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Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half

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 CA SE S T U DY

Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

TOWARDS A MORE E Q UAL C I T Y

Ahmedabad: Town Planning

Schemes for Equitable Development—
Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

Darshini Mahadevia, Madhav Pai, and Anjali Mahendra

CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Executive Summary.....................................................1
1. Ahmedabad’s Attempts at Highlights
Planning for Urban Growth..........................................4
2. The Town Planning Scheme as a
▸▸ Ahmedabad City has managed its urban expansion through a
Mechanism for Urban Land Management.................7 structured process known as a town planning scheme (TPS) to ensure
3. Enabling Equitable Land Allocation that land use planning is integrated with service provision in the city’s
through Town Planning Schemes...............................9 expanding peripheries.
4. Are Town Planning Schemes
Transforming Ahmedabad?...................................... 12 ▸▸ The TPS is a process of pooling and readjusting lands followed by
5. Limitations of the Town Planning appropriating parts for public purposes. It became more widely used
Scheme and Inhibiting Conditions.......................... 15 after a 1999 amendment to Gujarat State’s Town Planning and Urban
Conclusions............................................................... 19 Development Act. It features negotiations between the local planning
Appendix A. Description of Interviewees................ 20 authority and landowners.
Endnotes................................................................... 21
References................................................................ 22 ▸▸ The TPS has enabled more equitable allocation of urban land, allowing
Acknowledgments.................................................... 23 Ahmedabad to obtain land for public purposes such as low-income
housing, open spaces, roads, underlying utility infrastructure, and
World Resources Report Case Studies contain social amenities. This has had transformative outcomes, including
preliminary research, analysis, findings, and allowing the construction of 33,000 dwelling units under the Basic
recommendations. They are circulated to stimulate Services for the Urban Poor of the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban
timely discussion and critical feedback and to
Renewal Mission.
influence ongoing debate on emerging issues.

Suggested citation: Mahadevia, D., M. Pai, and A.

Mahendra. 2018. “Ahmedabad: Town Planning
Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half
Full or Half Empty?” World Resources Report Case
Study. Washington, DC: World Resources Institute.
Available online at www.citiesforall.org.

Cover photo: EMBARQ/Flickr.

▸▸ Although the notion of equity is embedded in this process, it reserved for various public purposes. This is a quicker way to
is also limited by the state’s ability to prioritize public needs appropriate land than the process currently stipulated through
over private land rights, negotiate with original landowners, the 2013 Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land
and be flexible about accommodating the existing informal Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement (RFCTLARR) Act,
sector. a national act that is applicable to both rural and urban areas.
The RFCTLARR Act is considered time consuming to implement,
▸▸ While the TPS is a progressive step over eminent domain, it
yet it provides for a more fair and transparent process developed
does not include the participation of all stakeholders, namely
with farmers’ participation, a framework that did not previously
tenants and informal occupants, in the negotiation process.
exist.

▸▸ The TPS has faced challenges including time delays, lack of

This paper reviews the evidence on whether the TPS mech-
financing, and opposition from farmers in locations distant
anism has enabled transformative change with equitable
from the urbanizing periphery.
outcomes in Ahmedabad City—and if so, how. It is based on
a review of existing research; analysis of government-produced
▸▸ Despite these limitations, the TPS provides a tool for better
planned and serviced urban development. It has allowed data; in-depth, semi-structured interviews with key informants
Ahmedabad to overcome key barriers that many Indian from government, civil society, academia, and the private sector;
planning authorities face in obtaining lands for roads and and field visits to three TPS sites. It also draws heavily from
other amenities and to avoid the haphazard, unserviced the lead author’s longstanding experience conducting critical
urban expansion that characterizes most Indian cities. research on a wide range of planning issues in Ahmedabad. The
paper identifies important triggers of transformative change
in the city; examines the roles of key enabling and inhibiting
Summary
factors in terms of urban governance, finance, and planning; and
Significant rural to urban migration in Indian cities is discusses challenges that remain.
exacerbating existing challenges of unplanned urbaniza-
tion, informal housing, and the provision of basic services, The TPS process enlists the participation of landowners
particularly to low-income populations. Addressing these through local-level negotiations. Furthermore, it is flexible
challenges requires the availability of public land, which in terms of accommodating existing informal settlements.
is difficult in India’s privately owned land regime. Gujarat’s Through the 1999 amendment to the GTPUD Act, the TPS process
town planning scheme (TPS), implemented in Ahmedabad empowered the city planning authority to immediately appro-
City, has been transformative in that it has contributed to the priate lands for roads, thus paving the way for better managed
generation of land for public purposes. This mechanism was urban development. It has also made lands available for social
put in place through the Bombay Town Planning Act of 1915, housing within the city and for other public amenities such as
when Ahmedabad was under British rule, but was more widely health and educational infrastructure. Finally, it introduced the
and effectively used after the 1999 amendment to the present ability to leverage the increased land value to finance infrastruc-
legislation, the Gujarat Town Planning and Urban Development ture and services through the sale of the part of lands appropri-
(GTPUD) Act of 1976. ated. The notion of equity is embedded in this process but is also
limited by the state’s ability to appropriate and allocate lands for
The TPS is a land pooling and readjustment mechanism public purposes (thereby prioritizing public needs over private
that allows the city to appropriate land from private land- land rights), undertake such appropriations by negotiating with
owners for public purposes, such as roads, open spaces, the original landowners, and be flexible about accommodating
low-income housing, underlying utility infrastructure, and the existing informal sector. It does not include the participation
other health, education, and community services. Private of all stakeholders, namely tenants and informal occupants, in
landowners benefit in two ways: via compensation payment the negotiation process.
for land acquired (after deducting the costs of infrastructure,
referred to as betterment charges) and the rise in land prices While the TPS mechanism has been successful in gen-
after the planning authority invests in trunk infrastructure. erating urban land for core trunk infrastructure, roads,
Landowners receive a reduced area of their original land and social housing in Ahmedabad City, it has faced some
after the appropriations, and the appropriated lands are then limitations. The TPS has encountered manageable challenges,

2 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

which include time delays due to lack of coordination among the

concerned local agencies and the centralization of approval pro- Box 1 | Abbreviations
cesses at the state level. It has also faced unassailable challenges,
which include a lack of financing with which to construct public AMC Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation
amenities on reserved land (which stems from city governments’
AMRUT Atal Mission for Rejuvenation and Urban
lack of taxation powers), and opposition to the TPS by farmers in Transformation
greenfield sites, whose lands do not appreciate in value because
AUDA Ahmedabad Urban Development
there is not much potential for urbanization in the near future.
Authority
We conclude that despite these challenges, the TPS has BJP Bharatiya Janata Party
played a crucial role in the more equitable distribution of
BRTS Bus Rapid Transit System
urban land in multiple ways. It has enabled planned urban
extensions in the city’s peripheral areas; enabled the construc- BSUP Basic Services for the Urban Poor
tion of numerous social housing units when national funds
CM Chief Minister
were available for this purpose; increased street density in the
city, which has helped improve accessibility, reduce average trip GTPUD Gujarat Town Planning and Urban
lengths, and reduce road congestion; enabled negotiated and Development
non-coercive land appropriation by the planning authority for JNNURM Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban
public purposes; and accommodated informal settlements in the Renewal Mission
planning process. The TPS’s transformative potential in Indian
PMAY Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Housing
cities is limited by the challenges of balancing public-purpose for All)
land use with private land ownership and the need to accommo-
date large segments of the population that cannot afford formal RFCTLARR Right to Fair Compensation and
Transparency in Land Acquisition,
lands. Rehabilitation and Resettlement

SNP Slum Networking Program

About This Paper
TPO town planning officer
This case study is part of the larger World Resources Report
(WRR) Towards a More Equal City, which views sustainability TPS town planning scheme
as composed of three interrelated issues: equity, the econ-
TPVD Town Planning and Valuation Department
omy, and the environment. The WRR uses equitable access
to core urban services as an entry point for examining whether UPA United Progressive Alliance
meeting the needs of the under-served can improve the other
WRR World Resources Report
two dimensions of sustainability. The city case studies examine
transformative urban change defined as that which affects mul-
tiple sectors and institutional practices, continues across more
than one political administration, and is sustained for more than
ten years, resulting in more equitable access to core services and
a more equal city overall. The goal of the WRR case studies is to
inform urban change agents—including policymakers at all lev-
els of government, civil society organizations, the private sector,
and citizens—about how transformative change happens, the
various forms it takes, and how they can support transformation
towards more equal cities.

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 3

Figure 1 | Ahmedabad at a glance

Population living in informal dwellings (% 2011)e 13.1

Access to electricity (% households, 2011) f
98.6
Access to piped water on premises
Ahmedabad
India (% households, 2011)g
86.6

Coverage of flush toilets (% households, 2011)h 92.6

Trips by mode (%, 2008):i
Walking and cycling 45
Private cars and two-wheelers 34
Informal transport 11
Public transport (bus and metro) 10
Type of jurisdictiona Urban
agglomeration Average trip length (km, 2008)j 4

Population in:b 1951a 0.9 million Average prices of urban services (2017):
2001b 4.9 million Electricity (per kWh)k $0.06
2011c 6.4 million Water and sewage treatment (per m3)l 30% of property tax
Public transport ride (BRTS, AMTS)m $0.06–0.41
Total land area (in sq km, 2013)c 450 Informal transport ride (auto-rickshaw, per km)n $0.15
GDP per capita, Ahmedabad N/A
Average price of gasoline (price per liter, 2017)o $1.05
Human Development Index, Ahmedabad N/A
Primary decision-making level for cities:
Human Development Index, India (2016)d 0.62 State Government of Gujarat

Gini coefficient, Ahmedabad N/A Type of city leader, term years, and term limits:
Municipal Commissioner, 3 years, limit of 2 terms
Population living below the poverty line (% 2011) N/A

Notes: All prices are reported in US$ using market exchange rates for the source’s corresponding year.

Source: a–b. Census of India, 2011; c. AUDA, n.d.; d. UNDP, 2016; e. AMC, 2014; f–h. Census of India, 2011; i–j. Based on personal communications with the Centre for Excellence in
Urban Transport, CEPT University, Ahmedabad, October 2017; k. Torrent Power Limited, 2016; l. AMC, 2018; m. Ahmedabad BRTS, 2017; n. AMTS, 2017; o. CheckPetrolPrice.com, 2017.

1. AHMEDABAD’S ATTEMPTS AT purpose was the former Land Acquisition Act of 1894, which
Parliament amended in 2013 to the Right to Fair Compensation
PLANNING FOR URBAN GROWTH and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and
In India, ongoing urban growth is expected to exacerbate the Resettlement (RFCTLARR) Act. Although this new legislation is
existing challenges of unplanned urbanization, informal hous- more equitable, transparent, and fair to landowners (the farmers
ing, and access to basic services, particularly for low-income pop- on the urban periphery), its implementation is very time con-
ulations. Addressing these challenges requires the availability of suming1 due to the mandatory inclusion of social impact assess-
public lands, which is extremely challenging in privately owned ments and stakeholder consultations. Despite these challenges,
land regimes. Due to a growing population and lack of appropri- Ahmedabad provides reasons for optimism and has been cited
ate planning, cities’ peripheral areas—also called urban exten- by some as a model for urban development in India.2 The TPS
sion areas—sprawl in an unplanned manner, without access represents an innovative land management tool that can help
roads. This makes it extremely challenging to lay trunk infra- the city address some of these challenges.
structure, reduces the amount of public land available for social
Ahmedabad, located in the state of Gujarat, is the seventh largest
amenities and green spaces, and leads to a lack of financing for
metropolis in India. Its population in 2011 was 5.8 million in the
infrastructure investments. The scarcity of public land makes
Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) area and 6.4 million
provision of social housing difficult, even if national funds are
in its urban agglomeration area (see Figure 1), which includes the
made available for doing so. The widely used legislation for this

4 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

AMC and its outgrowth as defined by the registrar of population tion and its uneven development process that is characterized
census.3 The AMC’s boundaries were extended in 2010 to 450 by taking one step forward and one step backward; achieving
square kilometers (sq km) from 190 sq km. The Ahmedabad
4
equitable outcomes at some times, regression at others.
Urban Agglomeration (AUA)5 includes 4 towns and 103 villages
This case study asks the primary question, “Has the TPS mecha-
(besides the AMC), leading to a multitude of local governments
nism enabled transformative change with equitable outcomes in
(both rural and urban) and fragmented governance. The AMC
Ahmedabad City? And if so, how?”
is the local government and has an elected body responsible for
providing services, while spatial planning is undertaken by the Additional questions addressed include:
Ahmedabad Urban Development Authority (AUDA), which is set
up under the Gujarat Town Planning and Urban Development i) What is the TPS mechanism of land management and how
(GTPUD) Act of 1976. AUDA is a parastatal; that is, it is under the has it been institutionalized and used in Ahmedabad?
direct control of the state government and is a technical entity
ii) What were the enabling conditions and triggers of this
not directly answerable to the electorate or even the elected wing
transformative mechanism?
of the AMC.6 The AUDA was created to deal with planned devel-
opment of agglomeration areas, in coordination with multiple iii) What are the inhibiting conditions that limit the utilization
local government institutions. Subsequently, it was charged with of this mechanism?
the spatial development of both the AUDA and the AMC areas.
iv) How can TPS be applied to achieve more equitable
Regarding informal settlements, Ahmedabad has a history of outcomes?
unique partnership-based approaches to slum redevelopment
that has involved proactively extending basic services in slums,
offering them de facto land tenure by providing services and
levying property taxes.7 The city also constructed about 33,000
dwelling units under the social housing program known as Box 2 | Brief Description of Three TPSs
Basic Services for the Urban Poor (BSUP), funded through the Selected for On-site Investigation
Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM);
as a result, it ranks fifth in social housing supply among Indian We selected three TPSs located in different areas of
cities.8 Well-located, well-distributed social housing construc- Ahmedabad for fieldwork and closer study (see Figure 2).
tion throughout the city has been enabled by the lands made Vejalpur TPS, located in west Ahmedabad, has high-end
available through the TPS mechanism. In the context of housing, commercial and residential developments. It was selected
an important fact is the city’s communal politics and the segre- because it used the TPS mechanism to connect the city’s
gation of residential areas along religious lines. This has led to second ring road to its third ring road, which allowed it to
achieve 27.3 percent of its land under roads.
the development of a large and informal Muslim neighborhood
on the city’s periphery. The Danilimda TPS is one such locality
Vastral TPS, located on the city’s eastern periphery, was
(see Box 2 for details about three case study TPSs).
selected because the Sardar Patel Ring Road passes
The implementation of development projects such as social through it.
housing and India’s largest Bus Rapid Transit System (BRTS) has
The Danilimda TPS contains part of a large informal
been made easier due to the availability of land. This has also
settlement called the Bombay Hotel that developed in
resulted in a complete road network, which, with its clear hierar-
response to communal violence in 2002 and the city’s
chy of streets, benefits the city in terms of increased accessibility,
segmentation along religious lines. It was selected to
and can be directly linked to the application of TPS. In this paper, assess how the TPS mechanism interacted with existing
we first introduce the TPS mechanism and discuss its transfor- informality.
mative changes and enabling conditions. We then explore the
Source: Authors’ analysis on TPS data available from the AMC’s
specific triggers for applying the mechanism. The TPS mecha-
respective zonal offices, 2017.
nism is limited by broader urban governance challenges; these
inhibiting conditions are discussed in the paper’s penultimate
section. This case study presents the process of city transforma-

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 5

This case study draws on multiple sources, beginning with pub- construction (including informal settlements) while finalizing
lished papers on the city (many of which have been authored or the TPSs, and typical reasons for implementation delays. We also
co-authored by Darshini Mahadevia, the lead author of this case undertook an on-site investigation of three TPSs (see Box 2) to
study) and on the TPS mechanism. The original data used for assess whether the lands reserved for various public purposes
this case study include land reservations in each individual TPS, have actually been deployed as intended.
obtained from the Town Planning and Valuation Department’s
This paper is part of the World Resources Report (WRR), Towards
(TPVD) website; the location of social housing projects, from the
a More Equal City, which examines whether equitable access
AMC’s housing department; and the status of the TPS in the city,
to core urban public services can achieve a more economically
from the TPVD office. We also conducted in-depth open-ended
productive and environmentally sustainable city. The first set of
interviews with urban planning officials from the AUDA and
research papers examines this question from the perspective of
AMC, consultants who prepare TPSs, and academics, politicians,
a core urban service, like housing, energy, water, sanitation, and
bureaucrats, and representatives from civil society and the
transportation. A second set of papers examines this question
private sector. These interviews yielded information on a wide
from the perspective of a pressing thematic issue, such as the
range of topics, including how this mechanism worked under
informal economy and urban expansion. This paper is part of
different conditions, the need for the 1999 amendment to the
a third set, a series of city-level case studies that examine how
GTPUD Act, reasons for delays, and limitations of the mech-
and why cities transform (or do not transform) to become more
anism. To the Town Planning Officers (TPOs) interviewed, we
equal.
posed specific questions regarding how they dealt with existing

Figure 2 | Location of case study TPSs in Ahmedabad

LEGEND

BARM
AT I R I V E R Study Area
SA

Railway Line
NORTH ZONE
NEW WEST ZONE AMC Area Boundary

Bus Route

0 2.5 5 10km
WEST ZONE CENTRAL
ZONE

Vejalpur TPS
Vastral TPS

EAST ZONE

Danilimda TPS

SOUTH ZONE

Source: AMC, 2018.

6 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

The WRR defines transformative urban change as that which mechanism of Gujarat—the land-pooling and readjustment
affects multiple sectors and institutional practices, continues mechanism—is among the nation’s oldest for appropriating
across more than one political administration, and is sustained private lands for public purposes, and has undergone multiple
for more than 10 years.9 Experience suggests that when cities amendments to get to its present form.
solve a seminal problem that impacts many people’s lives, it
creates momentum for change that has the potential to posi- The TPS mechanism
tively affect other spheres, creating a broader, virtuous cycle.10
The TPS is a physical planning exercise carried out as a statutory
A seminal problem is one that is sufficiently large and complex
activity under the GTPUD Act of 1976. TPSs were first applied in
that its negative effects are felt by large segments of the urban
India by the British in the then-state of Bombay (now bifurcated
population. Each case study examines how attempted approach-
into Maharashtra and Gujarat) under the Bombay Town Planning
es to addressing these problems may have triggered broader
Act of 1915,14 and the first such scheme was prepared for an
cross-sectoral, institutional, citywide transformation. The case
area in Ahmedabad in the same year.15 In the last two decades,
studies examine how transformative urban change may or may
it has been applied in Gujarat in many different contexts: for
not have happened. It is important to note that the case studies
development in cities such as Ahmedabad, Surat, and others; for
are not “best practices.” Every case of transformative urban
reconstructing Bhuj town following the earthquake of 2001;16
change has progressive and regressive elements, and every city
and for developing a completely greenfield site, the proposed
experiences difficulties, conflicts, setbacks, and false starts. This
Dholera Special Investment Region, where 567 sq km is available
case study explores these questions with respect to the TPS in
for development.
Ahmedabad.
The TPS works in Ahmedabad in conjunction with the
2. THE TOWN PLANNING SCHEME Development Plan, which is a long-term (10-year) plan that
AS A MECHANISM FOR URBAN LAND identifies growth areas and plans city-level infrastructure.
The Development Plan is prepared for the entire AUDA area
MANAGEMENT (of which the AMC is a part) and which is divided into 480 TPS
As a mechanism for transformative change, the TPS must be areas.
understood in the context of the difficulties inherent in obtain-
ing lands for urbanization in India. The tool not only facilitates The TPS is a land-pooling and readjustment mechanism that

land pooling and readjustment but also involves a complex was formerly applied to an area of 100–200 hectares (ha), but in

three-stage process of implementation that features negotia- recent years has been applied to up to 1,500 ha, where plot-by-

tions embedded in local politics. plot readjustment (called “reconstitution” in the GTPUD Act)
of boundaries creates land for a road network and underlying
utility infrastructure.17 In the process, the planning authority
A tool for making land available for
appropriates and earmarks (reserves) a certain proportion of
urbanization an owner’s land for public purposes such as roads, amenities,
The most prominent legal tool for making land available for and low-income housing; the remaining land is returned to the
development was the 1894 Land Acquisition Act. This act was owner. The cost of infrastructure investments on land—such as
comprehensively revised in 2013 to give more voice to landown- constructing roads and laying trunk infrastructure—is charged
ers, largely farmers, who did not have any remit under the 1894 through what are called “betterment charges” when the TPS is
act, which heavily favored the state. The new law, the RFCTLARR finalized. This amount is adjusted against the compensation
Act of 2013, doubled compensation to private landowners from to be paid to the landowner for appropriating the land. The
what the prevailing land index11 (or jantri rate) was for land.12 construction is undertaken on the returned plot after obtaining
However, the mandatory inclusion of social impact assessments necessary approvals from the planning authority regarding land
and stakeholder consultations makes land acquisition by public use and Development Control Regulations. Even with a reduced
authorities expensive and time consuming. Empowered by
13
plot area, the landowner benefits from the escalated land value
the Indian Constitution to legislate on land, several states and that results from the construction of access roads and trunk
cities have begun to explore more market-friendly and socially infrastructure.
equitable methods to access land for public purposes. The TPS

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 7

The proposed appropriations under the GTPUD Act can be The TPS process
as follows: up to 10 percent for the socially and economically
The TPS process, discussed here to illustrate the negotiation pro-
weaker sections’ housing, which we call “social housing”; up to
cess, comprises three stages (see Figure 3). The first is the draft
15 percent for roads; up to 5 percent each for parks, playgrounds,
stage, which can extend up to one year and is the first attempt
and other open spaces; and up to 5 percent for social infra-
to reconstitute plots after establishing the road network. This is
structure. The term “up to” indicates that if appropriation is not
done by the planning department of the AUDA or the AMC, in
feasible, then the lands appropriated may not total to 35 percent as
whichever jurisdiction the TPS is in, using available land own-
indicated by law, and following from there, these services may not
ership data from the state government’s revenue department
be provided. The 1999 amendment to the GTPUD Act suggested an
and field surveys of existing structures using electronic devices
additional component for appropriation: 15 percent for the com-
such as total station.18 Also at this stage, the location of land
mercial sale of lands. The argument was that funds were required
parcels for other public purposes are identified and marked on
to lay infrastructure, especially road and trunk infrastructure. In
the plan. This draft TPS is made available in the public domain,
particular, because the AUDA is not an elected body and thus does
first by announcing it in the newspapers and then by making
not have the power to tax, a revenue source is required; this is
these documents available in the planning authority’s (either the
unlike the AMC, which has its own revenue sources and receives
AUDA or the AMC) office for a month to receive objections and
grant devolution from the state government. The proceeds from
suggestions from landowners. Once the draft TPS is approved
land sales are to be used only for capital expenses and infrastruc-
by the state government’s Urban Development and Housing
tural facilities in the area covered by the TPS. However, this is
Department, a TPO from the TPVD is appointed to take the
not so in practice, and proceeds from TPS land sales are used for
negotiation process forward. The TPO is responsible for nego-
capital investments throughout the city.
tiating the reconstitution of land parcels and then dealing with
the financial aspects detailed later. As per the 1999 amendment,
the planning authority takes possession of road spaces soon after

Figure 3 | The TPS process and timeline

▸▸ Declaration of intent to prepare the TPS

▸▸ Surveys of area and boundary delineation
Draft ▸▸ Publication of draft TPS
(16 months +
3 months, if ▸▸ Invitation of public objections/suggestions regarding draft TPS
needed) ▸▸ Submission of draft TPS to state government
▸▸ Sanction of draft TPS by state government

▸▸ Appointment of TPO
▸▸ Preparation of preliminary TPS

Preliminary ▸▸ Laying out of roads and plot reconstitution

(11 + 9 months, ▸▸ Hearing of grievances and appeals by the TPO on plot reconstitution
if needed) ▸▸ Submission of preliminary TPS to state government for sanction
▸▸ Sanction of preliminary TPS by state government

▸▸ Tabulation of costs of infrastructure, betterment charges, and compensation

▸▸ Hearing of grievances and appeals by the TPO on financial issues
Final
(4 months)
▸▸ Preparation of final TPS
▸▸ Sanction of final TPS

Source: Authors’ analysis based on information from TPVD office, Gandhinagar, 2017, and the GTPUD Act, 1976.

8 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

the draft TPS is approved so as to allow trunk infrastructure to be 3. ENABLING EQUITABLE LAND
laid in the future. Hence, this draft stage is very important.
ALLOCATION THROUGH TOWN
The second stage is the preliminary stage, wherein the TPO,
PLANNING SCHEMES
who is a quasi-judicial officer and a key person in the TPS imple-
mentation process, gives a legal hearing to the plot owners and The TPS in Ahmedabad City has led to more equitable distribu-

finalizes the plot reconstitution. This might also mean shifting tion of urban land. It has made lands available within the city for

some landowners’ plots from one location to another (called important public purposes, including green spaces and social

udafo in the local language, which means “flying of plot”), which amenities, social housing (instead of being concentrated on low-

some landowners find objectionable. All such objections from priced lands on the city’s periphery), roads (thereby ensuring a

the landowners are heard and then negotiated. As one TPO we complete network with clear hierarchy of roads), and future sales

interviewed said, “We are given powers to take decisions and we (to raise finance for infrastructure investments).

do so based on what we consider reasonable. In case there are

multiple claims on the same location, we call all stakeholders Lands for public purposes
and hear them and then adjudicate. We see to it that we cause Ballaney (2013) compiled data about TPSs in 2010 covering an area
minimum displacement of plots in the process.”19 of 154 sq km of Ahmedabad City (including the AUDA and AMC
areas).23 A total of 49 sq km of land was appropriated for all public
In the TPSs where there are existing developments on plots
purposes, accounting for 31 percent of the TPS area.24 Private own-
earmarked as reserved, the TPO can decide not to demolish
ers retained 68 percent of the TPS area (see Figure 4).25
them, but rather remove their reservations.20 For example, in the
Danilimda TPS, the reservations for all the social amenities were More recent data from 2017 (see Table 1) show the extent of land
removed (as discussed later) to accommodate existing informal reservations in the final TPS disaggregated by public authority.26
developments.21 In this way, the TPO is able to make case-by-case Evidently, the amount of land reserved for various purposes is far
decisions.

After the preliminary scheme is sent to the state government

for approval, the last stage is the final scheme, when the TPO
carries out final negotiations with the landowners regarding Figure 4 | O
 verall appropriation of land designated
financial issues. On the one hand, the owner is compensated through TPSs in Ahmedabad City, 2010
for appropriated lands; on the other, he or she must pay the
betterment charges for infrastructure investments made by the
14% Roads
planning authority. The compensation is linked to the “land
index” (jantri rate). The betterment charges are decided based 1% social amenities
on the infrastructure investments made (or those that will be 3% social housing
Total
made). The total cost of all infrastructure—such as roads and appropriated
area 8% land bank
trunk infrastructure—is estimated and apportioned to each final for sale
48.52 sq km
plot based on the area. The TPO settles the difference between
the compensation and betterment charges, and accordingly tells 3% public utilities

the plot owner(s) whether they must pay charges or are entitled 3% green &
open spaces
to compensation.
68% non-
Due to the provision to hold negotiations at different stages, the appropriated
TPS mechanism has been hailed for its participatory nature: “It
is a democratic, equitable, inclusive, transparent, non-disruptive Source: Ballaney, 2013: 117.
and non-coercive process.”22 However, this statement is applica-
ble only to the landowners.

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 9

less than that stated in the legislation. This is because, as dis- Table 1 | L
 and Reserved for Public Purposes in
cussed earlier, the lands could not be appropriated due to land- Ahmedabad, 2017 (%)
owners’ objections and/or the existence of structures on reserved
lands in the TPS. However, because the AUDA’s TPSs are largely in PURPOSE AMC AUDA AMC AND
peripheral locations, in full or partial greenfield sites, it has been AUDA LAND,
COMBINED
more successful in using the TPS mechanism to reserve lands for
various public purposes (14.1 percent reserved for all purposes, Social housing 1.2 3.1 2.0
except roads) than the AMC (7.6 percent reserved for all uses, Green and open spaces 1.4 2.1 1.7
except roads). The AMC’s TPSs are in more developed locations,
Social amenities and utilities 3.3 3.2 3.2
where land appropriation for public purposes has proved more
Sub-total of above 5.9 8.4 6.9
difficult. Nonetheless, the reserved lands for social housing, green
and open spaces, and social amenities were reduced to 6.9 percent Public land bank for sale 1.8 5.7 3.4
in 2017 (see Table 1) compared to 9.6 percent in 2010 (see Figure
27
Total reserved for the above 7.6 14.1 10.3
4), excluding land bank for sale and roads.
Note: Data is from 147 TPSs. Numbers above show proportions of the total
land owned by that agency.
Source: Government of Gujarat, 2016.

Figure 5 | Location of social housing schemes within the AMC area, 2017

LEGEND

RMA
TI RIVER Social Housing
BA
SA

Railway Line

AMC Area Boundary

Bus Route

0 2.5 5 10km

Source: Authors’ analysis of 2017 data

from the AMC’s housing department.

10 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

Land for social housing hierarchy. The well-defined and comprehensive network, along
with the city’s mixed land use development, ensures average trip
Lands made available through Ahmedabad’s TPS mechanism
lengths in Ahmedabad continue to be 7–8 kilometers31 —rela-
allowed for the construction of about 80,000 dwelling units
tively short for a city of more than 5 million people. Comparably
under various social housing schemes.28 Of these, 33,000 were
sized cities, such as Bengaluru, Hyderabad, and Pune, have
constructed under the BSUP program between 2007 and 2012,
significantly longer trip lengths.32 A comparison with four
causing Ahmedabad to rank fifth among Indian cities in terms
other cities (Mumbai, Kolkata, Pune, and Hyderabad; see Figure
of the number of BSUP dwelling units constructed. These social
6) reveals that the proportion of area under roads declined in
housing units have been used to resettle people who were evicted
period 2 compared to period 1; this is not the case in Ahmedabad,
from city-level infrastructure and beautification projects. BSUP
which has experienced an increase. This is clear evidence of the
housing has been particularly used for existing slum house-
impact the TPS mechanism has on road density. The decline in
holds, whose number has been estimated at about 140,000.29
road density does not mean there has been no increase in total
These schemes are well distributed spatially in both AUDA and
road areas. From period 1 to period 2, the total road area in the
AMC areas (see Figure 5) instead of being concentrated in the
five cities increased at 4.2 percent (Ahmedabad), 3.1 percent
city’s periphery, as is common in many parts of the world.30
(Mumbai), -1.2 percent (Kolkata), 7.6 percent (Pune), and 3.1
percent (Hyderabad) per year.33 Our case study TPSs—namely,
Higher road density
Vejalpur and Vastral—have 27.3 percent and 23.7 percent of their
Thanks to the TPS mechanism, Ahmedabad has an excellent respective areas under roads, closer to the city average shown in
road network compared to other Indian cities, with adequate Figure 6.
ring and radial roads, river crossings, and a well-defined road

Figure 6 | C
 hange in average percentage of land covered by roads in Ahmedabad and four other Indian cities
(1989–2013)

1989–2000 18
Ahmedabad
2000–2013 24

1989–2000 16
Mumbai 2000–2013 15

1989–2000 24
Kolkata
2000–2013 13

1989–2000 20
Pune
2000–2013 20

1989–2000 23
Hyderabad
2000–2013 21

0 5 10 15 20 25
average % area under road
Source: Atlas of Urban Expansion, 2016.

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 11

Selling lands for infrastructure financing ing equitable access to each plot, and along with it the construc-
tion of trunk infrastructure. Prior to this amendment, even if the
One crucial component of the TPS is to create a public land bank
TPS was prepared, the lands earmarked as under roads remained
to commercially sell land to raise funds for infrastructure and
with the private landowner until the land parcel came up for
services. It is not mandatory, but a provision in the 1999 amend-
development permission; the planning authority could only
ment to the GTPUD Act makes this option possible. In 2010,
appropriate it at that stage. If all the land parcels along the road
about 8 percent of lands were appropriated for this purpose (see
did not come up for development at the same time, there was
Figure 4), which came down to 3.4 percent in 2017. The AUDA
discontinuity in the road network, which inhibited access.
had a higher proportion of land for sale (5.7 percent) than the
AMC (1.8 percent) in 2017 (see Table 1), primarily because the These changes were at the behest of the AUDA’s then-
former still has many large greenfield sites.34 These lands remain chairperson, a leading politician of the ruling political party
with the planning authority as a “land bank” and are used as at the time and a builder by profession. He told us, “Politicians
collateral for loans. The AUDA used this approach to borrow have an important role in bringing about change.”39 He made
from the national Housing and Urban Development Corporation the point that such reforms could not have been introduced by
to construct infrastructure, since 2002–03.35 Appropriating lands bureaucrats and highlighted the benefits of democracy. After
for sale, according to Surendra Patel, the former chairperson conferring with the Chief Minister of the state, he was able to
of the AUDA,36 is akin to paying a betterment charge “in kind.” quickly pass the amendment. The mechanism also worked
The AUDA’s Senior Planner said in a 2017 interview, “We have an because, as the former AUDA chairperson said, “In Gujarat,
adequate land bank now.”37 no one opposes appropriation of land to be used for public
purposes,”40 implying that there is consensus among political
4. ARE TOWN PLANNING SCHEMES parties on the efficacy of the mechanism to provide goods such
TRANSFORMING AHMEDABAD? as roads and lands for public purposes, as well as among private
landowners and developers, because of the increased land
The TPS has acted as a mechanism for transformative change
values created by public infrastructure investments.41 While
to some extent. The first trigger for this change was the 1999
this statement appears apolitical, the embedded politics reflect
amendment to the GTPUD Act, which permitted immediate pos-
a consensus among landowners about a win-win solution for
session of areas demarcated as roads in the draft TPS to enable
themselves. This also worked because the private landowners
planned development, and introduced appropriation of lands for
alluded to here are perhaps land developers42 and not farmers
sale to raise financing for infrastructure. The second trigger was
who, as we discuss later, have opposed the TPS mechanism.
the infusion of funding through the JNNURM that enabled social
housing to be constructed on lands reserved for this purpose. Another trigger—not for the TPS mechanism but for the overall
The TPS’s successful role in Ahmedabad’s transformation is also transformative agenda—was the grant finance available from
due on the one hand to a built-in negotiation process and on the the national government for social housing and public transport
other to accommodating informality, given that informal settle- under the JNNURM. These available finances could be deployed
ment dwellers represent a sizeable electorate. because the city had land to offer for the construction of these
public amenities.
Key triggers
This 1999 amendment to the GTPUD Act resulted in an enhanced
The transformative change made possible through the TPS pace of TPS preparation and finalization (see Figure 7). During
mechanism was triggered by one key amendment to the GTPUD the 1976–1999 period (23 years), only 24 draft TPSs were pre-
Act (see Figure 10) that states, “After the draft scheme was pared; however, during the 2000–2016 period (16 years), 224
sanctioned by the state government, all lands required by the draft TPSs were prepared—nine times as many.43 The amend-
appropriating authority for the purposes of provision of roads, ment assured the planning authorities (the AMC and AUDA) that
drainage and sewerage, lighting and water supply (the last three road spaces would be available and that the haphazard develop-
associated with the roads) to vest absolutely in the appropri- ment experienced in some peri-urban areas could be avoided.44
ate authority free from all encumbrances.” The amendment
38
The amendment concerning appropriation of lands for sale and
allowed the planning authority to immediately take possession the creation of a public land bank further incentivized the AMC
of lands for roads, following negotiations. In contrast to other and AUDA to prepare TPSs; this was especially the case for the
negotiations, this provision supported the larger purpose of hav- AUDA, which has jurisdiction over the peri-urban areas. By 2017,

12 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

Figure 7 | TPSs’ progress from draft to final phase (1915–2016)

Draft Preliminary Final

250

224
200
Number of TPSs

150

100

89
76
50 63 60 61
48 42
0
0
1915–1976 1977–1999 2000–2016

Source: Authors’ analysis based on TPS data from the TPVD, 2017.

90 percent of the AUDA’s area was covered by TPSs.45 This also (63 km of the road).47 In all, the road route traveled through 47
indicates the high capacity of Ahmedabad’s planning authority TPSs involving more than 91 sq km.48 The ring road accounts
to prepare TPSs. for 5 percent of the total TPS area.49 For each parcel of land, the
then-chairperson of the AUDA negotiated with the landowners,
Finance as an enabling condition and said of the experience:

The GTPUD Act amendment that allowed appropriating lands for “I met all the landowners personally in their homes and not
commercial sale made it possible to generate financing through in AUDA, in the evening when they had time to discuss. I
the TPS mechanism, while the availability of finance from the explained [to] them the benefits of a road, stating if there is
national government enabled appropriated lands to be used for development then your development will also take place. If
the purposes stated in the TPSs. The construction of numerous you say no, I will go away, but, after two years you will any-
social housing units, as illustrated earlier, is a clear outcome of way have to part with the land as the law requires that you
this enabling condition. have to surrender legislated proportion to AUDA.”50

However, this remains a single example of such large-scale nego-

Successful negotiations
tiations for laying an arterial road network. Such a firm approach
Appropriating private land for public purposes has the poten- is embedded in the concept of “eminent domain” and hence
tial to create conflict. However, the embedded mechanism that to some extent can be construed as authoritarian. At the same
requires the TPO to negotiate with landowners (as explained time, this action was in service of a larger public good: laying an
earlier during the discussion of the TPS process) has helped arterial road that would enhance accessibility in the city. The key
reduce such conflicts. A good example of how the TPS’s negoti- issue of equity in private land regimes is the planning authority’s
ation potential was used is the construction of the 76-km-long ability to procure lands for public goods such as roads and basic
Sardar Patel Ring Road around Ahmedabad, built between 2002 social and physical infrastructure. The former AUDA chairper-
and 2006.46 Lands were taken from farmers through direct land son’s ability to negotiate with the private landowners needs to be
acquisition (13 km of the road) and through the TPS mechanism understood in this light.

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 13

Accommodating preexisting development (see Figure 8) to adjust existing developments, which happen
to be informal settlements. The Danilimda TPS is part of a very
Another important issue around which TPS negotiations take
large informal settlement called the Bombay Hotel area,54 which
place is that of existing developments on draft TPS sites, including
experienced rapid extensive development before and during
informal developments. When such developments already exist,
draft TPS preparation. When the preliminary TPS was being
the TPSs do not demolish them. Two TPOs we interviewed stated,
framed in 2013, the residents protested, fearing demolition. The
“Even if there are informal developments on some private plots,
TPO revised the draft TPS and removed most of the reservations,
it is a matter between the landowner and the inhabitants; we do
as shown in Figure 8. One of the road’s alignments was also
not interfere. This applies to informal developments”51 as well.
changed to accommodate existing developments, which ended
One of them said, “We do not disturb the existing occupants.”52
the protests.55 Subsequently, despite its informal character, the
If the informal developments were on lands reserved for social
AMC has extended the area’s water supply and sewerage net-
amenities or social housing, the TPOs recommend canceling the
work. However, the green and open space requirements, as well
reservations; or, the planning authority could take possession
as road widths, have been compromised. In such situations, the
of the land parcel and reserve it for social housing.53 However,
decision favored reducing demolitions instead of provisioning
if informal encroachments existed on land owned by the plan-
certain amenities at normative levels. Any planning mechanism
ning authority, the authority may consider removing them and
has to be sensitive to such difficult choices and make decisions
providing alternative accommodations. This flexibility has helped
that work best at that point in time.
minimize conflicts with the residents of the informal sector.
Informal developments may be spared from removal, but this does
not automatically mean that facilities in such developments will
A practical approach to service provision
be provided, or even that residents’ land tenure will be legalized. In the Danilimda TPS, which is a large informal development,
the land reservations were removed and hence public lands were
A good example of such accommodative implementation is the unavailable for basic utilities. However, the AMC took a practical
TPS of the Danilimda area. The proportion of land reserved for approach. It purchased required lands from other government
various purposes was reduced to 21.9 percent from 31.2 percent departments, such as the Police Commissionerate, which is

Figure 8 | Changes in land reservations in the Danilimda TPS, Ahmedabad (% of total TPS area)

Draft Preliminary
35

30 31.2

25
% of total TPS area

20 21.9

15 16.2 16.2

10

5
5.3 4.7
1.1 3.9 1.7
0.7 3.3
0 0
Roads Social housing For sale For social Green, open & Total reserved
amenities & playground
Source: Authors’ analysis of TPS data available from AMC, 2017. utilities spaces

14 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

under the home department of the state government for the Time delays
tubewell station,56 and from the district collector for the water
In practice, there have been significant time delays due to lack of
pumping station.57 The AMC purchased these lands at 25 percent
TPVD staff, and not enough TPOs have been appointed. The TPOs
of the jantri rates. The AMC’s engineer told us, “We have to
therefore have been forced to divide their attention between
provide water to all people on humanitarian grounds. If we look
multiple TPSs; three TPOs we interviewed during September
at everything from the legalistic point of view, we cannot do any
and October 2017 had between 12 and 25 TPSs.59 Thus, the time
welfare work in the AMC.”58
taken to finalize the preliminary stage of a TPS is far longer than
stipulated. Figure 7 indicates that while 224 draft TPS were pre-
5. LIMITATIONS OF THE pared during the 2000–16 period, only 89 reached preliminary
TOWN PLANNING SCHEME AND TPS stage and only 61 reached the final stage; that is, only 40
INHIBITING CONDITIONS percent of TPSs in this period were implemented.60 Of the three
randomly selected TPSs, we find that it took 11 years and 15 years,
The TPS mechanism has limitations that largely relate to its
respectively, to finalize the Vastral and Vejalpur TPSs, while the
planning, management, and governance. Time delays include
Danilimda TPS has spent 13 years in the draft and preparation
preparing and implementing a TPS, the inability to obtain
stages and has not yet reached the final stage (see Figure 9).61
public lands given the informal nature of development (com-
Time delays have led to physical developments, either through
mon in Indian cities), and the issue of lands that are not utilized
obtaining formal or informal permissions, which then makes it
for some of the public purposes stated, largely due to a lack of
difficult to appropriate lands for public purposes and renders the
financing. Governance failures that inhibit the process include
mechanism partially unfruitful.
the need for centralized approvals and the involvement of
multiple agencies, the lack of broad participation, and farmers’
resistance to surrendering their lands in the greenfield sites.

Figure 9 | Timelines for three randomly selected TPSs

150 Draft Preliminary Final

120
122
Actual Time Taken (Months)

90
86
81
73
60

40
30 38
31

19 20 18
8 0
0
Estimated time as Vastral Vejalpur Danilimda
per GTPUD ACT
Source: Authors’ analysis of TPS data from the TPVD office, Gandhinagar, 2017.

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 15

Figure 10 | Timeline of the Town Planning Scheme in Ahmedabad

1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003

National leadership Emergency BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (N

Land Acquisition A
National policy

State leadership

State policy GTPUD Act

City leadership

City policy Construction of Sardar Patel Ring Road (SPRR)

AUDA, AMC, Urban Dev Dept of State

Govt, CM of Gujarat state Surendra Patel,
Chairperson AUDA & farmers owning land
Coalitions

New GTPUD
Act introduced Surendra Patel, a builder, appointed
Triggers preliminary TPS as chairperson of AUDA

Pro-business BJP government; builders at dec

Enablers including Surendra Patel, Chairperson of AUD
with land-owning farmers

Inhibiting factors

Source: Authors.

16 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017

NDA) United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP)

Act, 1894 Amended Land Acquisition Act, 2013

Smart Cities,
BSUP, part of JNNURM AMRUT, PMAY

Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP)

Amendment 2
Amendment 1 of GTUPD Act

Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP)

Basic Services for Urban Poor (BSUP) as social housing program

National, state and city governments

State
govt,
TPVD,
AUDA

Funding for social housing

under JNNURM

cision making levels, Same political party

DA who negotiated JNNURM funds available for urban infrastructure and housing for all 3 levels of
government

Overburdening of TPOs, resulting in time delays

Continuing informality
Farmers' resistance
to plot giveaways

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 17

Inability to obtain lands for public purposes Amenities not developed on reserved plots
in informal situations Reserving land does not guarantee that the plot will be used for
As previously mentioned, in Danilimda, the TPO minimized the purpose stated. Funds are required to develop the amenities
the need for demolition. This TPS will not have reservations for on the reserved plots. The funds for constructing the amenity—
social amenities. In fact, in all the TPSs in the eastern periphery say, a school or health center—are from the AMC budget.
of the city, where large areas are under informal settlements Outside the AMC, (i.e., in AUDA areas), other local governments
with high density, it has not been possible to appropriate land fund the amenities if their budgets have the provision to do so.
for public purposes except to take away lands for roads. Said one Water supply, sanitation, and housing are constructed using
TPO, “All the TPSs in this belt are problematic as they already funds either from land sales or national-level programs, as
have dense development and we cannot appropriate any lands mentioned. Also, laying infrastructure often takes a long time.
now.”62 For example, in one TPS in north Ahmedabad (Hansol TPS),
roads had not been built by January 2010 even though the TPS
was finalized in September 2004.63

Figure 11 | Landscape of public sector agents in Ahmedabad

National Govt.
National Land Ministry of Housing &
JNNURM
Acquisition Act Urban Affairs

State Govt.
Gujarat Legislative Assembly

GTPUD Act

Urban Development & Revenue

Housing Department Department

City Govt.
TPVD AUDA Settlement Commission +
Director of Land Records

AMC
TPO

Town Planning Estate

Other
Department Department

Land
Owners

= Advocacy/Communications = Money Flows/Betterment Charge = Decisions

18 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

Centralized process and multiple agency CONCLUSIONS

involvement Obtaining land for planned urbanization hinges on whether land
The draft, preliminary, and final TPSs are all approved by the is available to the public planning authority that is responsible
Minister of the Urban Development and Housing Department for providing roads and other core infrastructure and services,
of the state government (see Figure 11). This is another reason such as trunk water and sewerage lines, public amenities such
for delays in TPS finalization. One expert said, “In the current as green spaces, and education and health facilities. Equitable
situation no one wants to take responsibility and hence the buck urbanization necessitates the redistribution of urban land by
stops at the level of the Minister.” According to a town planning
64 ensuring its availability for social housing. Different approach-
expert and a developer, the process has been further centralized es to generating land for urban development in the peri-urban
by the 2017 amendment to the GTPUD Act: The TPOs’ powers to areas—also called urban extension areas—have been tried
change plot location and land uses after the state government in different locations in India, with mixed success.73 Land for
sanctions the draft TPS have been curtailed by a 2017 amend- urbanization is not readily available because of the need to
ment to the GTPUD Act.65 The reason for the amendment, appropriate it from farmers whose livelihoods depend on the
according to government planners, is allegations of corruption land. The TPS mechanism in Ahmedabad is widely considered as
in such discretionary decision-making,66 an allegation also stat- relatively more successful in these endeavors because it produc-
ed in the academic literature. 67 es more equitable outcomes. The TPSs have been prepared for all
of AUDA’s developable area,74 which makes up 42.8 percent of the
Lack of broad participation AUDA area of 1,866 sq km, while the remaining 57.2 percent is
the agricultural zone.75
The claim that the TPS mechanism is participatory has also been
contested.68 Only landowners are consulted, not the existing Ahmedabad has effectively implemented the TPS mechanism
occupants of the land, whether they are tenants or people who because the city has been able to appropriate lands from private
informally occupy these lands. Thus, the claim about this pro- landowners and allocate them for public and equity purposes;
cess being participatory and democratic is limited to landowners this process has been helped by undertaking negotiations with
and not the other stakeholders. landowners to readjust plot boundaries and accommodating
existing informal settlements. For example, when the Danilimda
Farmers’ resistance to TPSs in greenfield TPS was being finalized at the preliminary stage (i.e., after the

sites draft scheme was prepared and the TPO had pursued hearings
with landowners and site inspection), major differences emerged
Farmers with lands outside of the urban extension areas have
between the draft plan and the reality on the ground. We have
resisted the TPS mechanism. For example, farmers protested the
heard from the TPOs, as well as one AMC engineer that in final-
TPS of Ghuma Village, which was subsequently challenged in
izing one of the TPSs for the Bombay Hotel area, the understand-
Gujarat State High Court.69 Similarly, the farmers of 68 villag-
ing was “not to demolish housing of the poor; but to [adopt a]
es of Ahmedabad and Gandhinagar districts have demanded
humanitarian approach.”76 The TPS thus allows for substantive
withdrawal of a notification declaring their village lands (a total
planning but remains a flexible and accommodating tool that is
area of 625 sq km) to be part of the AUDA.70 If village lands were
in tune with the concepts of accommodative policymaking77 and
part of the AUDA, the preparation of TPSs would lead to 40–50
“flexible planning.”78
percent of their lands being appropriated. Worse, because these
villages are away from the city’s periphery, actual development The question, then, is why Ahmedabad has been successful
would likely not occur for many years. The farmers argued that when this mechanism, although available in other states such
they would be left without any means of livelihood if the TPS as Maharashtra, has not had similar outcomes. Ahmedabad is
process were implemented.71 Thus, the transformative potential known for early philanthropic capitalism, an example of which
of the TPS is limited to the immediate periphery of Ahmedabad is when the city’s industrialists invited Mahatma Gandhi to start
City, whereas the AUDA, in its ambitious pursuit of planned the nationalist independence movement from the city.79 It has
development in its whole region, has proceeded to prepare TPSs also been the center of negotiated pro-poor urban development
in its entire 1,866 sq km area.72 The potential benefits of TPSs in projects such as the Slum Networking Program (SNP). The
such a vast region are unclear. city is also home to India’s longest BRTS, which is an attempt

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 19

to improve public transit for all, though with limited success Through this work, we find that the TPS mechanism can be made
(as neither the rich nor the poor used the system).80 Although more equitable and effective by gathering robust land ownership
the city has a long history of communal violence, the large
81
data, conducting detailed surveys of existing locations before
informal settlements in the Bombay Hotel area, which have a preparing draft plans, and streamlining approval processes to
significant Muslim population, have gained visibility and hence reduce delays in implementation. Ahmedabad’s experience with
political importance, leading to a negotiated accommodation.82 this mechanism offers important lessons for other Indian cities
So, the canvas of urban planning is neither black (demolishing striving to acquire land for impending urban growth in a practi-
the informal settlement) nor white (not touching the informal cal and equitable manner, albeit with the caution that equitable
settlement), but somewhere in the middle, in sync with the ethos outcomes are triggered by multiple development processes and
of the city. not just one mechanism.

The TPS mechanism alone would not have contributed to the

city’s transformation. Financing from the national government
has also contributed to the development of social amenities. APPENDIX A. DESCRIPTION OF
Furthermore, the city’s desire to extend basic services to the
INTERVIEWEES
entire population, including the informal settlements and
also those displaced due to communal riots, has prevented a INTERVIEW
DATE POSITION/TITLE
NUMBER
mechanical application of the TPS. If the TPS mechanism is
strictly implemented, it can also result in the eviction of those 1 August 11, 2017 Deputy Town Planner, AUDA
who live in informally constructed dwellings. This is not to say 2 Managing Director, Savvy
August 28, 2017
that no evictions have occurred in Ahmedabad City; however, Infrastructures Ltd.
a significant proportion of those evicted have been resettled.83 Founder Director & Group
Nonetheless, the TPS mechanism has played an important role 3 August 27, 2017 Chairman, Sun Builders Pvt.
in the city’s transformation, particularly when it has been used Ltd.
judiciously and flexibly. Associate Director—
Planning, HCP Design,
This case study also shows that no planning intervention, even 4 August 25, 2017
Planning and Management
with the best available land management tools, can ensure equi- Pvt. Ltd.
table outcomes under all conditions. Despite the benefits of the Town Planner (Saurashtra-
TPS mechanism, it has fallen short of addressing the structural 5 August 23, 2017 Katchch Region), TPVD
inequalities in the city in terms of segmentation along class, Gujarat
caste, and religious lines. It has not always provided infrastruc- 6 August 23, 2017 Chief City Planner, AMC
ture and amenities in areas with large informal settlements. Nor
7 September 29, 2017 Ex-Chairman, AUDA
has it completely averted the process of pushing low-income
8 October 10, 2017 TPO, TPVD Gujarat
groups out to cheaper land parcels on the urban periphery. The
TPS mechanism is perhaps not meant to fully address limitations 9 September 25, 2017 TPO, TPVD Gujarat
imposed on planned urbanization due to existing structural 10 October 11, 2017 TPO, TPVD Gujarat
inequalities. This mechanism has also not worked in complete
11 August 23, 2017 Estate Officer, AMC
greenfield sites, nor has it worked in fully developed (dense
12 October 16, 2017 Engineer, South Zone, AMC
brownfield) sites. It has worked well in greenfield urban exten-
sion areas—i.e., areas in the city’s immediate periphery that
see appreciation in land values in the short term. Ahmedabad’s
transformative change thus has its limitations. The TPS mecha-
nism, like the city’s development path, has both inclusive as well
as exclusive aspects, allowing stakeholders to negotiate solu-
tions that are middle of the road and perhaps more achievable.

20 |
 Ahmedabad: Town Planning Schemes for Equitable Development—Glass Half Full or Half Empty?

ENDNOTES 31. John, 2018.

32. Pai, 2008.

1. Nair, 2016.
33. Data from Atlas of Urban Expansion (2016).
2. Sankhe et al., 2010; Tiwari et al., 2016.
34. Government of Gujarat, 2016.
3. Census of India, 2011.
35. Mahadevia and Brar, 2008.
4. AUDA, n.d.
36. Surendra Patel was AUDA chairperson 1996–1997 and 1998–2005.
5. The AUA is defined by the Registrar General of Census, while the AMC
boundary is decided by the Urban Development and Urban Housing 37. Interviews 1 and 6.
Department of the Government of Gujarat.
38. Gujarat Government Gazette—Extraordinary, 1999.
6. The local governments in Gujarat state have two notional wings, one that
39. Interview 7.
consists of elected councilors and the other composed of state government
appointees. The Municipal Commissioner heads the latter, and the mayor 40. The former chairperson of AUDA alluded to a lack of opposition to TPS
heads the former. However, the Municipal Commissioner retains budgeting as consensus among all political parties in the state on this mechanism.
and policymaking powers. However, at the same time, it must be known that Gujarat has had single-
party rule since 1995 with very weak political opposition.
7. Mahadevia, 2011.
41. Interview 7.
8. Data from BSUP, extracted from the Government of India (2016).
42. Claimed so by Deuskar, 2011.
9. Beard et al., 2016.
43. Authors’ analysis based on original data from the TPVD, 2017.
10. Beard et al., 2016.
44. Ballaney, 2013.
11. The price is determined by the state government as the expected base
price for any land sale for the purpose of calculating stamp duty. These are 45. Interview 1.
published by the state government’s revenue department.
46. Ballaney, 2013: 120.
12. Mathews et al., 2018.
47. Ballaney, 2013: 121.
13. CII and KPMG, 2014.
48. Ballaney, 2013: 121.
14. Gujarat was part of Bombay state until 1960; hence, Ahmedabad followed
49. Ballaney, 2013.
Bombay state legislation. Gujarat state was formed in 1960, and then
the state enacted its own legislation in 1976 known as the Gujarat Town 50. Interview 7.
Planning and Urban Development Act.
51. Interviews 8 and 9.
15. Ballaney, 2008: 10.
52. Interview 8.
16. Ballaney, 2013: 5.
53. As per a private developer undertaking social housing under the cur-
17. Ballaney, 2008: 10. rent national housing program known as Prime Minister’s Awas Yojana
(PMAY)—Urban.
18. A total station is an electronic theodolite used for surveying and building
construction; it measures distance, slope, and dimension. 54. For a description and historical development of Danilimda, see Desai et al.,
2016.
19. Interview 8.
55. For a description and historical development of Danilimda, see Desai et al.,
20. Interviews 9 and 10.
2016.
21. Interview 10.
56. Tubewells as deep as 200 meters are dug to extract groundwater for local
22. Ballaney, 2008. supply. A tubewell station is where the pumpset to extract water is installed.

23. The document does not state the total TPSs included in the compilation. 57. Districts are an administrative unit below state and are the third tier of admin-
Looking at Table 5.1.3 (Ballaney, 2013: 108), we can surmise that the data istration. Districts are headed by a collector, who is an officer of the Indian
is for 94 TPSs, 66 sanctioned final TPSs, 7 final TPSs prepared, 8 TPSs at Administrative Services (IAS) selected through a national level examination.
sanctioned preliminary stage, and 13 TPSs at preliminary stage.
58. Interview 12.
24. Ballaney, 2013: 117.
59. Interviews 8, 9, and 10.
25. Ballaney, 2013: 117.
60. Authors’ analysis based on original data from the TPVD, 2017.
26. The data in Table 1 is an aggregation of the data from the 147 TPSs and
61. Authors’ analysis of TPS data from the TPVD office, Gandhinagar, 2017.
covers an area of 192 sq km. This data is available on the TPVD website
(Government of Gujarat, 2016). This data set did not contain area under 62. Interview 10.
roads. The data is of actualization of reservations—that is, the lands that
63. Deuskar, 2011.
could be reserved for various public purposes.
64. Interview 4.
27. Government of Gujarat, 2016.
65. Interviews 3 and 4.
28. Data collected from the AMC’s housing department in 2017.
66. Interview 1.
29. AMC, 2014; Government of Gujarat, 2017.
67. Sanyal and Deuskar, 2012.
30. King et al., 2017.

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 21

68. Deuskar, 2011. 76. Interview 12.

69. The High Court is the highest judicial body of an Indian state. Above it is the 77. Mahadevia, 2011.
Supreme Court of India and below it are the lower order courts; Deuskar, 2011.
78. Gururani, 2013.
70. Counterview, 2017.
79. Sopdek, 2011.
71. Counterview, 2017.
80. Mahadevia et al., 2013.
72. AUDA, n.d.: 10.
81. Varshney, 2002.
73. Mathews et al., 2018.
82. Desai et al., 2016.
74. Interview 1.
83. Mahadevia, 2014: 11.
75. AUDA, n.d.: 18.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We are grateful to many people who helped this paper come to At WRI, we thank Victoria Beard for helpful initial discussions that set
fruition. Shaurya Patel and Neha Bhatia provided constant support the tone and context for this work. We are extremely grateful to her
on data and graphics at the Centre for Urban Equity (CUE), CEPT and Robin King for helping us think through the case study’s central
University. Shaurya and Neha undertook the field visits and the arguments and for providing useful comments on multiple versions
difficult task of compiling the TPS data. We thank Shirley Ballaney, of of the draft. We thank all reviewers of this paper who added valuable
HCP Consultants, Ahmedabad, who provided many useful insights insights and helped strengthen our work. Internal reviewers were Ani
into the functioning of the TPS from her knowledge and experience in Dasgupta, Robin King, Jessica Seddon, Kate Owens, Bharath Jairaj,
this area, and a temporal understanding of how specific amendments and Rejeet Matthews. External reviewers were Shirish Patel, O.P.
to the GTPUD legislation have altered the TPS’s impacts. We express Mathur, Shirley Ballaney, and Ashok Das.
gratitude to Himanshu Thakker, (Senior Town Planner, AUDA), G. K.
Patel (Chief Town Planner, AMC), and Rajesh Rawal, (Town Planning We also thank Emily Matthews and Lauri Scherer for timely and
and Valuation Department, Urban Development and Housing crucial editorial support. From the research team of the WRI Ross
Department, Government of Gujarat), who provided the official Center for Sustainable Cities, we could not have done without Jillian
position on the TPS in Ahmedabad and explained the need for periodic Du’s outstanding support on graphics and referencing, and help from
amendments to the GTPUD Act. Valeria Gelman and Adna Karabegovic in keeping us on track and
helping move the paper forward. We thank our communications team,
We thank developers N. K. Patel (Sun Builders) and Jaxay Shah including Craig Brownstein, Schuyler Null, and Talia Rubnitz, who
(Savvy Infrastructure) for their insights into the functioning of the helped with messaging and outreach, as well as Romain Warnault,
TPS in the context of the city’s changing land market situation. Our Julie Moretti, and Carni Klirs for their assistance with graphics and
thanks are also due to Town Planning Officers R.M Patel, D. Jaiswal, layout.
and T.T. Devasiya for their very useful insights into the process of
TPS implementation, and to Jagat Contractor (Engineer, AMC), We express gratitude to the UK Department for International
who shared information about the TPS and provision of services, Development (DFID) for funding this work and acknowledge the
particularly in informal settlements. We are grateful to Surendra support of our institutional strategic partners who provide core funding
Patel, ex-Chairperson, AUDA, for explaining the early history of the to WRI: the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the Royal Danish
TPS mechanism and the negotiation possibilities embedded within it. Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and the Swedish International Development
The authors have also benefited from the lead author’s long-standing Cooperation.
critical research on Ahmedabad City.

WORLD RESOURCES REPORT | Towards a More Equal City | August 2018 | 23

ABOUT THIS WORLD ABOUT WORLD
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ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Darshini Mahadevia is Director, Centre for Urban Equity, and
previously held the position of Dean of Faculty of Planning at CEPT ABOUT WRI ROSS CENTER FOR
University, Ahmedabad. Her work focuses on issues of urban equity.
She has published about 20 books and reports and more than 90
SUSTAINABLE CITIES
articles in journals and books on urban housing, land, transport, WRI Ross Center for Sustainable Cities helps create accessible,
and climate change. Important publications include “Shelter equitable, healthy and resilient urban areas for people, businesses
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cost accounting frameworks for service provisioning in Indian cities.

Anjali Mahendra is Director of Research, WRI Ross Center for

Sustainable Cities. She leads the research agenda, guiding the Ross
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and interdisciplinary research across all program areas. She has
authored several publications on urban transport and accessibility
issues. Her current research focuses on how rapidly growing cities
in the global South can manage urban expansion in a way that
ensures equitable access to core services and more resource-
efficient economic and environmental outcomes.

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