Unit 8 - Lifespan Development Notes
Unit 8 - Lifespan Development Notes
An Introduction to
Lifespan Development
Learning Objectives
LO 1.1 Define the field of lifespan development LO 1.8 Describe how the humanistic perspective
and describe what it encompasses. explains lifespan development.
LO 1.2 Describe the areas that lifespan LO 1.9 Describe how the contextual perspective
development specialists cover. explains lifespan development.
LO 1.3 Describe some of the basic influences LO 1.10 Describe how the evolutionary perspective
on human development. explains lifespan development.
LO 1.4 Summarize four key issues in the field LO 1.11 Discuss the value of applying multiple
of lifespan development. perspectives to lifespan development.
LO 1.5 Describe how the psychodynamic LO 1.12 Describe the role that theories
perspective explains lifespan and hypotheses play in the study
development. of development.
LO 1.6 Describe how the behavioral LO 1.13 Compare the two major categories
perspective explains lifespan of lifespan development research.
development.
LO 1.14 Identify different types of correlational
LO 1.7 Describe how the cognitive perspective studies and their relationship to cause
explains lifespan development. and effect.
21
Chapter Overview
An Orientation to Lifespan Development The Contextual Perspective: Taking a Broad Approach
Characterizing Lifespan Development to Development
The Scope of the Field of Lifespan Development Evolutionary Perspectives: Our Ancestors’ Contributions
Influences on Lifespan Development to Behavior
Key Issues and Questions: Determining the Nature— Why “Which Approach Is Right?” Is the Wrong Question
and Nurture—of Lifespan Development Research Methods
Theoretical Perspectives on Lifespan Development Theories and Hypotheses: Posing Developmental
The Psychodynamic Perspective: Focusing on the Inner Questions
Person Choosing a Research Strategy: Answering Questions
The Behavioral Perspective: Focusing on Observable Correlational Studies
Behavior Experiments: Determining Cause and Effect
The Cognitive Perspective: Examining the Roots Theoretical and Applied Research: Complementary
of Understanding Approaches
The Humanistic Perspective: Concentrating Measuring Developmental Change
on the Unique Qualities of Human Beings Ethics and Research
Looking Ahead
Louise Brown’s conception may have been novel, but her development, from infancy,
through childhood and adolescence, to her marriage and the birth of her baby, has fol-
lowed a predictable pattern. The specifics of our development vary: some encounter eco-
nomic deprivation or live in war-torn territories; others contend with genetic or family
issues like divorce and step-parents. The broad strokes of development, however, set in
motion in that test tube all those years ago, are remarkably similar for all of us. Like
eBron James, Bill Gates, and the Queen of England, each and
L
every one of us is traversing the territory known as lifespan
development.
Louise Brown’s conception in the lab is just one of the
brave new worlds of the twenty-first century. Issues ranging
from cloning to the consequences of poverty on development
or the prevention of AIDS raise significant concerns that affect
human development. Underlying these are even more funda-
mental issues: How do we develop physically? How does our
understanding of the world grow and change throughout our
lives? And how do our personalities and our social relationships
develop as we move from birth through the entire span of our
lives?
Each of these questions, and many others we’ll encoun- Louise Brown and her son.
ter throughout this book, are central to the field of lifespan
development. As a field, lifespan development encompasses not only a broad span of
time—from before birth to death—but also a wide range of areas of development. Con-
sider, for example, the range of interests that different specialists in lifespan development
focus on when considering the life of Louise Brown:
Although their interests take many forms, these specialists in lifespan development
share one concern: understanding the growth and change that occur during the course of
life. Taking many differing approaches, developmentalists study how both the biologi-
cal inheritance from our parents and the environment in which we live jointly affect our
behavior.
Some developmentalists focus on explaining how our genetic background can
determine not only how we look but also how we behave and relate to others in a con-
sistent manner—that is, matters of personality. They explore ways to identify how much
of our potential as human beings is provided—or limited—by heredity. Other lifespan
development specialists look to the environment, exploring ways in which our lives
are shaped by the world that we encounter. They investigate the extent to which we are
shaped by our early environments, and how our current circumstances influence our be-
havior in both subtle and evident ways.
Whether they focus on heredity or environment, all developmental specialists
acknowledge that neither heredity nor environment alone can account for the full range
of human development and change. Instead, our understanding of people’s d evelopment
requires that we look at the interaction of heredity and environment, attempting to grasp
how both, in the end, contribute to human behavior.
In this chapter, we orient ourselves to the field of lifespan development. We begin
with a discussion of the scope of the discipline, illustrating the wide array of topics it
covers and the full range of ages, from conception to death, that it examines. We also
survey the key issues and controversies of the field and consider the broad perspectives
that developmentalists take. Finally, we discuss the ways developmentalists use research
to ask and answer questions.
part of people’s lives, beginning with the moment of conception and continuing until
death. Developmental specialists assume that in some ways people continue to grow and
change right up to the end of their lives, while in other respects their behavior remains
stable. At the same time, developmentalists believe that no particular, single period of life
governs all development. Instead, they believe that every period of life contains the po-
tential for both growth and decline in abilities and that individuals maintain the capacity
for substantial growth and change throughout their lives.
t hemselves—are in many ways arbitrary and often culturally derived. For example, later
in the book we’ll discuss how the concept of childhood as a special period did not even
exist during the seventeenth century; at that time, children were seen simply as miniature
adults. Furthermore, while some periods have a clear-cut boundary (infancy begins with
birth, the preschool period ends with entry into public school, and adolescence starts
with sexual maturity), others don’t.
For instance, consider the period of young adulthood, which at least in Western cul-
tures is typically assumed to begin at age 20. That age, however, is notable only because
it marks the end of the teenage period. In fact, for many people, such as those enrolled
in higher education, the age change from 19 to 20 has little special significance, coming
as it does in the middle of the college years. For them, more substantial changes may
occur when they leave college and enter the workforce, which is more likely to happen
around age 22. Furthermore, in some non-Western cultures, a dulthood may be consid-
ered to start much earlier, when children whose educational opportunities are limited
begin full-time work.
In fact, some developmentalists have proposed entirely new developmental pe-
riods. For instance, psychologist Jeffrey Arnett argues that adolescence extends into
emerging adulthood, a period beginning in the late teenage years and continuing into the
mid-twenties. During emerging adulthood, people are no longer adolescents, but they
haven’t fully taken on the responsibilities of adulthood. Instead, they are still trying out
different identities and engage in self-focused exploration (Arnett, 2010, de Dios, 2012;
Sumner, Burrow, & Hill, 2015).
In short, there are substantial individual differences in the timing of events in people’s
lives. In part, this is a biological fact of life: People mature at different rates and reach
developmental milestones at different points. However, environmental factors also play
a significant role in determining the age at which a particular event is likely to occur. For
This wedding of two children in India
example, the typical age of marriage varies substantially from one culture to another, de-
is an example of how environmental
factors can play a significant role in
pending in part on the functions that marriage plays in a given culture.
determining the age when a particular It is important to keep in mind, then, that when developmental specialists d iscuss
event is likely to occur. age ranges, they are talking about averages—the times when people, on average, reach
particular milestones. Some people will reach the milestone earlier, some later, and many
will reach it around the time of the average. Such variation becomes noteworthy only
when children show substantial deviation from the average. For example, parents whose
child begins to speak at a much later age than average might decide to have their son or
daughter evaluated by a speech therapist.
THE LINKS BETWEEN TOPICS AND AGES. Each of the broad topical areas of lifespan
development—physical, cognitive, social, and personality development—plays a role
throughout the life span. Consequently, some developmental experts focus on physical
development during the prenatal period, and others during adolescence. Some might
specialize in social development during the preschool years, while o thers look at social
relationships in late adulthood. Still others might take a broader a pproach, looking at
cognitive development through every period of life.
In this book, we’ll take a comprehensive approach, proceeding chronologically from
the prenatal period through late adulthood and death. Within each period, we’ll look
at different topical areas: physical, cognitive, social, and personality. Furthermore, we’ll
also be considering the impact of culture on development, as we discuss next.
Influences on Development
LO 1.3 Describe some of the basic influences on human development.
Bob, born in 1947, is a baby boomer; he was born soon after the end of World War II,
when an enormous bulge in the birth rate occurred as soldiers returned to the United
States from overseas. He was an adolescent at the height of the civil rights movement
and the beginning of protests against the Vietnam War. His mother, Leah, was born in
1922; she is part of the generation that passed its childhood and teenage years in the
shadow of the Great Depression. Bob’s son, Jon, was born in 1975. Now building a career
after graduating from college and starting his own family, he is a member of what has
been called Generation X. Jon’s younger sister, Sarah, who was born in 1982, is part of the
next generation, which sociologists have called the Millennial Generation.
These people are, in part, products of the social times in which they live. Each
belongs to a particular cohort, a group of people born at around the same time in the cohort
same place. Such major social events as wars, economic upturns and depressions, fam- a group of people born at around
ines, and epidemics (like the one due to the AIDS virus) work similar influences on the same time in the same place
members of a particular cohort (Mitchell, 2002; Dittmann, 2005; Twenge, Gentile, &
Campbell, 2015).
Cohort effects provide an example of history-graded inf luences, which are biologi-
cal and environmental influences associated with a particular historical moment. For
instance, people who lived in New York City during the 9/11 terrorist attack on the
World Trade Center experienced shared biological and environmental challenges due
to the attack (Bonanno et al., 2006; Laugharne, Janca, & Widiger, 2007; Park, Riley, &
Snyder, 2012).
In contrast, age-graded inf luences are biological and environmental influences that
are similar for individuals in a particular age group, regardless of when or where they
are raised. For example, biological events such as puberty and menopause are universal
events that occur at relatively the same time throughout all societies. Similarly, a socio-
cultural event such as entry into formal education can be considered an age-graded influ-
ence because it occurs in most cultures around age six.
Development is also affected by sociocultural-graded inf luences, the social and cul-
tural factors present at a particular time for a particular individual, depending on such
variables as ethnicity, social class, and subcultural membership. For example, sociocul-
tural-graded influences will be considerably different for children who are white and
affluent than for children who are members of a minority group and living in poverty
(Rose et al., 2003).
Finally, non-normative life events are specific, atypical events that occur in a person’s
life at a time when such events do not happen to most people. For example, a child whose
parents die in an automobile accident when she is six years old has e xperienced a signifi-
cant non-normative life event.
ntil early and middle adulthood, when they begin to decline (Baltes, Staudinger, &
u
Lindenberger, 1999; Baltes, 2003).
People also shift in how they invest their resources (in terms of motivation, energy,
and time) at different points during the life span. Early in life, more of one’s personal
resources are devoted to activities involving growth, such as studying or learning new
skills. As one grows older, more resources are devoted to dealing with the losses people
face during late adulthood (Staudinger & Leipold, 2003).
THE LATER ACTION OF NATURE AND NURTURE. If our traits and behavior were de-
termined solely by either nature or nurture, there would probably be little debate re-
garding the issue. However, for most critical behaviors this is hardly the case. Take, for
instance, one of the most controversial areas: intelligence. As we’ll consider in detail in
Chapter 9, the question of whether intelligence is determined primarily by inherited,
genetic factors—nature—or is shaped by environmental factors—nurture—has caused
lively and often bitter arguments that have spilled out of the scientific arena and into the
realm of politics and social policy.
Consider the implications of the issue: If the extent of one’s intelligence is primarily
determined by heredity and consequently is largely fixed at birth, then efforts to improve
intellectual performance later in life may be doomed to failure. In contrast, if intelligence
is primarily a result of environmental factors, such as the amount and quality of school-
ing and stimulation to which one is exposed, then we would expect that an improvement
in social conditions could bring about an increase in intelligence.
The extent of social policy affected by ideas about the origins of intelligence
illustrates the significance of issues that involve the nature–nurture question. As we ad-
dress this question in relation to several topical areas throughout this book, we should
keep in mind that developmentalists reject the notion that behavior is the result solely of
either nature or nurture. Instead, the question is one of degree—and the specifics of that,
too, are hotly debated.
Furthermore, the interaction of genetic and environmental factors is complex, in part
because certain genetically determined traits have not only a direct influence on children’s
behavior, but an indirect influence in shaping children’s environments as well. For exam-
ple, a child who is consistently cranky and who cries a great deal—a trait that may be
produced by genetic factors—may influence his or her environment by making his or her
parents so highly responsive to the insistent crying that they rush to comfort the child
whenever he or she cries. Their responsivity to the child’s genetically determined behavior
consequently becomes an environmental influence on his or her subsequent development
(Bradley & Corwyn, 2008; Stright, Gallagher, & Kelley, 2008; Barnes & Boutwell, 2012).
Similarly, although our genetic background orients us toward particular behaviors,
those behaviors will not necessarily occur in the absence of an appropriate environment.
People with similar genetic backgrounds (such as identical twins) may behave in very
different ways; and people with highly dissimilar genetic backgrounds can behave quite
similarly to one another in certain areas (Coll, Bearer, & Lerner, 2004; Kato & Pedersen,
2005; Segal et al., 2015).
In sum, the question of how much of a given behavior is due to nature, and how
much to nurture, is a challenging one. Ultimately, we should consider the two sides of
the nature–nurture issue as opposite ends of a continuum, with particular behaviors fall-
ing somewhere between the two ends. We can say something similar about the other
controversies that we have considered. For instance, continuous versus discontinuous
development is not an either/or proposition; some forms of development fall toward
the continuous end of the continuum, whereas others lie closer to the discontinuous end.
In short, few statements about development involve either/or absolutes (Rutter, 2006;
Deater-Deckard & Cahill, 2007).
This view of childhood seems wrong-headed now, but at the time it was what passed for
lifespan development. From this perspective, there were no differences due to age; except
for size, people were assumed to be virtually unchanging, at least on a psychological level,
throughout most of the life span (Ariès, 1962; Acocella, 2003; Hutton, 2004; Wines, 2006).