The Business Environment

for News Media in

Zimbabwe: 2021
A report to Internews
March 2021

Michelle Foster Jason Lambert

Founder: News Consulting Group Senior Director, Media Business: Internews

Joni Silverstein, Consultant, News Joy Chelagat, Media Business Advisor —

Consulting Group Africa, Internews
2 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Table of Contents

List of Acronyms and Basic Data 3

Overview 4

The Legal and Regulatory Environment for News Media Businesses 6

AIPPA Repealed, Sort Of 6

In the Absence of Passed Laws, Previous Ones Continue to be Enforced 8

Media Licensing and Fees 9

Internet Access 12

Audience Use of Branded News Media 13

The Dominance of WhatsApp 15

Accessing Mobile & Digital Payments as the Basis of Ecommerce 17

Advertising Expenditures in Local Markets 19

Conclusions 19

Endnotes 21
3 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

List of Abbreviations
AIPPA Agence France-Presse/French International News Agency
AIZ Amnesty International Zimbabwe
BAZ Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe
BSA Broadcasting Services Act
CRIs Community Radio Initiatives
ETV First private free-to-air television station, South Africa, with streamed content
FOA Freedom of Information Act
IBRA Independent Broadcasting Regulatory Authority
ITU International Telecommunication Union
MAZ Media Alliance of Zimbabwe
MM Media Monitors
MISA Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Zimbabwe in Zimbabwe)
POSA Public Order and Security Act
POTRAZ Postal and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe
RSF Reporters sans Frontiers (Reporters Without Borders)
SABC South African Broadcast Corporation
ZARF Zimbabwe Advertising and Research Foundation
ZAMPS Zimbabwe All Media and Products Survey
ZBC Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (state-controlled broadcaster)
ZMC Zimbabwe Media Commission
ZACRAS Zimbabwe Association of Community Radio Stations
ZIMSTAT Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency
ZUJ Zimbabwe Union of Journalists

Basic Data
Area Population Area (mi2)
Zimbabwe 14,863,000 (2021 projected) 149,364
Bulawayo ~1,200,000* 659
Midlands ~1,615,000** 18,983
Matabeleland North ~750,000** 298,967
Matabeleland South ~684,000** 20,916

* Population estimates from the Bulawayo City Council; 2012 Census data estimated it at 653,000; GeoPoll
estimates it at 618,000
** Population estimates from the 2012 Census and not subsequently updated
4 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Overview
Before the Covid-19 pandemic stopped Zimbabwe in its tracks, the country faced severe economic
challenges and had already seen devastating climate disasters. Repeated periods of extreme
drought triggered food crises. Flooding and storm damage from Cyclone Idai (March 2019)
devastated eastern parts of the country, wiping out crops, damaging infrastructure, and killing
both people and livestock.1

Those crises, coupled with acute shortages of foreign currency and rampant corruption, led to
double-digit declines in agriculture, and electricity and water supply production. In 2019, the
currency depreciated, and the annual inflation rate soared to 737%. Food prices increased 725%.
Wages could not keep pace.2 Around 95 percent of people lived in the informal (and often sub-
sistence) economy.3

The advertising market, slim at an estimated $152 million when last reported in 2015,4 was largely
captured by media organizations aligned with government interests and receiving state-funded
advertising.

Currency woes and hyperinflation roiled the economy. To stabilize the currency, the government
introduced the Real Time Gross Settlement (RTGS) dollar in early 2019 and used it as the currency
standard until March of 2020. As the Zimbabwean currency devalued, citizens used other cur-
rencies to save and pay for their expenses. Yet each had differing exchange rates, which meant
customers were charged different prices based on what payment method they used. The switch
to the RTGS dollar, also known as the ZML, helped briefly stabilize the currency.

When the pandemic arrived, the government imposed a nationwide lockdown intended to slow
the spread of the virus, but which heightened shortages of water and worsened the persistent lack
of sanitation infrastructure. Millions of people lacked access to safe water, even in the capital of
Harare, forcing them to stand in long lines for a small share. By March of 2020, it was estimated
that 59 percent of rural households were food insecure.5

The economic impact of the pandemic — and the government’s inadequate response — was tragic.
In 2019, 40% of the country already lived in extreme poverty, double the level of 2011. Under
the pandemic, this accelerated, with an estimated 54% of the country living in extreme poverty in
2020, many unemployed, and many still facing critical shortages of basics like food and water.6
First hand reports indicate that the southern areas of the country remain among the hardest hit,
with many households now headed by women as men have gone across the border to find work
in neighboring countries.

Key economic segments, including tourism, agriculture, exports, and manufacturing, all suffered.
In May 2020, Zimbabwe’s government announced a ZW$18 billion (USD 49,737,496) Covid-19
economic rescue and stimulus package equivalent to 28.6% of the 2020 national budget. ZW$500
million (US$1,381,595) was set aside for SMEs (Small and Medium Enterprises) and MSMEs (Micro,
Small, and Medium enterprises). The government recently announce it was setting aside US$1
million for the purchase of Covid-19 vaccines. This fund remains unaccounted for.

In January 2021, Open Parly, a parliament open data publication founded by youth-driven activism
group Magamba Network, reported that the state intervention failed to reignite economic activity
as delays in disbursement and economic fluctuations reduced uptake. Interest rates of 20%, cou-
pled with soaring inflation, made taking out relief loans too risky for most businesses, especially
as consumer spending withered and the economy declined for a third straight year. The value of
the loans diminished the minute they were issued.7
5 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

The pandemic also triggered a decline in human rights. Government critics were abducted and
tortured. The police and security forces committed arbitrary arrests and other abuses, including
assault and torture. In July 2020, 60 people were arrested during anti-corruption protests. In May,
two activists and a member of parliament were abducted while in police custody. They were sex-
ually abused and assaulted by their abductors before being released, then arrested while being
treated for their injuries for making allegedly false reports about their abduction.8

Journalists were also under attack. Police used the pretext of lapsed credentials to arrest journal-
ists. In July, Mduduzi Mathuthu, editor of the online newspaper Zimlive, was targeted by secu-
rity forces. His home was raided and — in his absence — his family was arrested and his nephew
severely tortured.9

After investigating corruption allegations in the health ministry related to sourcing Covid-19
supplies, prominent journalist Hopewell Chin’ono was arrested three times within a six-month
period. He was charged with inciting violence ahead of an anti-government protest in July 2020,
obstruction of justice and demeaning the country’s National Prosecution Authority in November,
and for communicating falsehoods in January 2021 after reporting that a child had died as a result
of a police beating during the lockdown.10

Amidst this, new laws regarding journalism and journalists were drafted (and one passed) repeal-
ing earlier ones. While the government claims that the new laws are less restrictive, in practice
they have heavier penalties and severe restrictions, particularly regarding political reporting. The
media market has expanded somewhat under these laws: the government issued new licenses for
community and university radio stations which will expand reach of local news in local languages.

However, the path forward for funding these new media channels remains unclear. The cost to
establish a broadcast television channel is prohibitive except to either well-heeled individuals
or corporations. Media operators, understanding that access to broadcast channels is likely to
remain beyond their reach, have instead turned to innovative digital channels using WhatsApp,
bulk SMS, and social media to reach audiences on their cell phones.

The digital broadcast conversion, under a 2015 deadline set by the ITU, has not yet been fully
implemented. Citing a lack of foreign currency and, thus, the inability to invest in equipment, the
government has repeatedly missed subsequent deadlines and the process appears to have been
stalled since 2018.11

However, at some point, this process will be complete. It will free up large swaths of the broad-
cast spectrum and expand telecommunications and access to digital media; Zimbabwe’s news
producers, already aggressively using digital platforms, will have the means to bypass traditional
broadcast and print channels and directly reach wider audiences.
6 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

The Legal and Regulatory Environment for

News Media Businesses
November 17, 2020 marked three years since the ouster of Robert Mugabe, the authoritarian
dictator in charge of Zimbabwe for almost four decades. Government regulation of news media
during that period stifled the media industry’s growth and development. The administration
ensured that media was largely held by pro-government actors.

People assumed, and hoped, that the change in power would result in positive changes for Zim-
babwe. “Instead, cases of human rights violations, arrests and detainment of civic rights activists,
corruption, economic demise, crumbling infrastructure and unemployment are once again making
headlines.”12

The environments for journalists, journalism, and independent media organizations also remain
largely unimproved, despite some recent changes in legislation. Local daily newspapers and national
broadcast media remain tightly controlled by the government and captured by its allies, leading
to low trust in media. Consumers perceive news content to be subject to political manipulation.

Journalists continue to meet political intimidation and security threats in the line of duty: Report-
ers Without Borders (RSF) ranked Zimbabwe 126/180 in its pre-Covid 2020 World Press Freedom
index. One of the contributing factors was a poor score reflecting abuse in the country. The ranking
was up only two spots from the score received in 2017 when Zimbabwe was still under the rule
of Mugabe, whom RSF regarded as “one of Africa’s worst press freedom and media predators.”13

While RSF acknowledges some encouraging milestones in its most recent survey (pre-Covid),
it notes that threats to free media continue to exist. “Access to information has improved and
self-censorship has declined, but many journalists were subjected to violence during the 2018
presidential elections, often by members of the security forces and sometimes by political activists.
The security apparatus has not yet lost the habit of harassing journalists and acts of intimidation,
verbal attacks and confiscation of equipment are all still standard practice,” reads its Zimbabwe
profile.14

Each of these situations has worsened during the Covid-19 pandemic.

The government has taken aggressive actions towards civil rights activists, journalists, and media
organizations. Fledgling legislation, intended to liberalize the field, has walked backwards, or met
with less than ideal implementation.

AIPPA Repealed, Sort Of.

A move perceived as positive under the current administration has been progress towards aligning
media laws with the Constitution. This has led, in theory, to the repeal of the Access to Information
and Privacy Protection (AIPPA) bill. While ostensibly an access to information law, it limited press
freedoms and activities by making media accreditation extremely expensive.15 Failure to register
proper accreditation was sanctioned by a potential prison term. According to Takura Zhangazha,
a media researcher, at the time of its enactment, “It’s extortion. The Zimbabwe Media Commission
is seeking to extort money from … media houses in an effort to fundraise for its oppressive legal
mechanisms.”16

AIPPA was repealed during 2020 and partially replaced with three bills, two of which are still
7 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

before Parliament. That said, in the absence of those laws being passed, local authorities are still
using AIPPA’s regulations as the de facto law and employing its most abusive language to restrict
journalists. MISA Zimbabwe and MAZ have proactively reviewed and commented on the bills, as
have international organizations. In general, they concur that the language of the Constitution is
good in respect to press freedoms, but there still needs to be further reconciliation between the
languages of the bills and the intent of the Constitution. Key provisions of these bills could be
used to further repress journalism, journalists, and media organizations. Indeed, the organization
Veritas, having reviewed the new regulations, concluded that “AIPPA was repealed, but the new
regulations seek to maintain some of its odious aspects.”17

Access to Information Bill (Passed) (aka Freedom of Information Bill)

The Act seeks to give effect to the constitutional rights on freedom of expression, media freedom,
and access to information. Notably, however, the law has significant reach and bearing on media
freedom, journalistic rights, media regulation, and the protection of privacy. This reach is so sig-
nificant that multiple pieces of legislation are required as legislative reform/cure. Thus, the Access
to Information Bill does not wholly repeal the AIPPA as the other proposed bills are still pending.18
Local sources also note that rather than being based on the European data privacy laws (GDPR), it
more closely models U.S. laws, including some of those put forth under the Trump administration
that offer fewer privacy protections for individuals. Concerns exist that under current provisions, a
person could face up to five years imprisonment if convicted of spreading false information on the
internet, a penalty that would encourage self-censorship in one of the few spaces where citizens
have relatively free access to information.

MISA Zimbabwe leader Tabani Moyo said the proposed law could lead to further attacks on jour-
nalists, as the government would have legal grounds to crack down on the freedom of expression.
Speaking to VOA from Harare in November 2020, he said: “The attacks on the industry have been
aggressive and we have seen the weaponizing of the law; the introduction of the Cyber Security
Bill which seeks to snoop and empower the military to crackdown on expression. The heavy hand-
edness on the media has been highly pronounced.”19

Zimbabwe Media Commission Bill (ZMC) (Bill Before Parliament)

The Zimbabwe Media Commission was established under the nation’s Constitution and is com-
prised of a chairperson and eight other members who are presidential appointees. It is notable
that members were only appointed in 2020, seven years after the commission was established in
the Constitution. Its main functions are articulated in Article 249:
• To uphold, promote and develop freedom of the media
• To promote and enforce good practices and ethics in the media
• To monitor broadcasting in the public interest and, in particular, to ensure fairness and
diversity views broadly representing Zimbabwean society
Veritas notes that the law, in theory, provides a workable framework for the Commission to conduct
its work. It adds this caveat, however: “Whether the Commission will promote or suppress freedom
of expression, indeed, will depend not so much on the Bill as on the commissioners themselves.
We hope they will live up to their task.”20

The Article of the Constitution describes what the Commission will do. The bill, then, covers how
it does its work. The Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Information, Media and Broadcasting
Services, tasked with reviewing the bill, presented its report on the bill to Parliament in March
2020. This was pursuant to public hearings held by the committee in October 2019. MISA and
MAZ later compiled its findings.

The Committee recommended that the Zimbabwe Media Commission be stripped of powers to
8 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

investigate the conduct of media practitioners at its own instigation to minimize the possibilities
of abuse of the Commission.

The Committee also concurred with citizens who submitted that the independence of the Com-
mission should be guarded by ensuring that the minister’s powers to interfere with its operations
are removed. The independence of the Commission is guaranteed by the Constitution and min-
isterial interference would undermines its independence.21

The bill does, however, offer the possibility of co-regulation with representatives of the media
industry. Section 249(1) (d) of the Zimbabwean Constitution states that it is the role of the ZMC to
encourage the formulation of codes of conduct for persons employed in the media. This implies
that the commission can delegate some of its regulatory powers.22

Thus, in its report to parliament, the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Information, Media
and Broadcasting Services recommended that there should be a clause that creates a co-regula-
tory framework through the media council. Supported by both MISA and MAZ, this would be an
important step in institutionalizing co-regulation. Those organizations have further proposed that
the ZMC explicitly state that it incorporates co-regulation.23

Protection of Personal Information and Data Bill (Bill before Parliament) (aka Cyber Security
and Data Protection Bill)
This bill, apparently designed to strengthen data protection, create provisions for cyber offenses,
and promote a technology-driven business environment, has concerning provisions. Transparency
International concludes that it “contains provisions that undermine the freedom of expression and
freedom of the media that are codified in section 61 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe. Of major
concern is Clause 164C, which criminalizes the spread of what the government classifies as false
information online, punishable with a jail term of up to five years, or a fine, or both.”24

Key provisions would likely have a chilling effect on whistleblowers and others seeking to expose
corruption. They could also be used to charge journalists seeking to report on government or
business affairs.

MISA Zimbabwe, in its analysis of the bill, found provisions with the potential to limit the exercise
of media freedoms, be used by the state to suppress dissenting opinions, and potentially entrench
government surveillance of its citizens.25

In the Absence of Passed Laws, Previous Ones Continue to be Enforced

As the latter two bills are not yet passed into law, officials have continued operating as though
the earlier laws, despite being repealed, are still in effect. RSF has observed that “Zimbabwe has
restricted press freedom more than any country in Sub-Saharan Africa” as recently as last August
and cited continued attacks against journalists.26 The government has also used the lack of updated
laws to restrict journalists in unique ways during the Covid pandemic. At a time of profound eco-
nomic downturn, and when people are locked down and ordered to restrict contact with others,
the rates for journalists’ accreditations have increased significantly, and journalists are required
to make a physical visit to government offices to collect their credentials and deliver proof of
payment.27 This has allowed police to arrest journalists, as they did in Midlands in January 2021,
for using expired accreditation cards.

This all comes at a time when journalists have been hard hit. A December 2020 study on Covid-
19 and the media found that Zimbabwe’s journalists were severely affected by the pandemic:
9 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

they experienced up to 60% pay cuts, little to no facilitation, no front-line worker status. These
concerns have been amplified by increased anxiety about personal safety. Journalists are also
reported to be experiencing mental health issues: “many journalists reported that governments
did not accord them the status of front-line workers, although colleagues had lost their lives after
visiting hospitals and quarantine facilities in a bid to bring the latest, in-depth news to the public.”28

There has been concern about the categorization of accreditation licenses, as there was a proposal
to have a special category for online journalists. This has been viewed as a way to further clamp
down on the online space and impinge on the democratization of the online discourse.

Media Licensing and Fees

Business licenses and licensing fees take diverse
forms and exist for legitimate reasons. From a Zimbabwe’s digital broadcast conver-
macro perspective, businesses of all types are sion process, which was scheduled to
legally registered so that they are visible to tax be completed in 2015 but has yet to be
and oversight authorities. Similarly, individuals fully implemented, will bring significant
are licensed or accredited as professionals in benefits.
certain fields (i.e., doctors, electricians, accoun-
tants) to ensure that they meet standards of pro- In Kenya, that process (begun in 2006
fessional competence or are authorized to work and concluded in 2015) harmonized
in a specific field. Kenya’s broadcasting spectrum to inter-
national standards and optimized the
In the media context, it is typical for news media spectrum, freeing up significant addi-
organizations to require and pay for a state- tional bandwidth. As a result, the total
granted license if using part of the broadcast market for broadcast media grew. Kenya
spectrum allocation for distribution, typically experienced a rapid expansion of pro-
either free-to-air television, radio, or telecom- gramming broadcast using vernacular
munications. The spectrum is a public good and languages; the population covered by
is limited; its allocation is often governed by an televisions grew from 55% to 66%; the
independent broadcast regulatory authority number of broadcasters increased from
(IBPR) such as the Australian Communications 14 to 65; and the number of broadcast-
and Media Authority (ACMA), the Federal Com- ers reaching multiple cities grew from
munications Commission (FCC) in the United 2 to 22.
States, or Ofcom in the U.K. It is also common,
in many countries, for households to be charged The “digital dividend” (additional band-
an annual license fee to access live, or recorded width freed for use resulting from the
broadcasts from public service media that offer spectrum being optimized) enabled
content in ad-free or low-ad environments. telecom operators to expand through-
Countries as diverse as Albania, France, Japan, out the country.
Serbia, and Zimbabwe charge these types of
fees.

However, from a business perspective, it is unusual in competitive media markets to require

unique licenses to operate news media businesses unless they are allocated part of that broadcast
spectrum.

There is no scarcity of distribution channels outside the spectrum; one must only consider the
near-infinite options available in digital environments. Thus, efforts to license news media are
often attempts to limit content providers, constrain or censor content, or diminish media plurality,
diversity, and — too often — localism. Licensing can also be used to induce self-censorship among
media and journalists.
10 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Yet the Zimbabwe media market requires licensing at many tiers of the media ecosystem. Print
publications are licensed, and in the broadcast environment, fees are often prohibitively expensive
for any other than the largest players. The cost of acquiring and maintaining a broadcast media
license is among the highest in the region, where Zimbabwe is one of the poorest economies. For
instance, to maintain a national radio license, a company pays an annual fee of USD$1000 and is
required to pay 2% of its national income to the government.29

Journalists are required to have current accreditation documents which also incur fees. Although
MISA Zimbabwe views accreditation as a proactive step in identifying and, thus, protecting jour-
nalists, it also decries the fees they must pay, especially considering recent increases during the
pandemic. Fees increased from ZWD$120 to ZWD$600 for a first application, and from ZWD$80
to ZWD$500 for renewal.30

Cost increases have also been pushed down to consumers and businesses. Those groups were
informed, during the pandemic and economic crisis, that they would have to pay up to five-times
more for their licenses to view or listen to broadcast media — the second such move in the span
of a year.

In addition to paying for household access, citizens pay license fees to use car radios, which have
also been subject to increases. As reported in The Herald, “ZBC has hiked radio and television
license fees with motor vehicle radio license fees rising to [ZBM]$450 from $300 per term. A radio
license for a household is now $75 per quarter in rural areas, up from $25, and $225, up from $50
for urban areas. Companies will pay $625 per term for car radio licenses, up from $600 while
businesses with television sets will have to pay $1,125 per term from $1000.”31

New Broadcast Licenses Authorized

Despite the president’s past track record of restricting them, the Mnangagwa administration prom-
ised during its early days that it would advance press freedoms. In a welcome change following
decades of curtailment, Zimbabwe’s government, through its Broadcast Authority (BAZ), expanded
access to media licensing during 2020 and in early 2021. Six free-to-air television licenses were
issued in November 2020 while eight applications were unsuccessful. The fee structures for broad-
cast and radio made it difficult for organizations not aligned to the government to obtain them.
The recipients of the television licenses were widely thought to be sympathizers of the ruling party,
Zanu PF, and companies linked to the military. Examples include ZTN which is controlled by the
state; Rusungiko Media, controlled by the National Army; and Acacia Media owned by Sharon
Mugabe, a relative of the former president and a failed Zanu PF primary 2008 election candidate.

The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Act (2016) mandates the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe to
give reasons when applications for licenses are not approved. The eight unsuccessful applicants
were reportedly not given reasons why they did not receive licenses.

This failure to honor a legal mandate by the BAZ is possibly an indicator that the issuance of the
licensees was not done in accordance with the law and due process but rather based on political
expediency. “It is pluralism without diversity because the new owners are there to further entrench
media concentration rather than amplifying marginalized voices,” noted Admire Mare, from the
Namibia University of Science and Technology.32

He also noted that unsuccessful applicants like Heart and Soul Television are already broadcasting
via the internet. Broadcast television is unlikely to be feasible for independent content producers.
“They should continue with online television because digital platforms are the future of television,”
says Mare.33
11 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

To those companies whose licenses were not f34

approved, Ncube says they should not lose heart
but, move onto an online platform. “I do not see anyone not close to the
regime being awarded any broadcasting
Meanwhile, BAZ further expanded its licens- license. The regime is fixated with stifling
ing in February 2021, announcing that it would media freedom, freedom of expression
open the airwaves in three categories: free-to- and access to information, hence, its pen-
air national commercial television (6 licenses), chant to dole out broadcasting licenses
free-to-air community radio (10), and on-campus to its functionaries.”
radio stations (19). These expansions will help
reach populations with limited access to digital — Njabulo Ncube, Zimbabwe National
media and those who speak in various dialects: Editors Forum
Zimbabwe has sixteen official languages. Cam- The Africa Report34
pus radio stations are intended to be used for
training students in broadcasting and media.

To apply for the new licenses, interested parties pay an application fee and, if approved, an addi-
tional annual license fee. Those range from ZWD 17,000 for a community radio license (about
USD $47) to ZWD $306,000 (about USD $846) for a national commercial license.35

During January and February 2021, BAZ authorized three community radio licenses to the Mbem-
besi Development Trust, the Ntepe-Manama Community Radio Trust, and the Nyangani Community
Radio Trust. In February 2021, the Ntepe-Manama group announced that it had paid its licensing
fees through 2030 and is now setting up its broadcast operations. It already operates using pod-
casts, WhatsApp, bulk SMS, Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube.36

This expansion reflected strong local, regional, and international cooperation. ZACRAS (the national
advocacy platform for community radio), in conjunction with Amnesty International Zimbabwe,
and with help from the United Nations Democracy Fund, were strong advocates for sector reform,
including extending radio broadcasts to primary and secondary schools, essential during the
Covid-19 pandemic. One immediate effect of this expansion will be to make news more widely
and affordably available in local vernacular languages. The role of community radio institutions
— operating using diverse distribution channels on social media — has been important during the
pandemic. Most were able to cascade government communications on the virus and pandemic
using local languages.37

Concerns remain about the financial viability of these stations given the extreme poverty in many
Zimbabwean communities, and particularly since there is unclear wording in the rules regarding
whether they can receive commercial revenue.

Outside the broadcast environment, the Zimbabwean government has also newly applied fees to
international content providers. In September, Facebook began charging international advertisers
VAT tax on ads placed in Zimbabwe. In February, Netflix announced to its Zimbabwean subscribers
that starting March 5, 2021, a value-added tax (VAT) would be added to their monthly subscription
fees, increasing the price by $1 per month or 12.5%.38
12 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Internet Access
While broadcast channels are expanding, the switch to digital channels is well underway, although
use is constrained by data costs that are high in relation to incomes. In January 2021, Hootsuite
reported that 98.4% of the Zimbabwean population has mobile connections, and 33.4% have
access to the internet. The majority of internet users, 59.9%, access web pages using mobile
phone connections.39 During the pandemic, this has been an important communication channel
for disseminating information about the virus and various health alerts.

These numbers reflected year-on-year growth versus 2020, including a rapid expansion of
mobile connections and growth of social media users.40

Yet amid rampant unemployment and the pandemic, Zimbabwe’s telecom regulatory body
(POTRAZ) approved a 200% increase in data bundle prices resulting from increased costs to tele-
coms due to its unfavorable foreign exchange rate. Although the cost per megabyte is lower in
comparison to neighboring countries, Zimbabwean internet subscribers making minimum wage
(US$62.50/month) are spending 32% of it on a 1GB monthly data plan.41
13 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Audience Use of Branded News Media42

Audience rating data reported by GeoPoll, a leading research organization with offices in Nairobi,
highlighted the dominance of national media across Zimbabwe. Its 2020 report, customized on
behalf of Internews, covered Bulawayo, Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South, and Midlands.
It showed that approximately 71% of the adult population had television access, and a slightly
higher number of people, 74%, had access to radio. National media dominate. The most watched
television station was ZBC-TV; the most read newspaper was The Herald, and the most listened-to
radio station was Radio Zimbabwe.

Television viewership was highly concentrated on national broadcaster ZBC-TV which attracted
103,000 viewers on average, with ETV and SABC ranked below the market leader with 45,000
and 39,000 average viewers respectively. Women accounted for nearly two-thirds of ZBC’s audi-
ence with 64,000 viewers; they also turned to Glow TV and SABC1, but in lower numbers. Men
accounted for 38% of ZBC’s audience, but also were likely to view SuperSport and ETV.

Radio listenership in the region was concentrated on Radio Zimbabwe with 195,000 listeners on
average, followed by the regional broadcaster Midlands FM that reached 59,000 people, and
Khulumani FM, reaching 47,000 listeners from its Bulawayo operations.

Although national broadcasters have considerable advantages, the radio audience data reveals
strong interest in locally produced content. In Bulawayo, Khulumani’s reach exceeded that of
Radio Zimbabwe by 26%. In Midlands, 98.4 Midlands FM was second only to the national station.
The more urban the area, the more likely it is to have diverse — and community — sources of radio.

These data tell a good story about radio. Since the beginning of the Covid pandemic, 49% of
radio listeners reported increasing their overall radio consumption, 55% said they are getting
information from more sources, and 24% reported that local community radio is their main source
of news. This increased overall reliance on radio occurred despite nearly two-thirds of audiences
reporting increased costs to listen due to data costs on mobile devices.

Radio has another advantage: it is more easily accessible on mobile devices and uses less data than
streamed television. 72% of television viewers watched on a traditional set, while only 7% viewed
on mobile devices. In contrast, mobile devices were the most common distribution channel for
radio content, with 46% listening versus 34% on a traditional radio device. Internet was almost
exclusively accessed using mobile phones — 72% — with the remainder accessed by personal or
work computers.

Here are the radio ratings for each area:

14 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021
15 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Similarly, online ratings show that there are large enough audiences for some local content pro-
ducers to appear in the ratings when compared with larger national sites. Midlands Observer
attracted 6% of the online news audience in these four regions and CITE attracted 2%. In a heavily
fragmented field with tough competition, those are encouraging data points.

The Dominance of WhatsApp

Social media and internet access are expanding across Zimbabwe despite increases in data costs.
News media are actively sought out online, particularly on Facebook (image source43) and Twitter.

But nothing compares to the reach or influence of WhatsApp. It is estimated to comprise more
than half of all internet use in Zimbabwe.44 Econet sells data bundles specific to WhatsApp on its
Facebook page.45 Its encrypted chat environment and calling features make it a desirable com-
munication channel between individuals, families, and groups.
16 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

As such, WhatsApp has become a major news distribution channel and is used by diverse media
organizations throughout the country. TechZim, a business publication specializing on informa-
tion technology in Zimbabwe and the region, offers interested readers opportunities to join its
WhatsApp communities and also links to nearly 200 other WhatsApp chat groups.

263Chat, started in 2012 as an alternative news platform, distributes a daily e-paper in .pdf format
which limits the ability of people to easily alter or falsify its content. Its content is sponsored by
embedded advertising which allows it to distribute content for free. Its founder, Nigel Mugamu,
has observed that “to a lot of people, the internet is WhatsApp … it has enabled our brand to get
to places that it has not been able to before.”46

The government clearly views 263Chat as a news producer and has subjected it to the harsh
reprisals it employs against legacy media. In April of 2019 police raided its office and set off tear
gas after a 263Chat journalist recorded police forcing street vendors out of Harare.47

A unique aspect of WhatsApp is that it limits the number of participants in chatrooms; this helps
build trust within each community. In 2020, professional researchers partnered with Internews
and Kubatana.net (an organization that makes civic and human rights information accessible to
the Zimbabwean public) to examine how information distributed within trusted social media
sources could shape individuals’ behaviors, especially in an environment where mistrust and
misinformation are extensive.

Researchers developed a statistically valid test during the early days of the pandemic, a time when
rumors and posts about fake cures were going viral. At the time, Kubatana had 27,000 WhatsApp
subscribers nationwide in 133 WhatsApp broadcast lists. Each week it distributed two messages:
one on ways to proactively help prevent spreading the virus, and the other debunking misinfor-
mation. Later, it tested whether those messages had impact on individuals’ behaviors and on
preventing the spread of misinformation.

The results were positive and showed that information sent through WhatsApp had impact and
was able to both correct misinformation and positively influence people’s behaviors. The effect
was roughly equal whether in rural or urban areas, and across the gender divide. The researchers
found that “a trusted source of information can use the same social media channels to disseminate
information that both combats misinformation and changes related behavior … results speak
specifically to the important role that trusted sources play, particularly in confusing informational
situations such as health crises and in an authoritarian context.”48

Journalists are fully exploiting the communication capabilities of the WhatsApp platform. Users
appreciate that the data costs are lower than reading website content.

In a recent closed-door webinar, participants discussed their robust uses of WhatsApp in reaching
and engaging audiences.

A civil society organization shares links online to recruit new users to its various chatgroups, each
of which has 230-250 members. Two of those groups are used for open discussions and are
filled with rich interaction. Those have attracted opinion leaders, public figures, and government
workers, and often act as sources for other reporting. The social media editor and other team
members act as moderators.

Its other groups are used for content distribution, and the team posts full articles from its website
with links to the page. They also cut video and audio clips from the chatgroups into short pieces
that are posted on their website and feed into their social media platforms.

One organization reported having a WhatsApp hotline number to receive tips and story ideas.
17 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Several use it to target content to more specifically to demographic groups such as youth, women,
and men. One organization reported using audience analytics to not only segment its audience
but to also then use that data to approach relevant advertisers.

Another organization reported it has a weekly WhatsApp group chat room where editors identify
a topic and invite policymakers to lead a conversation. This is done through chat and voice notes;
content and audio clips are later published as podcasts. These groups are created exclusively
for a specific chat and closed afterward. Members text the chat administrators to be added, and
the groups usually fill completely. The organization has a second open networking group that is
used to discuss current affairs, the coverage of women’s issues in the media, and the challenges
facing women.

While WhatsApp plays an important news role, and has deep user engagement, media organi-
zations are finding it difficult to scale. Group limits are set at 256 members. In a low bandwidth
environment with expensive data costs, it can take hours to fully distribute content across a large
membership. It can also be expensive for users to upload voice messages; the media organiza-
tions have tested various ways to “pay” them with additional data.

Accessing Mobile & Digital Payments as

the Basis of Ecommerce
A critical aspect of monetizing digital media channels is the existence and prevalence of non-cash
payment systems. Zimbabweans have access to mobile money and rely on it more than traditional
banking systems.

In its most recent data available from Zimbabwe, based on 2019 reporting from the World Bank,
Hootsuite estimated that more adults (15+) had access to a mobile money account (49%) when
compared to those with financial institution accounts (28%). Other factors representing financial
inclusion such as credit card ownership (1.3%), or people making online purchases or paying
online (9.5%) are understandably low.49 Thus, for media operators seeking to generate revenue
from consumers or businesses, payment gateways that can accept mobile payments are essential.
18 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

As in other countries in the region, however, that is a dynamic situation. Econet, the leading mobile
and internet providers, offers EcoCash, the market leader in fintech mobile payment systems. It
has been estimated to have 98.26% market share of mobile money transactions, and 97.75% share
of the value of those transactions during 2020.50

Beyond its basic mobile money services, such as topping up phone data and paying for goods,
utilities, and services, it also offers specialized money products such as transferring remittances
from members of the diaspora to their families and others.

Econet has racked up headlines for the substantial funds its network has processed. It was spun
off as part of an Econet startup, Cassava Smartech, which said in its 2020 annual report that since
the company’s inception it had processed ZWD$93 billion in lifetime transactions.51 In the chart
below, it claims that it has been adopted by more than 90% of the country’s adult population.

Its dominance has also earned the scrutiny of the Zimbabwean government and the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe (RBZ) which, in 2019, shut the service down temporarily and accused it of essentially
operating a Ponzi scheme. During 2020 it incurred regulatory pressures which were part of a larger
move to stabilize the distressed national currency, end black market foreign currency speculation,
and normalize transactions between banking and mobile money systems. It was forced to join
ZimSwitch, the sole national electronic funds switch and clearing house for the country, which
processes electronic transactions among member financial institutions including online, mobile,
and electronic transactions.52

At the end of the day, these transitions are probably beneficial for consumers and helpful to estab-
lishing ecommerce. The RBZ has limited consumers to one mobile money wallet which will help
limit speculation and account manipulation. Transactions are limited to a ZWD$35,000/week limit.
These have had the overall effect of limiting transactions. Yet with virtually non-existent compe-
tition, and restrictions on transaction volumes, EcoCash has been assertive about imposing fees
and transaction costs, earning it backlash.53

54
19 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Advertising Expenditures in Local Markets

Given the nation’s dire economic situation, advertising revenues are slim and exist mostly at the
national level. Key segments advertise in print and on television, and include the social security
administration, telecoms, and supermarkets. Ad agencies tend to service national clients rather
than local markets. Observers conclude that ad revenues tend to flow to the national media with
close-to-government ties. As noted above, the most recent ad spend estimate was in 2015, which
valued the entire market at USD$152 million. Small, independent news media are at significant
disadvantage in this environment.

There is limited advertising infrastructure to support a more dynamic ecosystem. Large global ad
agencies are not present in the market. ZARF, the Zimbabwe Advertising Research Foundation,
has been inactive on Facebook since early 2019 and its website appears to be currently on pause.
It was established in 1997 to provide research about the Zimbabwean advertising market and its
audiences, with data comparable to those used in other African markets. Its last blog was posted
in 2016 and its event calendar is empty.

At the local level, journalists report that during the pandemic there has been growth in advertising
for services that drill for wells and for solar energy systems. These are well-suited to news media
in the WhatsApp environment with its limited and geographically focused reach.

Conclusions
There is a growing market for factual, independent, reliable, and affordable news delivered in
diverse languages in southern Zimbabwe. The local revenue sources to fund those efforts are
not apparent.

In an area of deep poverty, which has only been amplified by natural disasters and pandemic,
large parts of the population live in the informal economy and at subsistence levels. Consum-
er-generated revenue, at a level equal to supporting newsgathering, is unlikely to materialize in
the near-term. National advertising revenue appears to be captured by close-to-government news
media and does not flow to the community level; there are few sources of paid local advertising.

The government has used prolific tools in its efforts to suppress reporting, including force, legisla-
tion, intimidation, imprisonment, and — perhaps the most ubiquitous — increasing credentialing and
licensing fees to unaffordable levels. While the absolute cost of those fees might seem modest,
in the context of pervasive poverty, they are often punitive. Broadcast licenses remain beyond
the reach of local news organizations in smaller urban or rural areas.

Yet there are ways to strengthen journalists and journalism. Journalists have demonstrated spirited
innovation in their adoption of low-cost, no-cost platforms such as WhatsApp and Facebook. Their
use of podcasts, populated with audio bites captured from chatgroups enables them to reach
audiences (literate or illiterate) in vernacular languages. Audiences’ increased use of diverse news
sources, including online ones, during the pandemic reflects their hunger for credible information.

Investments in capacity building, along with support in the form of computers, phones, and data,
will help meet those needs. Topline audience data from GeoPoll suggests that deeper dives into
audience analytics, particularly those related to youth and women audiences, could help uncover
rich veins of content that would connect in substantive ways with those audiences.
20 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

While many media stakeholders in Zimbabwe were initially excited about the registration of com-
munity radio stations, excitement has been damped by the lack of clarity on how they can access
revenue, and that the awarding of some licenses is politically motivated.

Community and university radio station licenses are now available and can be a vector for reach-
ing populations marginalized by poverty, language, geography, or age. If licenses are awarded
to independent media outlets and if those outlets are allowed (i.e., funded) to flourish, those
emerging from those outlets should create a pipeline of journalists familiar with local context and
ready to produce local content.

The popularity of WhatsApp groups suggests that local organizations have a close ear to the
ground. By differentiating on local, hyperlocal, and vernacular language media — and optimizing
their use of digital media platforms — they can carve an important niche out of a larger media
ecosystem dominated by well-funded and politically-connected media.

At some unknown point, the country will complete its digital broadcast conversion and the telecom
market should both open and become more affordable. MISA-Zimbabwe and others are already
encouraging independent media to bypass broadcast and develop digital offerings. Strengthening
media’s use of digital analytics, preparing them to better manage their owned and social media
platforms, and improving their basic technology skills would all be beneficial.
21 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

Endnotes
1 https://reliefweb.int/report/zimbabwe/zimbabwe-tropical-cyclone-idai-final-report-dref-operation-n-
mdrzw014#:~:text=Named%20cyclone%20Idai%2C%20the%20disaster,lives%20and%20massive%20-
destruction%20to
2 https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/zimbabwe/overview
3 https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/04/world/africa/zimbabwe-economy-work-force.html?_r=0
4 https://www.statista.com/statistics/688852/ad-spend-country-africa/
5 https://borgenproject.org/droughts-in-zimbabwe/#:~:text=In%202016%2C%20Zimbabwe%20declared%20
a,million%20people%20faced%20food%20shortages.&text=By%20March%202020%2C%20predictions%20
determine,allocate%20support%20to%20these%20regions.
6 https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/zimbabwe/overview
7 https://openparly.com/index.php/2021/01/30/how-covid-19-stimulus-support-failed-to-jump-start-zim-
economy/
8 https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2021/country-chapters/zimbabwe#
9 https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2021/country-chapters/zimbabwe#
10 https://www.cnn.com/2021/01/08/africa/zimbabwe-journalist-chinono-arrested/index.html
11 https://www.techzim.co.zw/2020/07/government-gives-update-on-digital-broadcasting-migration-project/
12 https://www.theafricareport.com/51602/zimbabwe-mnangagwas-capture-of-judiciary-a-red-flag-for-state-
failure/
13 https://rsf.org/en/zimbabwe
14 https://rsf.org/en/zimbabwe
15 http://www.cpj.org/2011/01/zimbabwe-hikes-media-fees-under-draconian-media-la.php
16 http://www.newsday.co.zw/article/2011-01-05-shocker-as-govt-raises-media-fees
17 http://www.veritaszim.net/node/4745
18 https://zimbabwe.misa.org/2020/07/02/new-information-law-should-set-pace-for-repeal-of-other-draconian-
laws/
19 https://www.voanews.com/press-freedom/critics-decry-zimbabwes-press-freedom-failures
20 http://www.veritaszim.net/node/4455
21 https://zimbabwe.misa.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/13/2020/03/Report-on-the-Parliamentary-Portfolio-
Committee-on-Information-Publicity-and-Broadcasting-Services-public-hearings-on-the-Zimbabwe-Media-
Commission-Bill.pdf and https://zimbabwe.misa.org/2020/03/16/zimbabwe-media-commission-bill-needs-
to-be-fine-tuned/
22 https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Zimbabwe_2013.pdf
23 https://zimbabwe.misa.org/2020/03/16/zimbabwe-media-commission-bill-needs-to-be-fine-tuned/
24 https://www.transparency.org/en/press/zimbabwe-cyber-security-and-data-protection-bill-would-restrict-anti-
corruption-watchdogs-1
25 https://zimbabwe.misa.org/2020/05/19/cybersecurity-and-data-protection-bill-entrenches-surveillance-an-
analysis/
26 https://rsf.org/en/news/zimbabwe-well-known-journalist-arrested-his-harare-home
27 https://zimbabwe.misa.org/2021/01/23/misa-zimbabwe-position-on-2021-registration-accreditation-fees/
“For instance, the registration fees for mass media services, community mass media and news agency is
pegged at ZW$60 000; ZW$30 000 and ZW$40 000 respectively. This is a massive increase of more than 400
per cent from last year’s fees which were placed at ZW$15 000; ZW$5 000 and ZW$8 000 for mass media
services, community mass media and news agency respectively. Accreditation fees for local journalists have
been pegged at ZW$600 for first applicant and ZW$500 for renewal of accreditation, this was previously
pegged at ZW$120 and ZW$80 respectively.”
28 https://mg.co.za/africa/2021-01-29-freedom-of-expression-is-a-crucial-factor-in-managing-the-covid-19-
pandemic/
29 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jhrtZZ64RXI
30 https://zimbabwe.misa.org/2021/01/23/misa-zimbabwe-position-on-2021-registration-accreditation-fees/
31 https://www.herald.co.zw/zbc-hikes-radio-tv-licence-fees/
22 The Business Environment for News Media in Zimbabwe: 2021

32 https://www.theafricareport.com/52603/zimbabwes-new-television-licenses-media-pluralism-without-
diversity/
33 Ibid., https://www.theafricareport.com/52603/zimbabwes-new-television-licenses-media-pluralism-without-
diversity/
34 https://www.theafricareport.com/52603/zimbabwes-new-television-licenses-media-pluralism-without-
diversity
35 http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-02/20/c_138802880.htm
36 https://www.chronicle.co.zw/ntepe-manama-community-radio-trust-pays-license-fees-awaits-transmitters-to-
start-operating/
37 https://www.un.org/democracyfund/sites/www.un.org.democracyfund/files/zimbabwe-udf-16-702-zim_
evaluation_report.pdf
38 https://www.techzim.co.zw/2021/02/zim-govt-to-collect-vat-from-netflix-subscription-fees/
39 https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2021-zimbabwe#:~:text=There%20were%205.01%20million%20
internet,at%2033.4%25%20in%20January%202021.
40 https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2021-zimbabwe#:~:text=There%20were%205.01%20million%20
internet,at%2033.4%25%20in%20January%202021.
41 https://africa.businessinsider.com/local/markets/internet-mobile-call-cost-in-zimbabwe-has-gone-up-by-
almost-200-since-september-1st/5694mwq#:~:text=According%20to%20the%20new%20data,now%20
cost%20%24960%20from%20%24600.
42 GeoPoll, Zimbabwe Media Ratings, October 2020, prepared exclusively for Internews: this is the source for all
audience rating data in this report.
43 https://www.socialbakers.com/statistics/facebook/pages/total/zimbabwe
44 https://www.niemanlab.org/2019/03/whatsapp-has-come-in-to-fill-the-void-in-zimbabwe-the-future-of-news-
is-messaging/
45 https://www.facebook.com/econetzimbabwe/posts/tuesday-techpurchase-your-whatsapp-and-facebook-
bundles-today-and-join-the-world/631192056963344/
46 https://wan-ifra.org/2019/07/how-zimbabwes-263chat-distributes-news-on-whatsapp/
47 https://www.amnistia.org/en/news/2019/04/9928/zimbabwe-attack-on-263-chat-website-a-blatant-attempt-
to-muzzle-the-media
48 https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0240005
49 https://datareportal.com/reports/digital-2020-zimbabwe
50 https://www.techzim.co.zw/2020/10/ecocash-joins-zimswitch-you-can-now-send-money-from-ecocash-to-
onemoney-and-other-accounts-directly/
51 https://www.techzim.co.zw/2021/02/ecocash-clocks-zwl93-billion-in-lifetime-transactions-according-to-
cassava-2020-report/
52 https://www.techzim.co.zw/2021/02/ecocash-clocks-zwl93-billion-in-lifetime-transactions-according-to-
cassava-2020-report /
53 https://www.techzim.co.zw/2021/02/ecocash-clocks-zwl93-billion-in-lifetime-transactions-according-to-
cassava-2020-report/
54 https://www.techzim.co.zw/2021/02/ecocash-clocks-zwl93-billion-in-lifetime-transactions-according-to-
cassava-2020-report /