested
in the murder cases.[52][53]
Following the 2016 Dhaka attack, the law enforcement forces carried out various anti militant raids, including in "Operation
Storm 26", in which 9 millitants were killed in a gunfight with police in their hideout in Kalyanpur area, of Dhaka. After such
numerous raids including the 2017 Sylhet Raid in March 2017, militancy was finally brought to an end in April 2017 in the
country.[54]

Resumption of Political Tensions (2018-Present)

Most of the post 2014 election period saw political calm. Tensions between the two major political parties BNP and Awami
League reignited in 2018 after BNP once again started pressing demands for a caretaker government to observe the 11th general
election. BNP also criticized Awami League's rising dependency on law enforcement agencies such as the police force and for
holding back people's freedom of speech.[55] On 8 February 2018 Khaleda Zia and Tarique Rahman as per court verdict, were
jailed for 5 and 10 years respectively due to their involvement in the Zia Charitable Trust corruption case. While Tarique was on
exile, Khaleda would be imprisoned on old Dhaka Central Jail located in Nazimuddin Road. BNP totally rejected the verdict,
alleging that it was Awami League's conspiracy to destroy their party and to keep them out of the next general election. In protest
BNP held nationwide demonstrations, which were foiled by the well prepared police force across the nation, with a large number
of BNP members also being arrested during clashes with the police. [56] While Khaleda Zia was in jail, BNP Secretary
General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir and prominent leader leader Moudud Ahmed oversaw most of the party's activities. During
this time the government passed the controversial "Digital Security Act 2018", under which any criticisms of the government
over the internet or any other media, would be met with various degrees of prison terms.[57]