The Indian Census: A Definitive Analysis

of the 2011 National Enumeration

Section 1: The Indian Census: A Foundational
Overview
1.1 What is the Indian Census and Why is it a Cornerstone of
Governance?
The Population Census of India is formally defined as the comprehensive process of collecting,
compiling, analyzing, and disseminating demographic, economic, and social data pertaining to
all persons residing within the country at a specific point in time. It stands as one of the most
ambitious and largest administrative exercises undertaken anywhere in the world, a
monumental task of capturing a detailed snapshot of over a billion people. Its primary function is
to serve as the most extensive and reliable single source of statistical information on the diverse
characteristics of the Indian populace.
The significance of the census extends far beyond a simple headcount; it is the fundamental
bedrock upon which modern governance, evidence-based policy, and equitable development
are built. The data collected is indispensable for effective administration, strategic planning, and
the formulation of national and state-level policies. For instance, the allocation of central
government funds to states is directly influenced by census data, ensuring a more equitable
distribution of resources based on population size and demographic needs. Furthermore, this
data is critical for the demarcation of electoral constituencies for Parliament, State Legislative
Assemblies, and local bodies, a process that underpins the very structure of India's democratic
representation. For researchers, demographers, and social scientists, the census provides an
invaluable longitudinal dataset to analyze population growth, study socio-economic trends, and
make crucial projections about the future trajectory of the nation.
The role of the census, however, transcends its function as a mere repository of statistical
information. The very act of counting and categorizing a population is a profound exercise in
statecraft that shapes both how the government perceives its citizenry and how citizens, in turn,
understand their own collective identities. The inclusion of categories such as "caste" and
"religion," which began in the British colonial era, was initially driven by the administrative need
to govern a complex and diverse subcontinent. This categorization, while useful for
administration, also had the effect of reifying and formalizing these identities within the official
discourse of the state. In the post-independence era, this function has been transformed. The
census is no longer simply a tool for control but has become the essential mechanism for
implementing the constitutional mandates of social justice and affirmative action. Data on
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, for example, is the basis for reservation policies and
targeted welfare programs. Thus, the census has evolved from an instrument of colonial
administration into a vital tool for a democratic state to understand its social composition and
address historical inequities.
This dual role creates a foundational tension that is central to the census's operation: the
paradox of confidentiality and public utility. Under the Census Act of 1948, the personal
information collected from individuals is treated with absolute confidentiality. This data is not
admissible as evidence in any court of law, a guarantee that is crucial for securing public trust
and cooperation, without which the accuracy of the entire exercise would be compromised. Yet,
the immense value of the census lies in its utility for the public good. The aggregated data is
made widely available to government departments, planners, and researchers to design and
evaluate programs that affect millions of lives. This creates a delicate balance between the
state's promise of individual privacy and its need to use collective data for public welfare. This
balance is fundamental to the legitimacy and success of the census. It is noteworthy that other
data collection exercises have adopted different models. The Socio-Economic and Caste
Census (SECC) conducted in 2011, for instance, was designed with the explicit purpose that its
data would be open for use by government departments to grant or restrict benefits to
individuals and families, operating on a principle of administrative transparency rather than
individual confidentiality. This distinction highlights the unique and carefully calibrated position
that the decennial census occupies in India's data landscape.

1.2 What is the Historical and Legal Framework of the Census in

India?
The tradition of enumerating populations in the Indian subcontinent has ancient roots, with
historical precursors found in texts such as Kautilya's Arthashastra (circa 3rd century BCE) and
the detailed administrative report Ain-i-Akbari from the reign of the Mughal Emperor Akbar in the
16th century. These early efforts, while significant, were primarily for administrative and revenue
purposes and lacked the systematic, nationwide scope of the modern census.
The contemporary Indian Census traces its origins to the British colonial period. The process
began with localized, non-synchronous counts in various parts of the country. Notable early
attempts include a census in Allahabad in 1824 and another in Banaras between 1827-28, both
conducted by James Prinsep. The first complete census of an Indian city was undertaken in
1830 by Henry Walter in Dacca (now Dhaka). These fragmented efforts gradually coalesced into
a more organized, albeit still disjointed, exercise. The first all-India census was conducted in
1872 during the tenure of Viceroy Lord Mayo. This was an asynchronous census, meaning that
the enumeration was carried out in different parts of the country at different times. A major
milestone was achieved on February 17, 1881, with the conducting of the first synchronous
census, where data was collected across the country over the same period. This exercise was
overseen by W.C. Plowden, the first Census Commissioner of India, and it established the
decennial (ten-yearly) tradition that has continued uninterrupted, even through world wars, to
the present day.
The transition from colonial rule to independence marked a fundamental shift in the purpose and
legal standing of the census. While the British-era censuses were primarily instruments for
enhancing administrative control and were reflective of the "administrative needs of the British
than of the social reality for the people," the newly independent nation repurposed the census
as a vital tool for democratic governance and national development. This transformation was
formalized through the enactment of the Census of India Act in 1948. The bill for this Act was
piloted by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, India's first Home Minister, underscoring its national
importance. This legislation provided a permanent legal framework for conducting the census, a
departure from the ad-hoc arrangements of the past.
Furthermore, the census was enshrined in the Constitution of India, elevating it to a
constitutional mandate. Under Article 246 of the Constitution, the population census is
designated as a Union subject, meaning it falls under the exclusive legislative domain of the
central government. It is listed at serial number 69 in the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution.
This constitutional and legal framework institutionalized the census, transforming it from a
colonial administrative tool into an essential mechanism for a sovereign, democratic republic to
understand its own people, plan for their welfare, and ensure equitable representation. All
censuses conducted since 1951 have been carried out under the provisions of the 1948 Act.

1.3 Who Conducts the Census and How is the Nationwide Process
Executed?
The responsibility for conducting the decennial census rests with the Office of the Registrar
General and Census Commissioner of India (RGCCI). This body, formally established in 1961,
operates as a permanent department under the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India.
The RGCCI serves as the central nodal agency, overseeing the entire operation from planning
and execution to data analysis and dissemination. The central office is headquartered in New
Delhi, with supervisory Directorates of Census Operations established in each state and union
territory to manage the process at the local level.
The execution of the Indian Census is a monumental logistical undertaking, carried out in two
distinct and sequential phases:
Phase 1: House-listing and Housing Census. This initial phase typically begins about a year
before the population count. It is not focused on individuals but on structures. A vast army of
enumerators—often comprising government employees such as school teachers—goes
door-to-door to systematically list and number every building, be it residential, commercial, or
other. During this phase, they collect a wealth of data about the housing stock and the living
conditions of households. This includes information on the type of housing structure, sources of
drinking water, availability and type of toilet facilities, cooking fuel used, access to electricity, and
ownership of various assets like televisions or vehicles. This data provides a crucial framework
for the second phase and is also used to construct the National Population Register (NPR). The
information gathered is vital for assessing housing deficits and planning for basic amenities.
Phase 2: Population Enumeration. This is the core phase of the census, where every
individual residing in the country is counted. Enumerators revisit every household and fill out
detailed questionnaires for each person. This phase captures a comprehensive range of
personal and socio-demographic details. Key parameters include:
●​ Demographic: Name, age, sex, marital status.
●​ Social: Religion, mother tongue, Scheduled Caste/Tribe (SC/ST) status, disability status.
●​ Educational: Literacy status and highest level of education attained.
●​ Economic: Employment status, occupation, and type of economic activity.
●​ Migration: Place of birth, place of last residence, and reason for migration.
●​ Fertility: For female respondents, questions related to fertility are also included.
The scale of this operation reveals the census as not merely a statistical exercise but as a
massive, temporary mobilization of the nation's human capital. The 2011 Census, for example,
involved approximately 2.7 million officials visiting households in over 600,000 villages and
thousands of towns. The government's strategy of leveraging the extensive network of public
employees, particularly school teachers, is a cornerstone of this process. This approach has
distinct advantages, as these individuals often possess deep local knowledge and a degree of
trust within their communities, which can facilitate more accurate data collection. However, it
also presents significant challenges. Ensuring consistent and high-quality training for such a
vast and temporary workforce is a formidable task, and maintaining data quality across diverse
regions and millions of enumerators requires rigorous supervision and standardized procedures.
The success of the census is, therefore, a testament to one of the largest short-term logistical
and human resource management projects in the world.

Section 2: The 2011 Census: A Comprehensive

National Portrait
2.1 What was the Total Population of India in 2011 and How Did it
Compare to 2001?
According to the provisional figures of the 15th National Census conducted in 2011, the
population of India as of March 1, 2011, stood at 1,210,193,422, or approximately 1.21 billion
people. This total comprised 623.7 million males (51.54%) and 586.5 million females
(48.46%). This figure represented a substantial increase from the 2001 Census, which had
recorded India's population at 1,028,737,436, or approximately 1.03 billion.
Over the course of the decade from 2001 to 2011, India added more than 181 million people to
its population, an absolute increase that is roughly equivalent to the entire population of Brazil,
the world's fifth-most populous country at the time. This staggering addition underscores the
immense scale of India's demographic landscape. The 2011 Census confirmed India's position
as the world's second-most populous nation, accounting for 17.5% of the global population while
occupying only 2.4% of the world's surface area.
The following table provides a comparative overview of the key national demographic indicators
from the 2001 and 2011 Censuses, offering an at-a-glance summary of the changes that
occurred over the decade.
Table 1: India's Key Demographic Indicators: 2001 vs. 2011
Indicator Census 2001 Census 2011 Decadal Change
Total Population 1,028,737,436 1,210,854,977 +182,117,541
Decadal Growth Rate 21.54% (1991-2001) 17.70% (2001-2011) -3.84 percentage points
(%)
Population Density 325 382 +57
(per sq km)
Overall Sex Ratio 933 943 +10
(females per 1000
males)
Child Sex Ratio (0-6 927 919 -8
years)
Overall Literacy Rate 64.83% 74.04% +9.21 percentage
(%) points
Male Literacy Rate 75.85% 82.14% +6.29 percentage
(%) points
Female Literacy Rate 54.16% 65.46% +11.30 percentage
(%) points
Sources:

2.2 How Did the National Population Growth Rate Change Between
2001 and 2011?
The decadal population growth rate for the period 2001-2011 was recorded at 17.64% (often
rounded to 17.7%). This figure represents a pivotal moment in India's demographic history, as it
marked a significant and welcome deceleration from the 21.54% growth rate observed during
the preceding decade of 1991-2001. The decline of 3.9 percentage points was the sharpest
recorded in a century, indicating that the country's population growth was slowing at an
accelerated pace.
A particularly noteworthy finding was that the 2001-2011 decade was the first since the
1911-1921 period (an exception due to famine and pandemic) to have added fewer people in
absolute numbers compared to the previous decade. The analysis of growth by gender revealed
a differential pattern: the growth rate for females during the decade was 18.12%, which was
higher than the 17.19% growth rate for males.
This data, however, presents a demographic paradox that is crucial for understanding India's
development challenges. While the sharp fall in the population growth rate is a clear indicator of
successful family planning initiatives and socio-economic changes leading to lower fertility, the
absolute increase of 181 million people remains enormous. This phenomenon is known as
"population momentum." It occurs because a country's past high fertility rates create a large
cohort of young people. Even if this new generation has fewer children per couple (a lower
fertility rate), the sheer number of people entering their reproductive years ensures that the total
population continues to grow substantially for several decades. This insight is critical for policy
planning. It demonstrates that even as India makes progress in stabilizing its population growth
rate, the country will continue to face immense pressure to provide resources, create jobs, build
infrastructure, and deliver essential services for a still-expanding population for the foreseeable
future. The success in curbing the rate of growth does not immediately alleviate the challenges
posed by the large absolute numbers being added each year.

2.3 What was the Population Density Across the Nation in 2011?
The 2011 Census revealed a significant increase in the population density of India, which stood
at 382 persons per square kilometer. This figure marked a substantial rise from the 325
persons per square kilometer recorded in the 2001 Census. This means that, on average, an
additional 57 people were living in every square kilometer of the country compared to a decade
earlier, reflecting the intense and growing pressure on land and resources.
To put this figure in a global context, the 2011 Census highlighted that India supports
approximately 17.5% of the world's population on a mere 2.4% of the world's total surface
area. This stark contrast underscores the exceptional density of the Indian population. Among
the ten most populous countries in the world, only Bangladesh had a higher population density
than India at the time. The national density has shown a consistent and steep upward trend
throughout the 20th and early 21st centuries, rising from just 77 persons per square kilometer in
1901 to the 2011 figure of 382.
While the raw number of 382 is a key statistic, its true significance lies in its direct implications
for the nation's finite resources. A 17.5% increase in density in a single decade translates
directly into heightened competition for land for agriculture, housing, and industry. It amplifies
the challenges related to water scarcity, as per capita availability of water decreases. It
necessitates more intensive and efficient management of infrastructure, including transportation,
energy, and sanitation, to cater to a more concentrated populace. This metric, therefore, serves
as a powerful and tangible proxy for the escalating environmental and developmental
challenges that India faces. It provides a clear quantitative basis for the urgency behind national
policies focused on sustainable urban planning, efficient water management, food security, and
environmental protection. The ever-increasing density is a constant reminder that India's path to
development is inextricably linked to its ability to manage its demographic pressures effectively.

Section 3: Demographic Composition and Social

Fabric of the Nation
3.1 What was the Gender Composition (Sex Ratio) of India in 2011?
The 2011 Census recorded the overall sex ratio for India at 943 females per 1,000 males. This
figure represented a notable improvement from the 933 females per 1,000 males documented
in the 2001 Census, an increase of 10 points over the decade. This was a significant
development, as the 2011 sex ratio was the highest the country had recorded since the 1971
Census, suggesting a potential reversal of the long-term declining trend observed for much of
the 20th century.
A closer examination of the data reveals a significant disparity between rural and urban areas.
The sex ratio in rural India stood at 949, which was considerably healthier than the urban sex
ratio of 929. While both rural and urban areas saw an improvement from 2001 (when the figures
were 946 and 900, respectively), the gap between the two remained substantial.
This persistent rural-urban gap in the sex ratio is not a random statistical variation but a clear
indicator of underlying socio-economic and migratory patterns. The lower sex ratio in urban
centers is a direct consequence of male-selective migration. Driven by the search for economic
opportunities, employment, and education, a significant number of men migrate from rural
villages to urban areas, often leaving their families behind. This pattern of migration creates a
demographic skew in both the areas of origin and destination. Rural areas, which are the source
of this migration, tend to have a more balanced or even female-favorable sex ratio, while urban
areas, the destination, develop a surplus of males. This imbalance has profound social
consequences. In cities, it can lead to challenges related to housing, social integration, and
increased competition in the marriage market. For the rural areas left behind, it can alter family
structures and place a greater burden on women who manage households and agriculture in
the absence of male family members. Therefore, the urban sex ratio serves as a demographic
marker of the nature and scale of internal migration within the country.

3.2 What was the National Child Sex Ratio (0-6 years) and What are its
Implications?
One of the most alarming findings of the 2011 Census was the state of the Child Sex Ratio
(CSR), which is defined as the number of females per 1,000 males in the 0-6 age group. In
2011, the national CSR stood at 919. This figure represented a stark and disturbing decline from
the CSR of 927 recorded in the 2001 Census. This drop of 8 points over the decade brought the
CSR to its lowest level since India's independence in 1947, signaling a deepening crisis for the
girl child.
The decline in the CSR is widely attributed to a combination of deeply entrenched social factors,
including a strong societal preference for male children (son preference), persistent dowry
practices that make daughters seem like an economic liability, and, crucially, the widespread
misuse of modern medical technologies for pre-natal sex determination and subsequent
sex-selective abortion.
The data on sex ratios from the 2011 Census presents a critical and complex picture that
requires careful interpretation. On the surface, there appears to be a contradiction: the overall
sex ratio showed a healthy improvement from 933 to 943, while the child sex ratio deteriorated
from 927 to 919. This divergence is not a contradiction but a powerful indicator of two opposing
demographic forces at play. The improvement in the overall sex ratio is largely a result of gains
at the other end of the age spectrum—increased life expectancy and better survival rates for
women in older age groups. This reflects advancements in healthcare and nutrition that have
benefited women who have survived past childhood.
However, the declining CSR reveals a grim reality at the very beginning of the life cycle. It points
to an intensification of gender-biased sex selection practices, meaning that while adult women
may be living longer, a significant and growing number of girls are being prevented from being
born or are not surviving early childhood. This is a demographic red flag of the highest order.
The CSR is a sensitive barometer of the social value ascribed to girls, and its decline indicates
that regressive social norms were becoming more pronounced, aided by technology. The
long-term implications are severe. A skewed CSR will inevitably lead to a skewed overall sex
ratio in the future as these cohorts age. This creates a "marriage squeeze," where a surplus of
men find it difficult to find partners, potentially leading to increased social instability, violence
against women, and human trafficking. The 2011 CSR data thus exposed a demographic crisis
masked by positive trends elsewhere, prompting a renewed policy focus on protecting the girl
child.

3.3 What were the National Literacy Rates and How Did They Vary by
Gender?
The 2011 Census revealed significant progress in the sphere of literacy in India. The national
literacy rate for the population aged seven years and above reached 74.04%. This represented
a substantial increase of 9.21 percentage points from the 64.83% literacy rate recorded in the
2001 Census, marking the highest increase in any single decade since independence.
However, a significant gender disparity persisted, though the gap showed signs of narrowing.
The literacy rates broken down by gender were as follows:
●​ Male Literacy Rate: 82.14%.
●​ Female Literacy Rate: 65.46%.
The gap between male and female literacy rates in 2011 was 16.68 percentage points. A
crucial finding of the census was the accelerated pace of growth in female literacy compared to
male literacy. Between 2001 and 2011, the female literacy rate increased by 11.8 percentage
points (from 53.67% to 65.46%), while the male literacy rate increased by a more modest 6.9
percentage points (from 75.26% to 82.14%). This differential growth rate led to a welcome
reduction in the gender literacy gap, which had stood at 21.7 percentage points in 2001.
The rapid improvement in female literacy is not merely an educational achievement; it is a
powerful catalyst for profound social and demographic transformation across the country. A
substantial body of demographic research establishes a strong correlation between higher
levels of female education and a range of positive development outcomes. Educated women
tend to have greater autonomy in decision-making, marry later, and have fewer children. The
significant jump in female literacy observed in the 2011 Census provides a compelling evidence
base for explaining the concurrent and sharp decline in India's national population growth rate.
This trend is a leading indicator of India's ongoing demographic transition, where improvements
in female education act as a key driver for lower fertility rates, better maternal and child health
outcomes, and, ultimately, a more stable population structure. The narrowing of the gender gap
in literacy, therefore, represents one of the most consequential and optimistic findings of the
2011 Census.

3.4 What was the Religious Composition of India According to the

2011 Census?
The 2011 Census provided a detailed account of the religious demography of India, reflecting
the country's pluralistic social fabric. The data revealed the absolute numbers and proportional
shares of the major religious communities.
The religious composition of India's population in 2011 was as follows:
●​ Hindus: 966.3 million, constituting 79.8% of the total population.
●​ Muslims: 172.2 million, constituting 14.2% of the total population.
●​ Christians: 27.8 million, constituting 2.3% of the total population.
●​ Sikhs: 20.8 million, constituting 1.7% of the total population.
●​ Buddhists: 8.4 million, constituting 0.7% of the total population.
●​ Jains: 4.5 million, constituting 0.4% of the total population.
●​ Other Religions & Persuasions (ORP): 7.9 million, constituting 0.7% of the total
population.
●​ Religion Not Stated: 2.9 million, constituting 0.2% of the total population.
The following table summarizes the religious composition and highlights the decadal growth
rates for each major community between 2001 and 2011.
Table 2: Religious Composition of India (2011)
Religious Group Population (2011) Percentage of Total Decadal Growth Rate
Population (%) (2001-2011) (%)
Hindus 966,257,353 79.80% 16.8%
Muslims 172,245,158 14.23% 24.6%
Christians 27,819,588 2.30% 15.5%
Sikhs 20,833,116 1.72% 8.4%
Buddhists 8,442,972 0.70% 6.1%
Jains 4,451,753 0.37% 5.4%
Other Religions & 7,937,734 0.66% N/A
Persuasions
Religion Not Stated 2,867,303 0.24% N/A
Total 1,210,854,977 100.00% 17.7%
Sources:
An important trend revealed by this data is the differential in decadal growth rates among the
religious communities. The growth rate of the Muslim population (24.6%) was notably higher
than the national average (17.7%) and that of the Hindu population (16.8%). This disparity in
growth rates led to a measurable shift in the country's religious proportions over the decade.
The share of the Hindu population in the total population declined by 0.7 percentage points
(from 80.5% in 2001), while the share of the Muslim population increased by 0.8 percentage
points (from 13.4% in 2001). It is crucial to note, however, that the decadal growth rates for all
major religious communities, including Muslims, declined compared to the previous decade
(1991-2001). For instance, the Muslim growth rate fell from 29.3% in 1991-2001 to 24.6% in
2001-2011, while the Hindu growth rate fell from 19.9% to 16.8%. This indicates that all
communities are undergoing a demographic transition towards lower fertility, albeit at different
paces. These differential growth rates and the resulting shifts in demographic proportions are a
key trend with significant social and political resonance in contemporary India.

3.5 What was the Population and Distribution of Scheduled Castes

(SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST)?
The 2011 Census provided crucial data on the population of Scheduled Castes (SC) and
Scheduled Tribes (ST), communities that are accorded special constitutional status and are the
focus of affirmative action policies.
Scheduled Castes (SC): The population of Scheduled Castes in India in 2011 was 201.4
million. This group constituted 16.6% of the nation's total population, an increase from their
16.2% share in the 2001 Census. The decadal growth rate of the SC population during
2001-2011 was 20.8%, which was significantly higher than the national average growth rate of
17.7%. The majority of the SC population (over 150 million, or more than three-fourths)
continued to reside in rural areas.
Scheduled Tribes (ST): The population of Scheduled Tribes in 2011 was recorded at 104.3
million. This community made up 8.6% of India's total population, up from 8.2% in 2001. Similar
to the SC population, the ST population also experienced a high decadal growth rate of 23.7%,
well above the national average. The ST population remains overwhelmingly rural, with
approximately 90% (93.8 million) residing in rural areas.
The data reveals a significant demographic trend: both the SC and ST populations are growing
at a faster pace than the general population. This has led to an increase in their proportional
share of the national population. A particularly noteworthy finding is the rapid rate of
urbanization within these communities, even though they remain predominantly rural. Between
2001 and 2011, the number of Scheduled Castes living in urban areas grew by a remarkable
41.3%. Similarly, the urban Scheduled Tribe population grew by an even faster 49.7% during the
same period. This points to a substantial and accelerating trend of migration from rural to urban
areas among these historically marginalized groups. This migration is likely driven by a
combination of factors, including the search for better educational opportunities, non-agricultural
employment, and an escape from the rigid social structures of rural life. This rapid urbanization
of SC and ST populations has profound implications for urban policy, requiring a focused
approach on issues of social inclusion, affordable housing, skill development, and the changing
dynamics of caste and tribal identities within the urban milieu.

Section 4: Economic and Geographic Landscape

4.1 What was the Rural-Urban Population Distribution in 2011 and
What Trends Did it Reveal?
The 2011 Census confirmed that India remained a predominantly rural country, but it also
captured a powerful and accelerating trend of urbanization. According to the census data, 833.5
million people, constituting 68.84% of the total population, resided in rural areas. The
remaining 377.1 million people, or 31.16%, lived in urban areas. This represented a notable
shift from the 2001 Census, when the urban population's share was 27.8%. The proportion of
people living in urban areas has been steadily increasing since independence, rising from
17.3% in 1951 to the 2011 figure of 31.2%.
The most significant and landmark finding of the 2011 Census regarding population distribution
was a historic demographic reversal. For the first time since India's independence, the absolute
increase in the urban population was greater than the absolute increase in the rural
population. During the 2001-2011 decade, urban areas added 91 million people, while rural
areas added a slightly lower 90.5 million. This occurred despite the rural population base being
more than double the size of the urban base.
This historic shift was driven by the vast difference in growth rates between the two sectors. The
decadal growth rate of the urban population was a robust 31.8%, while the rural population grew
at a much slower pace of 12.2%. This differential highlights that the momentum of population
growth in India has decisively shifted towards its cities and towns.
This finding signals that India has reached an urbanization tipping point. While the country's
overall character is still largely rural, the primary engine of demographic growth and change is
now located in its urban centers. This trend is a result of a combination of factors, including
natural increase in urban areas, the reclassification of rural areas as urban, and, most
importantly, net rural-to-urban migration. The implications of this accelerating urbanization are
massive and far-reaching. It places immense pressure on urban infrastructure, including
housing, transportation, water supply, and sanitation. It reshapes the economic landscape, with
cities becoming the primary hubs of employment and GDP growth. It also presents significant
environmental challenges related to pollution and resource management. This pivotal shift,
captured by the 2011 Census, underscores the urgent need for a policy focus that proactively
addresses the challenges and harnesses the opportunities of a rapidly urbanizing India.

4.2 What was the Workforce Participation Rate (WPR) and What Does
it Indicate About the Indian Economy?
The 2011 Census provided a detailed snapshot of the economic activity of the Indian population,
with the Workforce Participation Rate (WPR) serving as a key indicator. The WPR is defined as
the percentage of the total population that is economically active, either employed or seeking
work.
In 2011, the overall WPR for India was 39.8%. However, this aggregate figure concealed a
profound gender disparity in economic participation:
●​ Male Workforce Participation Rate: 53.26%.
●​ Female Workforce Participation Rate: 25.51%.
This data reveals that while more than half of the male population was part of the workforce,
only about a quarter of the female population was economically active. This disparity was further
nuanced by the rural-urban divide. The female WPR in rural areas was significantly higher at
30% compared to just 15.4% in urban areas. This difference is largely attributed to the nature of
the rural economy, where a substantial number of women are engaged in agriculture and allied
activities, much of which may be unpaid family labor but is still counted as economic activity in
the census.
The extremely low female WPR is one of the most critical challenges for the Indian economy, a
phenomenon often referred to as the issue of "missing women" from the workforce. The vast
gap between male and female participation represents a massive underutilization of the nation's
human capital and acts as a significant constraint on India's potential Gross Domestic Product
(GDP). If India were to close this gender gap in workforce participation, it could lead to a
substantial boost in economic growth.
The data also points to a complex socio-economic dynamic. The fact that female WPR is lower
in urban areas, where education levels are generally higher, suggests that improving literacy
alone is not sufficient to guarantee increased economic participation for women. This paradox
indicates that as women become more educated and families move to urban settings, they may
face structural barriers that lead them to withdraw from the labor force. These barriers can
include a scarcity of suitable and safe job opportunities, prevailing social norms that prioritize
domestic roles for women, and a lack of supportive infrastructure such as affordable childcare.
The 2011 Census data, therefore, highlights that addressing the low female WPR requires a
multi-faceted policy approach that goes beyond education to tackle deep-seated social norms
and create a more enabling economic environment for women.

Section 5: A Comparative Analysis of States and

Union Territories
The 2011 Census data reveals the immense demographic diversity across India's states and
Union Territories (UTs). National averages often mask significant regional variations in
population size, growth, density, and socio-economic indicators.

5.1 Which States were the Most and Least Populous?

The distribution of India's population is highly concentrated in a few large states.
●​ Most Populous States: Uttar Pradesh stood as the most populous state in India with a
population of 199.8 million, which alone accounted for 16.5% of the country's total
population. It was followed by Maharashtra (112.4 million), Bihar (104.1 million), West
Bengal (91.3 million), and Madhya Pradesh (72.6 million). Together, these five states
accounted for nearly half (approximately 48%) of India's entire population.
●​ Least Populous State: Sikkim was the least populous state, with a total population of just
610,577 (0.61 million).
●​ Union Territories: Among the UTs, Delhi was the most populous with 16.8 million people,
while Lakshadweep was the least populous with only 64,473 residents.

5.2 Which States had the Highest and Lowest Population Density?
Population density varies dramatically based on geography and levels of urbanization.
●​ Highest Density (State): Bihar emerged as the most densely populated state with 1,106
persons per square kilometer, surpassing West Bengal (1,028 persons/sq km), which
held the top position in 2001.
●​ Highest Density (Union Territory): The National Capital Territory of Delhi was by far the
most densely populated administrative unit in the country, with an astounding 11,320
persons per square kilometer.
●​ Lowest Density: Reflecting its vast mountainous terrain, Arunachal Pradesh had the
lowest population density in India, with only 17 persons per square kilometer.

5.3 Which States Exhibited the Highest and Lowest Decadal

Population Growth?
The rate of population growth also showed significant regional variation.
●​ Highest Growth Rate (State): Meghalaya recorded the highest decadal growth rate
among all states at 27.9%, followed closely by Arunachal Pradesh (26.0%) and Bihar
(25.4%).
●​ Highest Growth Rate (Union Territory): The UT of Dadra and Nagar Haveli registered
the highest decadal growth rate in the country at 55.9%.
●​ Lowest Growth Rate: In a remarkable demographic anomaly, Nagaland was the only
state to record a negative decadal growth rate of -0.58%. Among states with positive
growth, Kerala recorded the lowest rate at 4.9%.

5.4 Which States Led in Literacy and Sex Ratios, and Which Lagged
Behind?
Socio-demographic indicators reveal a stark divide between states.
●​ Literacy Rate: Kerala maintained its top position with the highest literacy rate in the
country at 94.0%. It was followed by Lakshadweep (91.85%) and Mizoram (91.33%). At
the other end of the spectrum, Bihar had the lowest literacy rate at 61.8%.
●​ Overall Sex Ratio: Kerala also had the highest overall sex ratio, with 1,084 females per
1,000 males, indicating a surplus of women. Puducherry (1,037) and Tamil Nadu (996)
also performed well. In stark contrast, Haryana had the lowest sex ratio among states with
just 879 females per 1,000 males. The UT of Daman & Diu had the lowest in the country
at 618.
●​ Child Sex Ratio (0-6 years): The states with the highest CSR were Arunachal Pradesh
(972) and Mizoram (970). The lowest CSR was again found in Haryana (834), followed by
Punjab (846), highlighting a severe social crisis in these states.
The following table provides a comprehensive summary of these key demographic indicators for
all states and Union Territories as per the 2011 Census.
Table 3: State-wise Ranking on Key Demographic Indicators (2011)
State/Union Total Decadal Density (per Sex Ratio Child Sex Literacy Rate
Territory Population Growth (%) sq km) Ratio (0-6) (%)
INDIA 1,210,854,97 17.70% 382 943 919 74.04%
7
Uttar 199,812,341 20.23% 829 912 902 67.68%
Pradesh
Maharashtra 112,374,333 15.99% 365 929 894 82.34%
Bihar 104,099,452 25.42% 1,106 918 935 61.80%
West Bengal 91,276,115 13.84% 1,028 950 956 76.26%
Andhra 84,580,777 10.98% 308 993 939 67.02%
Pradesh
Madhya 72,626,809 20.35% 236 931 918 69.32%
Pradesh
Tamil Nadu 72,147,030 15.61% 555 996 943 80.09%
Rajasthan 68,548,437 21.31% 200 928 888 66.11%
Karnataka 61,095,297 15.60% 319 973 948 75.36%
State/Union Total Decadal Density (per Sex Ratio Child Sex Literacy Rate
Territory Population Growth (%) sq km) Ratio (0-6) (%)
Gujarat 60,439,692 19.28% 308 919 890 78.03%
Odisha 41,974,218 14.05% 270 979 941 72.87%
Kerala 33,406,061 4.91% 860 1,084 964 94.00%
Jharkhand 32,988,134 22.42% 414 948 948 66.41%
Assam 31,205,576 17.07% 398 958 962 72.19%
Punjab 27,743,338 13.89% 551 895 846 75.84%
Chhattisgarh 25,545,198 22.61% 189 991 969 70.28%
Haryana 25,351,462 19.90% 573 879 834 75.55%
Delhi 16,787,941 21.21% 11,320 868 871 86.21%
Jammu and 12,541,302 23.64% 56 889 862 67.16%
Kashmir
Uttarakhand 10,086,292 18.81% 189 963 890 78.82%
Himachal 6,864,602 12.94% 123 972 909 82.80%
Pradesh
Tripura 3,673,917 14.84% 350 960 957 87.22%
Meghalaya 2,966,889 27.95% 132 989 970 74.43%
Manipur 2,855,794 24.50% 128 985 936 76.94%
Nagaland 1,978,502 -0.58% 119 931 943 79.55%
Goa 1,458,545 8.23% 394 973 942 88.70%
Arunachal 1,383,727 26.03% 17 938 972 65.38%
Pradesh
Puducherry 1,247,953 28.08% 2,547 1,037 967 85.85%
Mizoram 1,097,206 23.48% 52 976 970 91.33%
Chandigarh 1,055,450 17.19% 9,258 818 880 86.05%
Sikkim 610,577 12.89% 86 890 957 81.42%
Andaman & 380,581 6.86% 46 876 968 86.63%
Nicobar
Islands
Dadra and 343,709 55.88% 700 774 926 76.24%
Nagar Haveli
Daman and 243,247 53.76% 2,191 618 904 87.10%
Diu
Lakshadwee 64,473 6.30% 2,149 946 911 91.85%
p
Sources:

Section 6: In-Depth Analysis and Unique Findings of

the 2011 Census
6.1 Case Study: What is the Detailed Demographic Profile of
Uttarakhand?
The state of Uttarakhand, formed in 2000, presents a compelling demographic profile that
encapsulates many of the broader trends and contradictions observed across India in the 2011
Census.
●​ Population and Growth: Uttarakhand's total population was 10,086,292 (approximately
1.01 crore), making up 0.83% of India's total population. The state's decadal growth rate
was 18.81%, a slight moderation from the 19.20% recorded in the previous decade.
●​ Density and Distribution: With a population density of 189 persons per square
kilometer, Uttarakhand is significantly less dense than the national average of 382. This
is largely due to its mountainous geography. However, this average masks extreme
internal variation: the plains district of Haridwar had a density of 801, while the
mountainous district of Uttarkashi had a density of just 41. The state remains
predominantly rural, with 69.77% of its population living in rural areas.
●​ Literacy: The state's overall literacy rate stood at 78.82%, comfortably above the national
average. Male literacy was high at 87.40%, and female literacy was 70.01%, also
surpassing the national figures.
●​ Sex Ratio: Uttarakhand's overall sex ratio was 963 females per 1,000 males, which is
notably better than the national average of 943. However, in stark contrast, its Child Sex
Ratio (0-6 years) was a deeply concerning 890, significantly lower than the national
average of 919 and a decline from its own 2001 figure of 908.
The demographic profile of Uttarakhand serves as a microcosm of India's complex and often
contradictory development narrative. The state exhibits several positive development indicators,
such as literacy rates and an overall sex ratio that are better than the national average. These
metrics would typically suggest a higher level of social development. However, these positive
indicators coexist with a critically low child sex ratio, which is a powerful red flag for deep-seated
gender bias and son preference within the society.
This apparent contradiction can be largely explained by the socio-economic structure of the
state. Uttarakhand has a long history of high male out-migration for employment, particularly in
the armed forces and other service sectors. This migration artificially inflates the overall sex ratio
in the resident population, as a significant number of men are enumerated elsewhere. This
favorable overall ratio, therefore, does not reflect gender equality at birth but rather the absence
of men. The low child sex ratio, on the other hand, is a more accurate barometer of societal
attitudes towards the girl child, revealing that the preference for sons remains strong despite
high literacy. This case study powerfully demonstrates the importance of looking beyond
aggregate state-level data and analyzing underlying factors. It shows that development is not
uniform and that progress in one area, like education, does not automatically resolve deeply
ingrained social issues like gender discrimination.

6.2 Special Analysis: What Explains the Anomaly of Nagaland's

Negative Population Growth?
The 2011 Census produced one of the most striking demographic anomalies in India's history:
the state of Nagaland recorded a negative decadal population growth rate of -0.58%. Its
population decreased in absolute terms from 1.988 million in 2001 to 1.980 million in 2011. This
was unprecedented for any Indian state in the post-independence era in the absence of major
conflict, famine, or natural disaster. This anomaly becomes even more pronounced when
contrasted with the state's previous census figures, which showed exceptionally high growth
rates of 56% in 1981-1991 and 64.5% in 1991-2001.
Demographic factors such as birth rates, death rates, and migration patterns are insufficient to
explain such a dramatic reversal from the country's highest growth rate to a negative one. The
consensus among demographers, analysts, and even state officials is that this negative growth
is not a natural demographic event but rather a statistical correction of grossly inflated
population figures from the 2001 Census. The Nagaland state government itself officially
rejected the 2001 Census data as exaggerated and unreliable.
The root cause of this inflation appears to be political and economic. In India's federal structure,
population figures are directly linked to the allocation of critical resources, including central
government funds and, most importantly, the number of seats in the state's legislative assembly.
The delimitation process, which redraws constituency boundaries based on population, became
a major point of contention in Nagaland. There was a palpable fear among the Naga tribes in
the hill districts that a fair count would lead to a loss of their political representation to the plains
district of Dimapur, which is a commercial hub with a significant non-tribal population. This
competition for political power and economic resources appears to have created a powerful
incentive for various groups to inflate their numbers during the 2001 enumeration.
Following the controversy, the central government deferred the delimitation exercise in
Nagaland until after 2026. With the immediate political incentive for inflation removed and with
the state government and civil society making a concerted effort to ensure an accurate count,
the 2011 Census is believed to be a more realistic reflection of the state's actual population. The
resulting "negative" growth was, in effect, the deflation of the previous count.
The case of Nagaland provides a powerful illustration that the census is not merely a neutral,
technical exercise of data collection. It is a deeply political process with high stakes. When
population numbers are the currency for political power and economic resources, the act of
enumeration itself can become a site of intense contestation and potential manipulation. This
anomaly serves as a critical reminder of the socio-political context in which demographic data is
produced and the importance of robust, transparent, and trusted mechanisms to ensure its
integrity.

6.3 What Were Other Significant Findings of the 2011 Census?

Beyond the headline numbers on population and literacy, the 2011 Census, particularly through
its House-listing and Housing phase, offered a granular view into the living conditions and
evolving lifestyle of Indian households. These findings paint a nuanced and often paradoxical
picture of a nation undergoing uneven development.
●​ Housing and Basic Amenities: The data revealed significant deficits in the quality of
housing. A large proportion of Indian households lived in cramped conditions, with 37% in
one-room houses and 32% in two-room houses. The construction materials used also
highlighted widespread poverty: 47% of all houses in India had mud floors, and the
walls of one-third of houses were made of materials like grass, thatch, bamboo, or mud.
In terms of energy, nearly half of the country's households (49%) still relied on firewood
for cooking, a figure that rose to two-thirds in rural areas.
●​ The Paradox of Technology vs. Infrastructure: A striking finding was the contrast
between the penetration of modern technology and the lack of basic public infrastructure.
The census found that 53% of households owned a mobile phone. In contrast, data
from the same period revealed that 47% of households lacked a toilet within their
premises and practiced open defecation. This highlights a distinctive pattern of
development where access to private, consumer-driven technology like mobile phones
can advance far more rapidly than access to essential public goods like sanitation and
clean water. A household might possess a communication device connecting it to the
 global network while lacking the most basic sanitation facilities.
●​ First-Time Data Collection: The 2011 Census broke new ground by incorporating
several new data collection initiatives. It was the first census to collect biometric
information (fingerprints and iris scans) for the creation of the National Population
Register, a foundational step towards the Aadhaar unique identification program. It was
also the first time the transgender population was officially counted and given a distinct
identity ("Other"), with the final count being approximately 490,000. Additionally, for the
first time, a "No Religion" category was included in the questionnaire, with 2.87 million
people (0.24% of the population) choosing this option, providing the first official measure
of this demographic in India.
These findings collectively create a complex and multi-layered portrait of modern India. The
data on housing and amenities underscores the persistent challenges of poverty and
developmental deficits. At the same time, the rapid adoption of mobile phones and the
increasing ownership of vehicles like two-wheelers point to rising aspirations and a growing
consumer economy. This juxtaposition reveals that India's path to modernity is not a linear
progression but a complex layering of old and new realities. It is a nation where the information
age coexists with pre-industrial living conditions, where a burgeoning digital economy is built
upon a foundation where access to a toilet or clean cooking fuel is still not universal. The
granular data from the 2011 Census provides invaluable evidence of this uneven and uniquely
Indian model of development.

Section 7: Synthesis and Conclusion

7.1 What are the Key Takeaways from the 2011 Census Data?
The 2011 Census of India offers a comprehensive and multifaceted portrait of a nation at a
critical juncture in its demographic and socio-economic evolution. A synthesis of its key findings
reveals several overarching themes that define contemporary India.
First, India is firmly in the midst of a demographic transition. This is evidenced by the sharpest
decline in the decadal population growth rate in a century. However, this positive trend is
tempered by the powerful force of population momentum, which ensured that the absolute
increase in population remained enormous. This duality—slowing growth rates but large
absolute additions—will continue to shape India's developmental challenges for decades to
come.
Second, the census marks an accelerating and irreversible trend of urbanization. The
landmark finding that urban areas added more people in absolute terms than rural areas for the
first time signifies a historic tipping point. While India remains predominantly rural, its future
growth, both economic and demographic, is now inextricably linked to the development and
management of its urban centers.
Third, the data underscores the pivotal role of female literacy as a catalyst for social change.
The significantly faster improvement in female literacy compared to male literacy is not just an
educational success but a key driver behind the falling fertility rates and the overall demographic
transition. It represents a fundamental shift with long-term positive implications for health,
economic participation, and gender equality.
Fourth, the census exposes a deepening crisis in the child sex ratio. The alarming decline in
the number of girls per 1,000 boys in the 0-6 age group, occurring even as the overall sex ratio
improved, points to the persistent and perhaps intensifying practice of gender-biased sex
selection. This trend is a grave social indictment and portends future demographic imbalances
with serious social consequences.
Finally, the census paints a vivid picture of vast regional disparities. The stark differences
between states in terms of population growth, density, literacy, and sex ratios highlight that India
is not a monolith. Development is highly uneven, and effective policy-making must be tailored to
the specific demographic and social contexts of different regions, moving away from a
one-size-fits-all national approach.

7.2 What are the Policy Implications of Operating on Over-Decade-Old

Data?
The 15th Census was conducted in 2011, and its successor, scheduled for 2021, was
postponed due to the COVID-19 pandemic and has not yet been completed. This means that as
of the mid-2020s, all national and state-level planning, resource allocation, and policy
formulation are based on demographic data that is over a decade old. This "data darkness" has
severe and wide-ranging policy implications.
●​ Inaccurate Targeting of Welfare Schemes: Government welfare programs, such as the
Public Distribution System for food security or housing schemes for the poor, rely on
census data to identify beneficiaries. Using 14-year-old data means that population shifts,
migration patterns, and changes in economic status that have occurred in the interim are
not captured. This can lead to significant exclusion errors, where deserving households
are missed, and inclusion errors, where benefits are misdirected, undermining the
effectiveness and efficiency of social safety nets.
●​ Misallocation of Financial Resources: The finance commissions use census population
figures as a key criterion for determining the share of central government tax revenues to
be allocated to each state. Continuing to use 2011 data potentially penalizes states that
have experienced rapid population growth since then, while disproportionately benefiting
those with slower growth, leading to a misallocation of national resources that does not
reflect current demographic realities.
●​ Outdated Urban Planning: The 2011 Census highlighted accelerating urbanization. The
past decade has likely seen this trend continue, with many cities and towns expanding
significantly. Urban planners and municipal bodies are therefore operating with obsolete
data on population size, density, and migration, which severely hampers their ability to
plan for infrastructure needs such as housing, transport, water, and waste management.
●​ Delayed Democratic Readjustment: The demarcation of electoral constituencies is
constitutionally mandated to be based on the latest census figures to ensure the principle
of "one person, one vote." The lack of a new census has created a constitutional and
political impasse, complicating the next delimitation exercise for Lok Sabha and state
assembly seats, an issue of immense political sensitivity.
In essence, governing a dynamic and rapidly changing country of 1.4 billion people with data
from 2011 is akin to navigating with an old map. It leads to suboptimal policy outcomes,
inefficient resource use, and a growing disconnect between government programs and the
on-the-ground reality of the population they are meant to serve.

7.3 What are the Recommendations for Future Demographic Data

Collection and Policy Formulation?
Based on the comprehensive analysis of the 2011 Census and the challenges posed by the
subsequent data gap, the following recommendations are proposed for future demographic data
collection and policy formulation in India:
1.​ Prioritize the 16th National Census: The most urgent priority is the immediate
commencement and timely completion of the 16th National Census. An updated and
accurate demographic baseline is a non-negotiable prerequisite for effective governance,
equitable development, and informed policy-making in the current decade.
2.​ Integrate Digital Technology: Future census operations should fully leverage digital
technologies. The use of mobile applications for data collection, real-time data syncing,
and automated validation checks can significantly improve the efficiency of the
enumeration process, reduce errors, and drastically shorten the time lag between data
collection and its public release.
3.​ Strengthen Granular Data for Policy: The 2011 Census revealed vast sub-national
disparities. Policy formulation must move beyond national and state-level averages and
utilize granular data at the district, sub-district, and even village/ward level. This will
enable the design of targeted, context-specific interventions that address the unique
challenges of different regions.
4.​ Intensify Evidence-Based Interventions for Child Sex Ratio: The alarming decline in
the child sex ratio requires urgent and focused action. Census data should be used to
identify the worst-performing districts and regions. Policies like the 'Beti Bachao, Beti
Padhao' campaign should be intensified in these areas, coupled with stricter enforcement
of the Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (PCPNDT) Act and sustained
social behavior change communication campaigns.
5.​ Mainstream Gender in Economic Policy: The low Female Workforce Participation Rate
(WPR) identified in the 2011 Census represents a major structural weakness in the Indian
economy. Future economic policies must explicitly aim to boost female employment. This
requires a multi-pronged approach, including promoting higher education for women,
ensuring safer workplaces and public transport, providing access to affordable childcare,
and challenging social norms that restrict women's economic mobility. Recognizing and
addressing this gender gap is not just a matter of social justice but a critical lever for
accelerating India's economic growth.

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