Saam: medicine; can also be translated as "food"

(lisaami = has medicine, or special powers);

A'pi'pikssin: a process where a person is seeking help for
self or others. It literally means running around in fear of
something [and seeking deliverance from danger, hardship,
etc.]. The act is A'pi'pikssin.

These concepts describe the basic responsibilities of Siksikaitsipoyi. Any

curriculum must be based on affirming and, as necessary, reconstructing
Niitsitapiipaitapiiyssin and the responsibilities that constitute the identity
of Siksikaitsitapi.
A year later, in 1993, proposals for funding were submitted to both
Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) and Medical Services
Canada. Neither application was funded. Finally, in 1994, Russell Barsh,
professor at Native American Studies, University of Lethbridge, assisted
the project by writing and submitting a proposal to the Guggenheim
Foundation.2 This led to a two-year funding agreement.
During the two years of working with Kaaahsinnooniksi and Aawaa-
towapsiiks, we discussed issues of epistemology, pedagogy, and ontological
responsibilities that are manifested in ceremonial practices. All Kaaahsin-
nooniksi had been approached using traditional protocols. In fact, the focus
of this book emerged from conversations with these Kaaahsinnooniksi
from the Kainai and Piikani Reserves who had participated in a previous
research project undertaken jointly by Red Crow Community College on
the Blood Indian Reserve and by the Native American Studies Department
at the University of Lethbridge. Gatherings were held in November 1996
and in March 1997. A total of twenty-one people participated in the day-
and-a-half-long dialogues. The Kaaahsinnooniksi and Aawaatowapsiiks were
asked to discuss their relationships with teachers and their own role in the
educational system.

2 The Guggenheim Foundation provided funding to Red Crow Community College for initial
discussions with elders, which took place in 1996-97. This book is a result of these discussions.

54 B L A C K F O O T WAYS O F KNOWING
 The research proposal was premised on affirming and reconstructing
the ways of coming to know that constitute ontological responsibilities.
For Niitsitapi, these are engagement, participation, and connecting people
with kin relationships that form their world. These relationships are the
ways in which we come to know. They are the basic building blocks of
our cosmic universe, our reality. Relationships form the natural world;
they include the Above People, the Underwater and Underground People,
and those who walk the earth. Knowing your relatives is fundamental to
the reality of any Niitsitapi and presents the basis of our identity. Relatives
shape and form the children's identities through nurturing, strengthening,
and renewing their reciprocal and essential responsibilities.
Our ontological responsibilities are the essence of Niitsitapi reality
because they allow us to form alliances with the natural order. They are
inclusive of all relationships and thus include the individual's relationship
to knowledge. Knowledge arises in a context of alliances and reciprocal
relationships. Implicit is the notion of partnerships that entail obliga-
tions or responsibilities on behalf of both parties. In consequence, to seek
knowledge is to take on grave responsibilities. Such a quest is founded
upon the reciprocal relationship between knower and known. Without
taking on these responsibilities, Niitsitapi knowledge does not arise, and
we fail to come to know.
Following Niitsitapi ways of knowing, the subject seeking knowledge
engages in inquiry by participating in reciprocal relationships. Therefore,
knowing who you are means taking on the responsibility of engaging
in these reciprocal relationships. As a result, the pursuit of knowledge
means not only to know one's place in a cosmic universe but, by know-
ing one's relatives, knowing how to relate within these alliances. Knowing
one's relatives is the responsibility of knowing. Knowing is thus a circular
and reciprocal process. These responsibilities permeate the existence of
Niitsitapi. They are the foundation of our philosophy, economics, science,
government, values, and roles. In essence, they form the normative order
of our society designed for the pursuit of well-being, health, prosperity,
and, ultimately, the survival of the people. To seek knowledge means to

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 55

 establish and maintain relationships - the essence of the normative order
of Niitsitapi.
The research project was initially designed to work with grandparents
and elders from each of the respective Siksikaitsitapi tribes; however, the
majority of the participants were Kainaikowanniya. The intention of the
project was to apply the results to broader social and psychological ques-
tions regarding human development and educational theories of Niitsitapi
and, finally, to incorporate the training needs of Siksikaitsitapi students
within the curriculum for social work and counselling. Later, as the pro-
posal grew in scope and cultural impact, we, the researchers, were asked
to include teachers' education and training.
The research team consisted of bilingual students who were selected
from both college and university academic levels. The primary criterion
for their selection was their interest in pursuing further studies in
Niipaitapiiyssin. Data collection occurred through individual visitations
with elders, seminars that focused on the research process, and debrief-
ing consultations with elders. And finally, we held convocations with
elders, ceremonialists, and grandparents. These visits and gatherings were
conducted in Siksikaitsipowahsin as the intent of the project was to work
within Niipaitapiiyssin, necessitating the use of the Blackfoot language,
protocol, theoretical orientation, and the traditional knowledge of the
people. The methodology was experiential in design. This approach was
developed in order to reconstruct the process of Siksikaitsitapi ways of
knowing. The research process was the critical component of the project.
We began by connecting to our ancient ways of knowing. It was only
through the researchers' own process of connecting to their tribal ways,
and thus being in the consciousness of Niipaitapiiyssin, that we began to
relate and understand the reconstruction process. The research reflected
the traditional cultural process of connecting to the alliances of knowing.
Ultimately, the healing process sought by the task force would be identi-
fied as the traditional learning practice of Siksikaitsitapi. This understand-
ing met the overall goal of the project, which was to strengthen Niipaita-
piiyssin, our way of life, and community.

56 B L A C K F O O T WAYS O F K N O W I N G
 The first year's objectives were specifically designed to focus on process
and included:

• orienting advanced students from the college

and university level;
• building a strong and committed research team;
• visiting with elders and ceremonialists from Kainai and Piikani
tribes, who were knowledgeable about Niipaitapiiyssin,
thereby establishing a traditional mentor relationship between
the student and grandparent;
• facilitating the development of a college of elders and
ceremonialists through visits and gatherings; and
• articulating and following the Siksikaitsitapi protocol for
seeking guidance and understanding of our way of life.

The first year's objectives were accomplished in the following manner:

• a traditional person from Kainai introduced Kaaahsinnooniksi

to the group;
• an offering of tobacco to Kaaahsinnooniksi was made prior to
our request for help;
• visits and gatherings were held with elders and ceremonialists
to establish working relationships;
• a ceremony was requested to begin our work; and
• convocations with elders and ceremonialists were held.

As bicultural researchers, the following tools from both paradigms were

used to formulate an approach to inquiry:

• transcription and translation of recorded data with subsequent

coding, thematic analysis, and written reports.
• review of the report with selected Kaaahsinnooniksi representing
the Horn Society, Medicine Pipe Holders, Beaver Bundle
Keepers, and the Maotoki Society.

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 57

 In addition to visiting with the elders, ceremonialists, and grandparents,
the research group held bimonthly seminars during this initial phase.
They concentrated on decolonization and the reconstruction of the
Siksikaitsitapi worldview through the use of language and sacred
ceremony. The first year was also spent learning the appropriate ways
of coming to know by visiting elders and following appropriate cultural
protocols. The seminars provided the forum whereby the researchers
discussed and debriefed with both a professor from the University
of Lethbridge and a grandfather of Kainai. Topics discussed in these
seminars were essential to our ways of coming to know; they included:
listening, respect, intuition, understanding, the power of the word in the
language, prayer as way of life. The discussions were always nourishing
and elating. However, we also discussed our colonization experiences,
which often were concerned with the internalization of racism and
sexism in our lives, the painful experiences of dissociation and its effect
on our lives, and intergenerational violence of families and communities.
The seminars proved to be insightful, enlightening, refreshing, and
exhilarating. The honesty and commitment of the research team
became evident through the approach to their own learning process and
through the manner in which they demonstrated their involvement and
commitment to traditional practices (such as attending ceremonies and
becoming ceremonialists themselves through initiations).
Pete Standing Alone, Nii'takaiksamaikoan [Real-Many-Tumors-Man]
of the sacred Horn Society, was our spiritual and methods advisor
throughout our process of inquiry. He was a part of our bimonthly semi-
nars and was instrumental in guiding the team in Siksikaitsitapi proto-
col, translation, and explanation of concepts. He helped our individual
learning processes in understanding the tribal way of life. As part of this
process, the researchers spent many hours talking and visiting late into the
nights. It seemed that the greatest gifts came when it wasn't apparent that
we were discussing the project.
Throughout the project we as researchers were keenly committed to

58 B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
our own healing process and became acutely aware of our own colonial
process. The group, in coming to understand our responsibility as Siksi-
kaitsitapi, understood that ceremony, offerings, and sacrifice were integral
aspects of coming to know. A Kanotsisissin [All-Smoke Ceremony] took
place in February 1996. Aawaaahsskataiksi from the Ihkanakaaatsiiksi
[Horn Society], Niinaimsskaiksi [Medicine Pipe Holders], Ksisskstakyomo-
pisstaiksi [Beaver Bundles], and Maotoki [Buffalo Women's Society] came
to support the project. This ceremony concluded the preparatory phase
and initiated our actual work with the ceremonialists and grandparents.
The project was also designed to facilitate the development of a college
of Kaaahssinnooniksi and Aawaaahsskataiksi. Traditionally, they are people
who teach, give guidance, and discuss the problems of the day; they are
asked for guidance and direction and are responsible for ceremonies. They
have the prerequisite experience of ceremonial life (see chapter 15, Kaaa-
hasinnooniksi), are "qualified" through transfers (Pomma'ksinni), and thus
have the authority to teach and guide the people. It became evident that
they would be the teachers and guides of the project.
During this first year, the following findings were gleaned from the
autobiographies of Kaaahsinnooniksi and Aawaaahsskataiksi as well as
from the team of inquirers. Conceptual discussion focused on these issues:

1. Siksikaitsitapi's original language (Siksikaitsipowahsin) is

fundamental to knowing Niipaitapiiyssin.
2. The Siksikaitsitapi's way of life includes a spiritual dimension,
which must be learned in ceremonies and from the land.
3. Children must be given both individual and collective roles and
responsibilities from an early age (7-10 years old).
4. Personal growth and healing are centred fundamentally on
taking and understanding responsibilities to family, to the
people, and to life.
5. The most effective guides, teachers, counsellors, social workers,
etc., are individuals who are already learning the path of
cultural and spiritual knowledge.

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 59

 At the second gathering with grandparents and ceremonialists the
following suggestions were made:

• There is a need for a Siksikaitsitapi language immersion

program for preschool or kindergarten levels. (The elders felt
that the children must learn to think in Niitsitapi first.)
• The teachers of Siksikaitsitapi children must learn Kiipaitapiiyssin.
• The parents and families of Siksikaitsitapi children should learn
the language and the way of life with their children so that
they can support what their children are learning.
• A survival camp for children and young adults must be established
so that they can experience Kiipaitapiiyssinnooni and learn to
live on and respect the land.

The grandparents and ceremonialists were asked to discuss the

relationship between teachers and students. In later convocations they
were specifically asked, "What is the relationship a teacher should have
with the students and what is the role of the elders in the educational
system?" The basic ideas that emerged from these questions were:

First, niitsi'poiuahsinni [language] and aatsimoyihkaan [prayer] are

the foundations of Niitsitapiipaitapiiyssin [seeking to understand life].
Second, that language and prayer are the medium for transmitting
the teachings of Niipaitapiiyssin.

Children raised with the language know their relationships and

understand Niipaitapiiyssin because language structures and shapes the
experiences of the child. These experiences are the primary knowledge of
the tribe, and they form the methods of coming to know the ways
of knowing.
In the gatherings with the grandparents, the term "elder" was clarified:
"elder" is a word that they, Kaaahsinnooniksi and Aawaaahsskataiksi, could

60 B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
not relate to; they attributed it to a Eurocentred interpretation. The word
appears to have the same connotation as "old people" to the Kaaahsin-
nooniksi. Kaaahsinnooniksi are those who are sought to teach new initiates
the knowledge and practices of ceremony. Kaaahsinnooniksi are those who
participated in this project; their words form the basis of my personal
journey of retraditionalization as well as this book. Kaaahsinnooniksi are
those who are asked to teach and advise the young people, the ceremonial
societies, and who perform the ceremonies. They are people who have
experienced the ceremonial responsibilities of Niipaitapiiyssin and have
demonstrated their understanding of the way of life through Pomma'ksinni
[transfers]. "They are people who have maintained their responsibilities
through Pomma'ksinni" said one of the Awaaahsskataiksi.
Kaaahsinnooniksi and Aawaaahsskataiksi felt strongly that Kiipaita-
piiyssinnooni was intact, and that the resources were available to begin
language immersion schools for Siksikaitsitapi children. They felt that
Kaaahsinnooniksi had put aside or forgotten their role and responsibility
for teaching the children, saying that often they wanted to get paid for
guidance, advice, and sharing their knowledge of Kiipaitapiiyssinnooni.
Awaaahsskataiksi who accepted to be a part of the research expressed the
need for the project and their participation as traditional knowledge and
teachings were being forgotten and children may need to incorporate the
traditional forms of learning in this contemporary method of education.
They felt that otherwise the teachings might be forgotten by the young
people. Our inquiries, they added, are an opportunity for Kaaahsinnooniksi
to once again take up their responsibilities to teach the children and for the
knowledge to be shared by those who have the "authority" to teach.
The educational process for teaching the responsibilities of Siksikaitsi-
tapi are carried through the ceremonies. It was explained in this way:
"The life of Siksikaitsitapi is Pomma'ksinni [transfers]. Our life is trans-
ferred to us," said one of the Aawaaahsskataiksi. "Pomma'ksinni is the
way knowledge is passed on and the way to maintain balance in a cosmic
universe. It is our responsibility as Siksikaitsitapi to give back what has
been transferred. It is not the way of the people to sit with or keep the

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 6l

 knowledge, wisdom, and blessings that have been given to you. As an
example, those who have received an education return and become of
service to the people. Kipaitapiiyssinnooni [our way] is to help, to assist,
and help will come from Ihtsipaitapiiyo'pa. We have to try hard and work
hard. It is good, Ihtsipaitapiiyo'pa will help."
"We need not worry," continued one of the other Aawaaahsskataiksi.
"Niipaitapiiyssinni is premised on giving and sharing of knowledge, and
through prayer, assisting and helping the group survive. It is giving which
strengthens life."
The actions of giving and sharing are contextualized in the funda-
mental philosophical premises of the mission of life. Balance is created
through sharing and giving and, as a result, maintains the reciprocal
nature of a cosmic order. Sharing and giving have been observed in the
natural order of the universe and are a part of the responsibilities learned
in Pomma'kssinni. These are examples of tribal responsibilities of people
of Siksikaitsitapi identity.
Kaaahsinnooniksi also spoke of the critical nature of learning these
responsibilities. They said: "Children who are not raised within Kiipaita-
piiyssinnooni do not understand their role or their responsibilities as
Siksikaitsitapi. It is important to know these things because these responsi-
bilities are the basis for our decisions and they shape our thought patterns
and behaviour. Through the language and the knowledge of our relations,
we come to know who we are. As an example, many of the uninitiated do
not know how to assist or contribute to the Ookaan [Sundance lodge].
It has come to a place and time, where we Siksikaitsitapi are afraid of our
way and our prayer; we scare each other with it. Many of our people do
not know," said one of the Aawaaahsskataiksi. Traditionally, the indi-
vidual was motivated and committed to learn the ways of the people with
integrity and humility, both of which are necessary for their journey in
understanding life.
This study resulted in the development of a Siksikaitsitapi educa-
tion program. The program is founded upon Niitsitapi epistemologies
and pedagogy and will identify the essential content and process for

62 B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
reconstructing an educational model for Niitsitapi, and Siksikaitsitapi in
particular. The anticipated long-term effect of such a curriculum is the
change of a dependent people to communities premised on self-determi-
nation. The curriculum is intended to deconstruct the fundamental belief
that Eurocentred knowledge is the foundation of Indigenous people's self-
sufficiency. The research is proposing an educational model premised on
Indigenous ways of knowing from which people can determine their own
destiny and thus acquire self-determination. Self-determination means the
power to define oneself and to determine one's destiny.
The curriculum will call various community components together and
begin a unifying and healing process for the tribe. Children, educators,
parents, and the grandparents will come together in connection with the
sacred. Connecting to the sacred is the beginning of once again fulfilling
our responsibilities as Siksikaitsitapi. And these responsibilities must be
observed and expressed daily by carrying out our activities that respect
and honour life.
I believe that, through connecting with the sacred, Siksikaitsitapi will
connect with relatives and ancestors, and that through these relationships
they will once again live in harmony and balance.

7. Protocol of Affirmative Inquiry

The traditional approach I used as the basis for this book had four major
aspects, namely:

• the guidance by Aawaaahsskataiksi of the litsskinaiyiiks

[Horn Society] and my personal ceremonial and
spiritual process,
• the preliminary projects described in the previous section,
• the work in my graduate program, and
• the convocation of Kaaahsinnooniksi on which the central
parts of this book are based.

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 63

 Following the prerequisite protocols, as they are traditionally defined,
was the only way to achieve authenticity for the affirmative inquiry
I chose to endeavour in. Overcoming the dichotomous choice of
conformity to colonial forces versus opposition to them by, instead,
affirming Indigenous identity, values, and ways of knowing requires
remembering and implementing these protocols in a painstaking fashion.
Such an approach (or methodology, if you wish) is decolonizing in its
assertion and affirmation of knowing and knowledge.
Kaaahsinnoona Pete Standing Alone, Nii'ta'kaiksamaikoan [Real-Many-
Tumors-Man], was asked to guide the process of my work. Traditional
protocols had been used in approaching Kaaahsinnoona as a traditional
teacher for my dissertation work. Protocol among Siksikaitsitapi is the
method and process of maintaining good relations, which strengthen the
mission of balance. Traditionally, it is Kaaahsinnooniksi, those who have
lived the ways of life of the people, who teach the young people. Their
teachings are based on their alliances with the world of Siksikaitsitapi.
Niita'kaiksa'maikoan stated:

If we didn't know our way of life, we could not help you. We

would not be sitting here today. This is how our way of life is
passed on.
The way of life is passed on through relationships, especially
relationships with Kaaahsinnooniksi who have experienced the
life of Siksikaitsitapi, in the language of our people. The spirits
of Akaitapiwa, the ancestors, flow through the words of the
Kaaahsinnooniksi.
We are sitting here because we still use our ways; we put the
other aside [meaning the Eurocentred way of life]. We use it, but
we are living our ways of life.

I have had Niita'kaiksa 'maikoans advice and guidance since acceptance

into my doctoral program. His help has been used throughout the course

64 B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
work and in the design of the inquiry process, the questions, and the
protocols that have been used for the materials gathered in this book.
Kaaahsinnooniksi whom I approached at the beginning of my inquiry
had knowledge of my own preparation with the ancestors; I was seeking
and attempting to understand Siksikaitsitapi ways of knowing, the alli-
ances of a cosmic universe, through Kakyosin [the essence of knowledge
based on observation and understanding embedded in our alliances] and
Ihtsipaitapiiyo'pa. This preparation included offerings, sacrifice, and cer-
emony. I sought Kaaahsinnooniksi of the Kainai [Blood] Tribe who could
identify Ihpi'po'to'tsspistsi, the basic ontological responsibilities that consti-
tute Siksikaitsipoyi identity. Kaaahsinnooniksi are living knowledge — they
live the connections and know the alliances of Kiipaitapiiyssinnooni. Their
experiences, including the time they spent with their teachers, embody
the accumulated knowledge that has been passed through the generations.
The stories they have shared represent their own relationships to the alli-
ances and their understanding of the knowledge that has been revealed to
them. The stories shared in meetings are the living Siksikaitsipoyi knowl-
edge told by the teachers of this generation. This is what they mean when
they say, "These are our stories." This knowledge has been passed through
the generations in the same manner as I learned during the process of
Kakyosin as part of following protocols for the interdependent alliances.
I understand my experience to be a gift from Kaaahsinnooniksi, and the
teachings I have received will benefit my life. In return, it is my responsi-
bility to share it and give it away.
Kaaahsinnooniksi of four of the Siksikaitsitapi ceremonies participated.
These ceremonies ateAo'kaiksi (sponsors of Sun-Lodge), Niinaimsskaah-
koyinimaan (Medicine Pipe Bundle), the Kanakaaatsiiksi (Society and
Bundle Carriers), and Maotokiiks (Buffalo Women's Society) ceremonies.
Niita'kaiksamaikoan (Pete Standing Alone), Tsiinaki (Rosie Red Crow),
Mamiyo'ka'kiikin (Adam Delaney), Mi'ksskim (Frank Weasel Head), and
Ninnaisipisto (Francis First Charger) are fluent speakers of the language
and have undergone the appropriate tribal processes and protocols in
order to carry on the ceremonial responsibilities of Kainai. Their responsi-

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 6$

 bilities include teaching, performing, and advising in the ceremonial life.
As a result, I have established the traditional mentor-student relationship
with them. It is a relationship founded upon sincerity and commitment
to the way of life of Siksikaitsitapi.
Kaaahsinnooniksi often assess whether a student is ready to engage in
the responsibilities of the Siksikaitsitapi way of life. One Kaoahsinnoon said:

The way I see it now, there are many things I do not tell people
because they do not have the right to be told these things. There are
some things I would not tell them. I would wait before I told them.

Sincerity and commitment are necessary to begin building a teacher-

student relationship with Kaaahsinnooniksi. The process of building and
connecting are essential components of traditional forms of pedagogy. In
this specific affirmative inquiry, I have worked with these Kaaahsinnooniksi
for three years immersed in the traditional method of learning.
Traditionally, students seek the advice ^Kaaahsinnooniksi, and the
form of proper tribal protocol creates the place where knowledge can have
authenticity. Young people thus demonstrate their commitment to learn-
ing. Efforts are primarily made by asking questions and visiting with them
for long periods of time. However, guided by contemporary Eurocentred
educational pedagogy, students often interview Kaaahsinnooniksi, and
their words are documented to be kept in libraries. This is as troubling
as the many sacred bundles that have found their way into museums.
Traditionally, the knowledge of the people is not passed on through the
written word but orally through those who have experienced the way of
life of Siksikaitsitapi.
The ways of coming to know or the Siksikaitsitapi theory of knowledge
is the basis of cultural production. This source of knowledge is the means
by which Siksikaitsitapi can survive genocide. Their traditional respon-
sibilities are the source of regenerative and creative ways of being, which
connect to Ihtsipaitapiiyopa, the source of the universe. They are the
essential ingredients for the people to begin to produce solutions for
the socioeconomic problems that have resulted from colonialism. It is

66 B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
the method by which we will become Siksikaitsitapi again, allowing us
to survive.
A convocation with grandparents formed the basis for the central
pieces of this book. It took place on the Kainai Reserve in the boardroom
of one of the tribal corporations. One year earlier, I had approached
Kaaahsinnooniksi, whom I wanted to become involved, in the traditional
manner of asking for their guidance and teachings. One week prior to
the convocation, I gave them a letter in person formally inviting them
to the convocation.
During the preparation for the convocation, I continued to learn
more of the traditional ways of my people. As an example, in the plan-
ning and preparation of the traditional meal, one of the Kaaahsinnooniksi
of litsskinnaiyiiksi and Maotokiiks societies came to help me prepare the
pemmican. She also had been transferred the responsibilities of making
pemmican for the sacred ceremonies of litskinnaiyiiks. I was able
to observe and became a part of the process of making one of the
staple traditional foods of our people.
Family also came together to support me on this very special day. My
older sister had the dried meat for the pemmican, which she gave to me,
and my younger sister prepared and served the meal while I took care of
the recording, coffee, and notes.
Upon their arrival, Naaahsinnaaniksi were served refreshments. Gifts
were given as offerings to the ancestors as a way of asking for their guid-
ance and protection. The Kaaahsinnooniksi were familiar with each other:
some of them are biologically related, and all are spiritual brothers and
sisters as members of litsskinnayiiks [Horn Society]. They visited and
joked among themselves.
The convocation was opened with a prayer from one of Kaaahsinnoon-
iksi. I then began by introducing myself formally, stating the purpose and
objective of my project. I had prepared a document regarding the confi-
dentially of the participants from which I read. I then asked for permis-
sion to record. They agreed to the recording and stated that confidential-
ity was not an issue. They also said that if I wanted to use their names in

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 6j

 the document, this would be appropriate. One of Kaaahsinnooniksi said:
"It is only when we lie that we would not want to be identified. We will
tell you what we know, and it is our responsibility to tell you the things
you have asked us."
The aforementioned four Kaaahsinnooniksi had participated in the pre-
liminary work. As a result, they supported my dissertation research as well
as this book and agreed to be identified in the acknowledgments. Fur-
thermore, they stated that any of the quotations used in the text should
have the consent of the participants in order for other authors to use them
within the context of tribal interpretation. This tenet is in keeping with
tribal protocol and integrity of traditional ways of knowing. One aspect of
traditional protocol requires approaching Kaaahsinnooniksi and forming a
relationship with them. These relationships begin by forming and coming
to know the alliances that are the basis of all transactions among Siksi-
kaitsitapi. This is the way of life that has been traditionally handed down
through the generations in the oral traditions of the tribe.
The traditional forms of teaching have changed as family structures
have changed due to the constant influence of the surrounding and
dominating contemporary society. One of the Kaaahsinnooniksi identified
the need to develop Siksikaitsitapi methods of teaching that apply to the
children of today:

My granddaughter, we have raised her. Now, my great

granddaughters are at a stage where they don't listen. All they do
is watch television. When I want to watch news, then they get mad
when I try to change the channel. The television is teaching them.
Men and women, now they go outside the home to work. I wonder
how much time do they have to talk and sit with their children.
They have to do what needs to be done at home, then they drive
away again. We have to work. That is why we don't have that much
time to spend with our children compared to the past. That is why
I am saying, you people, you must educate the children about our
way of life.

68 B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
Prior to European contact, children learned the ways of Siksikaitsitapi
by participating in the familial and tribal structures and processes.
Children in contemporary society are often isolated and their parents do
not spend much time with them. These new conditions create a need for
the articulation of Siksikaitsitapi methods of teaching and learning in the
present educational system.
The existing educational system on the reserves must begin to address
the responsibilities of Niitsitapi. The questions posed to Kaaahsinnooniksi
address the basic philosophical and behavioural knowledge of Siksikaitsi-
tapi epistemologies. They relate to the responsibilities of participating in
ceremony, and they address the specific ontological responsibilities that
express the normative structure. This inquiry addresses how these respon-
sibilities are learned and maintained through participation in pedagogical
ceremonies. The answers to the questions verbalize the framework for the
human development and educational processes that are the foundation
for teaching sacred science and traditional ways of knowing. They provide
the outline for a Siksikaitsitapi studies program, which will replace the
genocidal and colonial forms of our existing educational system.
Kaaahsinnooniksi were pleased with the preparation and organization
for the gathering of information. After the refreshments and the opening
prayer, the convocation proceeded with the questions. I had chosen open-
ended questions that allowed Kaaahsinnooniksi to give whatever information
they felt was necessary and appropriate. They determined the depth of
knowledge that was given. They appeared to be comfortable with the
setting, even though they had not previously participated in an environ-
ment where they were taped. These particular Kaaahsinnooniksi have
rigorously followed the oral tradition and its methods of teaching. They
felt that the time had come to participate in a project that was designed
to help young people in coming to know who they are. The teachings that
are ordinarily given are the stories that can be referred to as the "common
knowledge" in coming to know.
The Kaaahsinnooniksi were asked to respond to the following questions:

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 69

 1. What should a person know in order to begin to participate in
ceremonies? What should one do to participate in ceremonies;
how do people prepare themselves for participating in
ceremonies? What is essential for participating in ceremonies?
2. How is a person taught these very important ways of being for
participating in ceremonies? How do the ceremonies help them
learn these responsibilities?
3. Who teaches the individual? How does the individual learn?

The responses were taped and Kaaahsinnooniksi were initially asked to

speak in both languages, Siksikaitsipowahsin and English. My reason
for asking them to speak in English was to have the Kaaahsinnooniksi
do their own translation. However, they chose to speak only in their
language. This presented a formidable challenge. I had had previous
experience in translating Siksikaitsipowahsin into English and therefore
knew of the difficulty of articulating the interdependent relationships of
the philosophical and concrete processes of our way of life using English
concepts. English words simply cannot convey words contextualized in
relationships with the sacred. Siksikaitsipowahsin is the expression of our
sacred language that carries the breath of Ihtsipaitapiiyopa [Spirit], which
is experienced in speaking. Some of my discussions below will illustrate
this. For example, the English word "prayer" is used to convey the
meaning of Aatsimoyihkaan, the sacred way of speaking that is one and the
same as the good life - the way of the people. Both a good heart and the
living of a good life are the basis for maintaining harmony and balance.
Aatsimoyihkaan is a concept that is often referred to by Kaaahsinnooniksi.
It is used in many different ways, each circumstance connecting to a
particular meaning and relationship. The translation loses this aspect of
the language. "Prayer" has the more limited meaning of "to ask for" and is
problematic because of its Christian connotations. (This concept has been
used in the language section [chapter 13] of the document to illustrate the

7O B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
holistic nature of the culture and way of being that is fundamental to the
good heart.)
To increase the accuracy of translations and interpretations Niitakaik'-
samaikoan (Real-Many-Tumors-Man) reviewed them. (I fully understand
the language but am not a fluent speaker.) He checked the translated inter-
pretations and provided feedback. He stated that Kaaahsinnooniksis words
are difficult to translate into English, however,

... the transcripts do carry the message of the grandparents. It is

difficult to translate the context and meaning of their message in
English. The teachings must be done in Siksikaitsipowahsin.

He also commented that it is important to remember that the teachings

in this document are but the tip of the iceberg in regard to their meaning
and the possible depth of knowing.

Among the initial responses to my questions was this statement:

What I have heard is that you are inquiring about our way of life.
With our stories, we are going to help you.
It is good how you are asking questions. These other young
people who are going to school. They go to those stories that were
written by the white people. They go there to know our ways of life.
I don't like this. Those stories they wrote, those lives are not theirs.
They are only looking at our ways through their own. The person
who wrote the books did not have the right to tell our ways. They
just see. They never lived the life. The stories we share with you
today, we have lived them; therefore, we have the right to tell them.

The convocation had come about by using a tribal framework based on

maintaining good relations with the cosmic alliances by participating
in ceremony. Traditional protocol was established and maintained
throughout the inquiry process. The integrity of protocol is essential for
maintaining good relations with the ancestors who guide our processes

II: TRIBAL PROTOCOL AND AFFIRMATION INQUIRY 71

 of knowledge acquisition. They are fundamental to establishing the
authenticity of this account. Kaaahsinnooniksi validated my process:

The way you get us together, you will get our advice, we have the
rights, we have authority to give you advice.
At the end of the meeting, Kaaahsinnooniksi asked me if they had
answered my questions. This was my response:

Respect is one of the responsibilities of being Niitsitapi.

As Niitsitapi, our listening is one of the ways we come to know.
We respect all that is alive, which is everything in the universe; it
teaches us our way of life, our way to relate to each other.
As Niitsitapi, in respecting the knowing of life, we cannot take
anything for granted.
Secondly, when a person is learning the way of life of the
people, they do not take anything for granted; everything in life
has meaning. Life is being taught to us in our everyday activities;
Ihtsipaitapiiyo'pa [Source of Life] puts in our path those teachings
that we need for our own life. We learn what is necessary to carry
out our responsibilities, even if we don't understand.
And finally, it is important to respect life, every aspect of life. As
Niitsitapi, we learn through the teachings of the universe.
And we Niitsitapi give — we give gifts, food, material goods. But the
most important gift we give is our self through our experiences and
stories. As you have shared your lives, your experiences, I have now
come to know our ways of knowing. I have taken your experience
and have come to know. This is the gift we pass through
the generations. It is a gift that I will use for my life.

One of the Kaaahsinnooniksi answered:

If you are going to use it in the future, when you come to

something hard or difficult, some imbalance or difficulty, you will

72 B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
 be able to use it; it will be good. If it is too difficult, it means that
you did not use what was given to you. If it is hard and difficult, it
means that you did not listen to what I told you.

Kaaahsinnoon is saying that the authenticity and responsibilities that

are part of the epistemologies and pedagogy of Siksikaitsitapi knowing
live through the manner in which I live my life. The ancestors' ways of
knowing and the teachings of the Kaaahsinnooniksi reside in my being.
Authenticity is demonstrated through living and applying the teachings
daily, thus incorporating the general mission of tribal cultures to
maintain balance.
The message of Kaaahsinnooniksi began with respect — that I must
respect all life, all interactions, and all words spoken. Every aspect of life is
sacred in that it is unfolding from the ancestral guides. Knowledge, lessons,
teachings, and gifts come from our connections with Ihtsipaitapiiyo'pa,
which guides, prepares, and teaches throughout our daily lives. The teach-
ings can be subtle or they may be momentous. Life as it occurs must be
acknowledged and respected. The reverence for life is one of the ways of
connecting with the cosmic intelligence of the universe, Ihtsipaitapiiyo'pa.
Each experience can be a source of balance, love, and strength. The
actions and thoughts that humans produce and create are potentially for
giving love, strength, and dignity to life. Each experience is potentially
joyous and loving; it is dependent upon our interrelationships and inter-
pretation of our connections to life. The responsibility that I have as Siksi-
kaitsitapi in a cosmic world is to use the gifts given to me by the alliances
and to live the teachings of respect and kindness by showing reverence
to the simple and profound things in life. Kitomohpipotokoi is the term
that refers to the responsibilities of Siksikaitsitapi; they are the core values
of living, and they are the living ways of the natural world and cosmic
universe. Siksikaitsitapi live in balance with their alliances by fulfilling
Ihpi'po'to'tsspistsi [those thing we were put here with; implies responsibility
for them].

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 Every aspect of creation, every form of life that exists, has the same
basic responsibilities for Siksikaitsitapi. Inherent in each living organism
are basic values as source of harmony and balance. Each living organism
contributes to the ecological balance of our way of life. By maintaining
and living Kiitomohpiipotokoi [our role], Siksikaitsitapi understand the
knowledge of nature. Siksikaitsiyopi ways of knowing are dependent upon
fulfilling Ihpi'po'to'tsspistsi; they are the media for communicating with the
natural and cosmic worlds originating from Ihtsipaitapiiyo'pa.
Reverence for life is expressed through humility. Being humble means
knowing my place in the universe. It is by acknowledging the magnitude
of the alliances (and guides of Siksikaitsipoyi ways of knowing) that I am
reminded that it is only through the kindness and generosity of life that
I have come to know. Mokaksin [wisdom and intelligence] carries the
responsibility of living the knowledge and passing it on to the next
generation, first and foremost to ensure our survival.
Kaaahsinnooniksi teach by living and modelling the wisdom of the
ancestors. By living the wisdom, Mokaksin, we come to understand
the teachings of Kaaahsinnooniksi. Each generation has the responsibility
to learn these teachings, and thus they can shape the responsibilities for
their children and future generations. This ensures that they learn to
survive in an ever-changing environment and pass the teachings on to the
next generations. The process of coming to know [Mokaksin] proceeds by
meditation and prayer, by following the instructions of Kaaahsinnooniksi,
and by reflecting on the meaning of their instructions. These experiences
deepen my connections and my understanding of the teachings and help
me to develop a profound respect for life. As my respect for life deepens,
my understanding of the knowledge and teachings deepens and becomes
incorporated into my daily living habits. The teachings of a cosmic universe
continue to unfold. As I mature with respect and kindness, I trust that my
understanding will grow because alliances of the ancestors are guiding me.
Indigenous forms of learning are expressed through the spiritual
journey - coming home to the heart of the Niitsitapis knowing, Niitsi-
tapiipaitapiiyssinni. This is a journey of connecting with Akaitapiwa and

74 B L A C K F O O T WAYS OF K N O W I N G
Kit Nai'tsistomato'k Ai'stamma'tso'tsspi [embodying or being the knowledge
you have been given, making knowledge part of our body]. This process
is premised on a reciprocal relationship with the sacred and the ancestors.
Subsequently, the ethics of Siksikaitsitapi knowing is accepting the respon-
sibility of sharing knowledge and knowing in the manner that maintains
the cultural integrity of knowledge as well as the protocol of coming to
know. The responsibility is using Siksikaitsitapi knowing and knowledge
in a manner that respects what I understand to be the concomitant ethics.
I will share through my teaching and writing and, more importantly,
by who I am.

White people's laws are different; the way they live their life is
only to better themselves. The purpose of their lives is to get ahead
(progress). As Niitsitapi we live Niipaitapiiyssin; that is the reason
we are sitting in this room. I am here because I have lived our
ceremonial way of life. As part of our way of life, I am here for all
Niitsitapi. I am here to assist anyone who wants to live as Niitsitapi.
I help in passing it down to the next generation. If we were
selfish in the past about our knowledge and advice, and if in the
past our ancestors had been selfish and they only had used it for
themselves, then this knowledge would not be here today. We
would not be sitting here. We would be going to the libraries
to see how our way of life is. That is how we are taught.

Kainai Kaaahsinnooniksi were part of the conversations that form the

core of this book. Kainai is one of the Siksikaitsitapi tribes. Subsequently,
Niitsi'powahsinni and references to the ceremonies can be generalized
among Siksikaitsitapi because these ceremonies are part of the same way
of life and society, with minor differences. This book prepares a framework
for a Siksikaitsitapi studies curriculum. Many of its conclusions will be
relevant for other Niitsitapi.
The study has raised the expectations of Kaaahsinnooniksi that Niitsi-
tapi ways will be implemented into the existing educational curriculum.

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