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Psychosocial Development of Infancy and Toddlers
Topic: Psychosocial Development of Infancy and Toddlers
WELCOME PSYCHOLOGY STUDENTS.
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Psychosocial Development of Infancy and Toddlers
I. INTRODUCTION:
Psychosocial development occurs as children form relationships, interact with others, and understand
and manage their feelings. In emotional and social development, forming healthy attachments is very
important and is the major social milestone of infancy. Attachment is a long-standing connection or bond
with others. Developmental psychologists are interested in how infants reach this milestone. They ask such
questions as: how do parent and infant attachment bonds form? How does neglect affect these bonds?
What accounts for children’s attachment differences?
II. OBJECTIVES:
Describe emotional development and self-awareness during infancy
Contrast styles of attachment
Use Erikson’s theory to characterize psychosocial development during infancy
III. PRELIMINARY ACTIVITIES:
Before you proceed to the main lesson, test yourself in this activity.
GROUP DISCUSSION:
In this discussion, reflect upon and discuss ONE of the following questions with your group:
Present your answer in front of class.
Q1: Should infants share a bed with their parents? Why or why not? At what age is bed sharing
appropriate?
Q2: What advice would you give to a friend whose baby was not meeting the typical developmental
milestones?
GREAT!!!
You may now proceed to the main lesson.
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Psychosocial Development of Infancy and Toddlers
IV. LESSON PROPER
Based on the preliminary activities, what did you notice about it?
________________________________________________________
CONGRATULATIONS!
You may now proceed to the lesson.
Emotional Development
At birth, infants exhibit two emotional responses: attraction and withdrawal. They show attraction to
pleasant situations that bring comfort, stimulation, and pleasure. And they withdraw from unpleasant
stimulation such as bitter flavors or physical discomfort. At around two months, infants exhibit social
engagement in the form of social smiling as they respond with smiles to those who engage their positive
attention. Pleasure is expressed as laughter at 3 to 5 months of age, and displeasure becomes more
specific to fear, sadness, or anger (usually triggered by frustration) between ages 6 and 8 months. Where
anger is a healthy response to frustration, sadness, which appears in the first months as well, usually
indicates withdrawal (Thiam et al., 2017). [1]
Stranger wariness actually indicates that brain development and increased cognitive abilities have taken
place. As an infant’s memory develops, they are able to separate the people that they know from the
people that they do not. The same cognitive advances allow infants to respond positively to familiar people
and recognize those that are not familiar. Separation anxiety also indicates cognitive advances and is
universal across cultures. Due to the infant’s increased cognitive skills, they are able to ask reasonable
questions like “Where is my caregiver going?” “Why are they leaving?” or “Will they come back?”
Separation anxiety usually begins around 7-8 months and peaks around 14 months, and then decreases.
Both stranger wariness and separation anxiety represent important social progress because they not only
reflect cognitive advances but also growing social and emotional bonds between infants and their
caregivers.
As we will learn through the rest of this module, caregiving does matter in terms of infant emotional
development and emotional regulation. Emotional regulation can be defined by two components:
emotions as regulating and emotions as regulated. The first, “emotions as regulating,” refers to changes
that are elicited by activated emotions (e.g., a child’s sadness eliciting a change in parent response). The
second component is labeled “emotions as regulated,” which refers to the process through which the
activated emotion is itself changed by deliberate actions taken by the self (e.g., self-soothing, distraction) or
others (e.g., comfort).
Self-awareness
During the second year of life, children begin to recognize themselves as they gain a sense of the self as
an object. The realization that one’s body, mind, and activities are distinct from those of other people is
known as self-awareness (Kopp, 2011).[2] The most common technique used in research for testing self-
awareness in infants is a mirror test known as the “Rouge Test.” The rouge test works by applying a dot of
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rouge (colored makeup) on an infant’s face and then placing them in front of the mirror. If the infant
investigates the dot on their nose by touching it, they are thought to realize their own existence and have
achieved self-awareness. A number of research studies have used this technique and shown self-
awareness to develop between 15 and 24 months of age. Some researchers also take language such as “I,
me, my, etc.” as an indicator of self-awareness.
Attachment
Psychosocial development occurs as children form relationships, interact with others, and understand and
manage their feelings. In social and emotional development, forming healthy attachments is very important
and is the major social milestone of infancy. Attachment is a long-standing connection or bond with others.
Developmental psychologists are interested in how infants reach this milestone. They ask such questions
as: How do parent and infant attachment bonds form? How does neglect affect these bonds? What
accounts for children’s attachment differences?
Researchers Harry Harlow, John Bowlby, and Mary Ainsworth conducted studies designed to answer
these questions. In the 1950s, Harlow conducted a series of experiments on monkeys. He separated
newborn monkeys from their mothers. Each monkey was presented with two surrogate mothers. One
surrogate mother was made out of wire mesh, and she could dispense milk. The other surrogate mother
was softer and made from cloth: This monkey did not dispense milk. Research shows that the monkeys
preferred the soft, cuddly cloth monkey, even though she did not provide any nourishment. The baby
monkeys spent their time clinging to the cloth monkey and only went to the wire monkey when they needed
to be feed. Prior to this study, the medical and scientific communities generally thought that babies become
attached to the people who provide their nourishment. However, Harlow (1958) concluded that there was
more to the mother-child bond than nourishment. Feelings of comfort and security are the critical
components of maternal-infant bonding, which leads to healthy psychosocial development.
Building on the work of Harlow and others, John Bowlby developed the concept of attachment theory. He
defined attachment as the affectional bond or tie that an infant forms with the mother (Bowlby, 1969). He
believed that an infant must form this bond with a primary caregiver in order to have normal social and
emotional development. In addition, Bowlby proposed that this attachment bond is very powerful and
continues throughout life. He used the concept of a secure base to define a healthy attachment between
parent and child (1988). A secure base is a parental presence that gives children a sense of safety as they
explore their surroundings. Bowlby said that two things are needed for a healthy attachment: The caregiver
must be responsive to the child’s physical, social, and emotional needs; and the caregiver and child must
engage in mutually enjoyable interactions (Bowlby, 1969).
While Bowlby thought attachment was an all-or-nothing process, Mary Ainsworth’s (1970) research showed
otherwise. Ainsworth wanted to know if children differ in the ways they bond, and if so, how. To find the
answers, she used the Strange Situation procedure to study attachment between mothers and their
infants (1970). In the Strange Situation, the mother (or primary caregiver) and the infant (age 12-18
months) are placed in a room together. There are toys in the room, and the caregiver and child spend
some time alone in the room. After the child has had time to explore their surroundings, a stranger enters
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the room. The mother then leaves her baby with the stranger. After a few minutes, she returns to comfort
her child.
Based on how the toddlers responded to the separation and reunion, Ainsworth identified three types of
parent-child attachments: secure, avoidant, and resistant (Ainsworth & Bell, 1970). A fourth style, known as
disorganized attachment, was later described (Main & Solomon, 1990).
The most common type of attachment—also considered the healthiest—is called secure attachment. In
this type of attachment, the toddler prefers their parent over a stranger. The attachment figure is used as a
secure base to explore the environment and is sought out in times of stress. Securely attached children
were distressed when their caregivers left the room in the Strange Situation experiment, but when their
caregivers returned, the securely attached children were happy to see them. Securely attached children
have caregivers who are sensitive and responsive to their needs.
With avoidant attachment, the child is unresponsive to the parent, does not use the parent as a secure
base, and does not care if the parent leaves. The toddler reacts to the parent the same way they react to a
stranger. When the parent does return, the child is slow to show a positive reaction. Ainsworth theorized
that these children were most likely to have a caregiver who was insensitive and inattentive to their needs
(Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978).
In cases of resistant attachment, children tend to show clingy behavior, but then they reject the
attachment figure’s attempts to interact with them (Ainsworth & Bell, 1970). These children do not explore
the toys in the room, appearing too fearful. During separation in the Strange Situation, they become
extremely disturbed and angry with the parent. When the parent returns, the children are difficult to comfort.
Resistant attachment is thought to be the result of the caregivers’ inconsistent level of response to their
child.
Finally, children with disorganized attachment behaved oddly in the Strange Situation. They freeze, run
around the room in an erratic manner, or try to run away when the caregiver returns (Main & Solomon,
1990). This type of attachment is seen most often in kids who have been abused or severely neglected.
Research
Attachment styles vary in the amount of security and closeness felt in the relationship and they can change
with new experiences. The type of attachment fostered in parenting styles varies by culture as well. For
example, German parents value independence and Japanese mothers are typically by their children’s
sides. As a result, the rate of insecure-avoidant attachments is higher in Germany and insecure-resistant
attachments are higher in Japan. These differences reflect cultural variation rather than true insecurity,
however (van Ijzendoorn and Sagi, 1999). Keep in mind that methods for measuring attachment styles
have been based on a model that reflects middle-class, US values and interpretation.
Attachment is classified into four types: A, B, C, and D. Ainsworth’s original schema differentiated only
three types of attachment (types A, B, and C), but, as mentioned above, later researchers discovered a
fourth category (type D). As we explore styles of attachment below, consider how these may also be
evidenced in adult relationships. We’ll come back to this idea in later modules.
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Types of Attachments
Secure
A secure attachment (type B) is one in which the child feels confident that their needs will be met in a
timely and consistent way. The caregiver is the base for exploration, providing assurance and enabling
discovery. In North America, this interaction may include an emotional connection in addition to adequate
care. However, even in cultures where mothers do not talk, cuddle, and play with their infants, secure
attachments can develop (LeVine et. al., 1994). Secure attachments can form provided the child has
consistent contact and care from one or more caregivers. Consistency of contacts may be jeopardized if
the infant is cared for in a daycare with a high turn-over of caregivers or if institutionalized and given little
more than basic physical care. And while infants who, perhaps because of being in orphanages with
inadequate care, have not had the opportunity to attach in infancy can form initial secure attachments
several years later, they may have more emotional problems of depression or anger, or be overly friendly
as they make adjustments (O’Connor et. al., 2003).
Insecure Resistant/Ambivalent
Insecure-resistant/ambivalent (type C) attachment style is marked by insecurity and resistance to
engaging in activities or play away from the caregiver. It is as if the child fears that the caregiver
will abandon them and clings accordingly. (Keep in mind that clingy behavior can also just be part of a
child’s natural disposition or temperament and does not necessarily reflect some kind of parental
neglect.) The child may cry if separated from the caregiver and also cry upon their return. They seek
constant reassurance that never seems to satisfy their doubt. This type of insecure attachment might be a
result of not having their needs met in a consistent or timely way. Consequently, the infant is never sure
that the world is a trustworthy place or that he or she can rely on others without some anxiety
Insecure-Avoidant
Insecure-avoidant (type A) is an attachment style marked by insecurity. This style is also characterized by
a tendency to avoid contact with the caregiver and with others. This child may have learned that needs
typically go unmet and learns that the caregiver does not provide care and cannot be relied upon for
comfort, even sporadically. An insecure-avoidant child learns to be more independent and
disengaged. Such a child might sit passively in a room filled with toys until it is time to go.
Disorganized
Disorganized attachment (type D) represents the most insecure style of attachment and occurs when the
child is given mixed, confused, and inappropriate responses from the caregiver. For example, a mother
who suffers from schizophrenia may laugh when a child is hurting or cry when a child exhibits joy. The child
does not learn how to interpret emotions or to connect with the unpredictable caregiver.
Erikson’s Stages for Infants and Toddlers
Trust vs. mistrust
Erikson maintained that the first year to year and a half of life involves the establishment of a sense of
trust. Infants are dependent and must rely on others to meet their basic physical needs as well as their
needs for stimulation and comfort. A caregiver who consistently meets these needs instills a sense of trust
or the belief that the world is a safe and trustworthy place. The caregiver should not worry about
overindulging a child’s need for comfort, contact, or stimulation. This view is in sharp contrast with the
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Freudian view that a parent who overindulges the infant by allowing them to suck too long or be picked up
too frequently will be spoiled or become fixated at the oral stage of development.
Autonomy vs. shame and doubt
As the child begins to walk and talk, an interest in independence or autonomy replaces their concern for
trust. The toddler tests the limits of what can be touched, said, and explored. Erikson believed that toddlers should be
allowed to explore their environment as freely as safety allows and, in doing so, will develop a sense of
independence that will later grow to self-esteem, initiative, and overall confidence. If a caregiver is overly
anxious about the toddler’s actions for fear that the child will get hurt or violate others’ expectations, the caregiver can
give the child the message that they should be ashamed of their behavior and instill a sense of doubt in their
abilities. Parenting advice based on these ideas would be to keep your toddler safe, but let them learn by doing. A
sense of pride seems to rely on doing rather than being told how capable one is (Berger, 2005).