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Sicily 5th Coll PDF Download

The document provides links to various ebooks related to Sicily, covering topics from its history to travel guides. It also includes a historical communication from Thomas Jefferson to the House of Representatives regarding documents related to foreign intrigues and the potential dismemberment of the Union. Additionally, it contains extracts of letters from the Baron de Carondelet and Daniel Clark discussing political dynamics in the late 18th century concerning the Mississippi region.

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100% found this document useful (1 vote)
23 views30 pages

Sicily 5th Coll PDF Download

The document provides links to various ebooks related to Sicily, covering topics from its history to travel guides. It also includes a historical communication from Thomas Jefferson to the House of Representatives regarding documents related to foreign intrigues and the potential dismemberment of the Union. Additionally, it contains extracts of letters from the Baron de Carondelet and Daniel Clark discussing political dynamics in the late 18th century concerning the Mississippi region.

Uploaded by

skilwmpz570
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
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Download as PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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P. S. Daniel Clark, Esq., of New Orleans, has lately spent a number
of days with me in my camp; from him I have received much
valuable information, which it will be unnecessary for me to detail,
as he will give it to you himself in Philadelphia the ensuing winter.
He intends to visit that city immediately after our interview in New
Orleans.
There is not a gentleman of literature or science, and scarcely one
of respectability in this country, with whom I have not been upon the
most intimate footing ever since I came into it; and every attack that
has been made upon me has arisen either from envy or
misconception, to which I should never have paid any attention had
the principles of opposition not entered our camp, and begun to
embarrass our business.
A. E.

[Communicated to the House, February 4, 1804.]


To the House of Representatives of the United States:
In my Message of January 20th, I stated that some papers
forwarded by Mr. Daniel Clark of New Orleans to the Secretary of
State, in 1803, had not then been found in the office of State, and
that a letter had been addressed to the former chief Clerk, in the
hope that he might advise where they should be sought for. By
indications received from him they are now found. Among them, are
two letters from the Baron de Carondelet, to an officer serving under
him at a separate post, in which his views of a dismemberment of
our Union are expressed. Extracts of so much of these letters as are
within the scope of the resolution of the House are now
communicated. With these were found the letters written by Mr.
Clark to the Secretary of State, in 1803. A part of one only of these
relates to this subject, and is extracted and enclosed for the
information of the House. In no part of the papers communicated by
Mr. Clark, which are voluminous, and in different languages, nor in
his letters, have we found any intimation of the corrupt receipt of
money by any officer of the United States from any foreign agent. As
to the combinations with foreign agents for dismembering the Union,
these papers and letters offer nothing which was not probably
known to my predecessors, or which could call anew for inquiries,
which they had not thought necessary to institute, when the facts
were recent, and could be better proved. They probably believed it
best to let pass into oblivion transactions which, however culpable,
had commenced before this Government existed, and had been
finally extinguished by the Treaty of 1795.
TH. JEFFERSON.
February 4, 1808.

Extract of a letter from the Baron de Carondelet, dated


New Orleans, July 10, 1796.
I suppose, sir, that you are now at the Bluffs, and in possession of
a command which requires firmness, vigilance, conciliation, and
prudence, as well with regard to the savages as to the Americans;
for the evacuation of that important post is not yet so certain as not
to admit of doubt, at least so long as the savages remain attached to
us. Besides, it is proper to keep in view that the neighboring States,
that is to say, Kentucky and Tennessee, are interested that it should
remain in our power, for political reasons which cannot be trusted to
paper. You must, of consequence, keep them in those sentiments, by
treating their inhabitants, to whom the liberty of the navigation is
granted, with kindness and regard. Let the friendship of the
Chickasaws and the satisfaction of the Americans who navigate the
river, be the basis of your conduct; as for the rest, I have not yet
received any official news from the Court concerning the treaty,
which we know nothing of but through the American gazettes.
All the appearances of an approaching peace in Europe have
vanished; but it is probable that we shall not have war with the
English. Fourteen French ships of the line, with ten thousand men,
are actually to take possession of the Spanish port of St. Domingo;
and France and Spain appear more united than ever. The Spanish
inhabitants have lost their slaves.

Extract of a letter from the Baron de Carondelet, dated


New Orleans, Sept. 12, 1796.
In answer, sir, to your private letter of the 10th of last month, I
will acknowledge to you that I was under the belief that the Fort of
St. Ferdinand was badly constructed, but not to the degree that you
point out to me. You must, however, without augmenting the
expenses which its evacuation would render useless, put it in a state
to maintain yourself there until I receive new instructions from the
Court. Should the Court think proper, as may very well happen, not
to evacuate our posts on the Mississippi, I will despatch a courier to
you in all haste, that you may change the situation of the fort, which
ought to be done with all diligence, and so as that it be again
sufficiently intrenched to prevent its being surprised or attacked
before it is in a state of defence; for this purpose I will send
immediate and secret orders to New Madrid and to St. Genevieve,
that carpenters, masons, &c., should instantly be sent to you, and
you may also count on a reinforcement of troops, which I will send
to you by the galley Philapa, which I am causing to be rebuilt
without noise; all these dispositions, I repeat to you, ought to be
prompt and secret. I expect the answer of the Court in ——.
If His Majesty, on the contrary, should persist in it that the
evacuation of the forts must take place, it will be done in the most
simple mode, towards the commencement of January. In the mean
time you must prepare the minds of the Chickasaws, and of the
inhabitants of Kentucky and Tennessee, for one or the other of these
events. You ought to make the latter understand that their natural
interest leading them to separate at some day (un jour) from the
Atlantic States, the occupation of our posts on the Mississippi by the
troops of the latter could not but be disastrous to them, since they
would cut off all communication between them and us, from whom
alone they could, in that case, hope to receive assistance.
Extract of a letter from Daniel Clark to the Secretary of State, dated
New Orleans, March 8, 1803.
As a proof that expectations of assistance from ourselves against
our own Government have been always relied on by the Spaniards,
and that they have constantly looked to a division of our Western
States from the General Government, I now forward you an order to
receive from Washington Morton, Esq., of New York, a sealed packet
which I left in his possession when I set out for Europe, and which I
then mentioned I would show you at my return, not thinking, at that
time, that circumstances would occur so soon as to render the
disclosure a measure of immediate necessity. Among other papers of
less importance in this packet, is a small part of the correspondence
of the Baron de Carondelet with the officer commanding Fort St.
Ferdinand, at the Chickasaw Bluffs, in which he suffers his plans and
views to be clearly perceived, and which were solely aimed at our
destruction; the remainder are, as well as I recollect, copies of talks
and letters to and from the Chickasaw Indians; and, by the Baron de
Carondelet’s letter to the officer, you will perceive that the fact I
advised you respecting the annual pension of five hundred dollars to
Uguluycabé cannot be disputed.
Should you think these documents of sufficient importance to
require my presence in Washington to elucidate any part of them, I
shall immediately sacrifice all private business of my own, and
hasten there; and, in the mean time, will endeavor to collect, from
undoubted sources, such other information relative to this subject as
may be acceptable.
Although for four or five years past I had a perfect conviction that
the intrigues of the Spaniards with the Western country were not for
the time dangerous, on account of the incapacity of the Governors of
this province, and their want of pecuniary means, yet, fearful of
what might happen in future, should more enlightened and
ambitious chiefs preside over it, I could not last year resist the
temptation of hinting my suspicions of what had been formerly done
in this way to the President at an interview with which he honored
me, and I even went so far as to assert that a person supposed to
be an agent from the State of Kentucky had been here in the end of
1795 and beginning of 1796, to negotiate on the part of that State,
independent of the General Government, for the navigation of the
Mississippi, before the result of the Treaty of St. Lorenzo was known,
wishing that this hint might induce the President, to cause inquiry to
be made into the circumstance, which he could easily find the means
of investigating; but as he made no other inquiry of me respecting it
than merely in what year the thing happened, it struck me that he
must have had other information on the subject, and that he
thought it needless to hear any thing more about it. By great
accident I have lately learned something which induces me to
suppose that any information he may have received respecting the
measure alluded to has been incorrect, and given with the view of
misleading him, and I request you will mention the subject anew to
him, that you may know how far I am right in my suspicions. The
information I possessed on the subject, could not, from the way in
which it was obtained, be accompanied with what would be proof to
convict the person concerned, or I should have openly accused him
in the face of the world; but to me it amounts to a moral certainty of
his guilt, and my conduct to him showed, on all occasions, how
much I detested his object and his person. The same want of proof
positive, sufficient to convict him, prevents me at present from
naming him; but if inquiry is diligently made about the influential
character from Kentucky, who at that period was so long in Natchez,
and afterwards here, what his business was, and what was the idea
entertained of him, enough will doubtless be discovered to put our
Government on its guard against him and others of his stamp, and
against all foreign machinations in that quarter in future.

Communicated to the House, April 25, 1808, by Daniel Clark.


Pursuant to the resolution of the House, calling on me for
testimony relative to General Wilkinson’s receipt of money from the
Spaniards, I now lay before it some original papers, corroborating
the statement which I have already given:
No. 1. The first is the translation of a letter, in Spanish, from
Thomas Power to D. Thomas Portell, dated at New Madrid, June 27,
1796, and containing the reasons why it was proper for Portell to
deliver to Power, without an order in writing from General Wilkinson,
a sum of money which had been placed for that purpose in Portell’s
hands by the Spanish Government of New Orleans. The original
letter is subjoined in the handwriting of Mr. Power, with which I am
acquainted.
This letter explains the deposition of Derbigny, and also makes
mention of the letter in cipher from General Wilkinson to Gayoso,
then Governor of Natchez, of which a translation, in the handwriting
of Gayoso, has heretofore been laid before the House. It may be
proper to add that I am well acquainted with the handwriting of
Gayoso, in which the translation is written, and that he has been
dead more than eight years.
No. 2. A translation of Portell’s answer to the foregoing, dated
Madrid, on the same day, June 27, 1796. The original is subjoined in
the handwriting of Portell, with which I am acquainted.
The object of this correspondence seems to have been to furnish
to Portell the means of explaining to his superiors his motives for
delivering the money without a written order.
Nos. 3 and 4 are two original papers in the handwriting of Philip
Nolan, with which I am well acquainted. Nolan was the confidential
agent of Gen. Wilkinson in 1796, and has been dead several years.
These two papers are stated by Mr. Power to be secret instructions
given to him by General Wilkinson, after the latter received money
from Portell, mentioned in Nos. 1 and 2. The instructions, according
to Mr. Power’s statement, were given in the handwriting of Nolan, as
a measure of precaution against the danger of detection. The six
hundred and forty dollars, of which they make mention, are stated
by Mr. Power to be a part of the sum received, for Wilkinson, of
Portell, which Power, after his arrival in Kentucky, was obliged to use
for the expenses of his journey.
No. 5. Is the translation of a letter to the Baron de Carondelet
from Mr. Power, dated at New Orleans, May 9, 1797, after his return
from Kentucky. The original letter in Spanish is subjoined. It is in Mr.
Power’s handwriting, with which I am acquainted. It explains the
affair of the six hundred and forty dollars, mentioned in the secret
instructions, Nos. 3 and 4, and refers to and quotes those
instructions as the instructions of General Wilkinson.
No. 6. Is the translation of the Baron de Carondelet’s answer to
this letter. The answer is in Spanish, and in the handwriting of Don
Andres Armesto, Secretary to the Government, which I know. It is
signed by the Baron de Carondelet, with whose signature I am
acquainted.
DANIEL CLARK.

No. 1.
Translation of a letter from Thomas Power to Don Thomas Portell,
Commandant of New Madrid, dated
New Madrid, June 26, 1797.
Having received verbal instructions from Mr. James Wilkinson, the
American General, to take charge of the money, which, by a letter,
he received from the Secretary of the Government, Don Andres
Armesto, under date of 7th or 8th of March last, of which I was
bearer, he has advice, is deposited in this post, and being informed
by the official letter which you have received on this business from
the Governor General of the Province, of which you will be pleased
to furnish me a copy, that said money is not to be delivered without
an express order from the said Mr. Wilkinson, I find myself forced to
relate circumstantially some particulars to smooth and remove the
difficulty which the want of a written order on the part of the
aforesaid General Wilkinson presents. Although this relation may
appear an abuse of the confidence with which the Governor General
of the Province and the Governor of Natchez, and particularly
General Wilkinson, have honored me, I am persuaded that the
urgency of the case which offers will serve me as an excuse and
justification.
You are not ignorant of the fact, that Don Manuel Gayoso de
Lemos being here in the month of September, of the year last past,
he intrusted to me some despatches of the greatest importance for
General Wilkinson, which I carried to Cincinnati, and I returned with
the answers in the month of November. By order of the said Don
Manuel Gayoso, I made immediately another journey to the Ohio,
and I ascended it to Red Bank in search of Sebastian, who came
with me to the mouth of the Ohio, where we met with the Governor
of Natchez. At the end of December, I accompanied this gentleman
to Natchez, and I went thence to New Orleans.
The principal object of my going down was to take charge, by
order of General Wilkinson, of the money which you have now in
deposit for him, which is shown by the letters which he wrote to the
governors of this province and of Natchez; but, at my arrival, the
money had been already sent off in one of His Majesty’s galleys, for
this place, which I learned from the Baron de Carondelet, the
Intendant, and Don Andres de Armesto. I repeatedly treated on this
business with the two last of these persons, urging forcibly the
necessity of sending sugar, coffee, and powder, to New Madrid, to
form a cargo to take to Kentucky with Wilkinson’s money, hiding, by
this means, the true intention of the voyage, and giving it the
appearance of a commercial speculation. All this Wilkinson had
before represented as indispensable for many reasons, particularly in
order to avoid a misfortune similar to that which had already
occurred. At last the Secretary told me that the barge in which Mr.
Aaron Gregg, the American officer, was to go up, was destined for
this service, and that as for the crew, he would permit me to choose
among the Creoles, residents in this post, those who might appear
to me most worthy of confidence, so that I left New Orleans with the
belief that at my return to this post I should find every thing
disposed conformable to what I have just related. On arrival at
Greenville, informed General Wilkinson of the steps which had no
doubt had been taken, from whence has resulted, that he, like
myself, was impressed with the belief that all the measures for
executing this service with success had been taken. I cannot
communicate all the motives why Wilkinson has not given me an
order in writing; but one of them was, that he did not know the sum
of money which you had to deliver to his order, the Governors not
having written a word to him on the subject, the Secretary only
saying that his money was deposited in New Madrid, without
expressing the sum. In the letters in cipher, from General Wilkinson
for the governors, which are here enclosed, he tells them that he
has sent me to bring the aforesaid money, informing you that the
No. 1 is for the Governor General of the Province, and the No. 2 for
Don Manuel Gayoso. I will add that General Wilkinson, when I
represented to him that on presenting myself without his order in
writing, some difficulty might arise, authorized me, if the case
required it, to write an order that you should deliver his money,
specifying the sum there might be, signing it in his name, and giving
you a receipt therefor. I cannot omit that the commission of General
Wilkinson was so sudden, so urgent, that it was extended even to
limiting my return to my destination by the first of August, of which I
advise you that you may endeavor not to delay the service. I believe
that the Governor General is not ignorant of the embarrassments of
General Wilkinson, nor can he be ignorant that, for a long time past,
he has been expecting this money, the delay of which has been the
cause of much trouble to him, involving him in great difficulties; and
I can assure you, confidently, that he will be very much disgusted
with any delays in the expedition, which might be productive of
serious injury. As for the mode of carrying the money, it is evident
that to take it openly would be too scandalous a thing, if I were not
to say that it would be madness. The unhappy result of the
expedition of the unfortunate Henry Owen ought to serve as a
beacon in order not to lose ourselves on the same rock, and to make
us take another course less dangerous. I would wish you to put a
bag of one thousand dollars in a barrel of coffee or sugar, so that
although the difference of the respective gravity, between silver,
sugar, and coffee be very great, the quantity being so small, it will
not be easily known. It will likewise be prudent to carry some barrels
without money in order to sell them before arriving at Cincinnati, if it
should so happen that any one should offer to buy these goods,
because not to sell them when it might be done to advantage would
excite suspicion; and to complete the disguise it would be well to
take a certain quantity of powder and rum. If these dispositions
should appear defective, I beg you to make such changes as may be
to your mind. God preserve you many years.

No. 2.
Translation of a letter from Don Thomas Portell to Mr. Thomas Power,
dated
New Madrid, June 29, 1796.
Having well considered the contents of your letter of this day, I
mention that I agree in every thing to the whole of the reflections
you place before me; although at first sight it appears that I ought
to wait the decision of the Governor General, as he prescribes to me
in his official letter of the 20th of January of the present year, and of
which I enclose you a copy, which you request of me. The
circumstances which you expose are such, that they leave me
nothing more to do than to tell you to forward me a memorandum of
the number of pounds of coffee, sugar, barrels in which to fill the
powder and rum you desire for your expedition, because, as soon as
I receive it, I will get it ready as you desire, informing you that for
the merchandise you must sign me an acknowledgment of having
received it, and for the money a receipt as attorney of General
Wilkinson.
In order that the barge may be ready, and as you may want it, I
have written an official letter to the Lieutenant-colonel Vincente
Folch, that he may send it as soon as possible, because as nothing
was said to me of what you have now mentioned respecting it, Mr.
Francis Langlois asked it of me for an affair of service, and took it
loaded with corn to the Fort of San Fernando, and it has not been
returned, although I have required it, thinking it might be wanted
here; Don Vincente Folch having answered me, that if I had not
orders to keep it, there were none to return it.
The two letters in cipher remain in my hands, which I shall
forward by the first safe opportunity, with the distinction you point
out, No. 1 to the Governor General, and No. 2 to the Governor of
Natchez.
As for packing the money and arranging the barrels, as soon as
they are ready, between you and myself, all this may be done
without any one else acquiring a knowledge of it. God preserve you
many years.

No. 3.
Instructions from Gen. Wilkinson to Thomas Power.
To proceed to Galliopolis: to make application and propositions to
the leading characters there to induce them to move to New Madrid,
with all the French of that settlement; to urge this point in such
measure as to attract the attention of the public officers there,
whose report to the Executive will immediately follow, and will
account for his frequent missions to that place: to return as rapidly
as possible; to load with flour and proceed without a moment’s delay
to New Orleans; in the route to see Newman, and to enter on the
subject of his desertion; to inform him of the facts which have
transpired, and the opinions prevalent; to urge his return, as the
request of all his friends; to assure him of safety, and of such reward
as he may demand; also that being pardoned for the imputed
offence, no further process can lie against him for the same; that
the oath which he was suborned to take, being made while in
duress, is in itself a nullity, and cannot be offered in crimation of
him; it will be necessary that he should take down his examination,
founded on the interrogations furnished him; and if they prove
material to the crimination of Wane and his associates, then he must
embark N——n under a fictitious name at New Orleans for
Philadelphia; and having arrived there, must lodge him in some
retired place, and call upon me, under cover of the night, for further
advice. You will hear of me at ——. If N——n cannot be prevailed
upon to return under dispositions favorable to my views, then let his
declaration on oath be circumstantially taken to all the points
enumerated in the interrogations, in the presence of Dr. Flowers,
Colonel Bruin, Daniel Clark, or any three or four of the most
notorious, and of the most respectable Americans of the Natchez
district. Let these gentlemen certify to two copies, and to the
original, and let them be transmitted to me through different
channels. P. to take charge of the original. Mr. P. must take with him
credentials from the Government of Louisiana, acquitting him of any
political connection or agency injurious or hostile to the interests of
the United States. He must carry to Philadelphia testimonials of his
family and character, addressed to as many of the native respectable
merchants of that city as possible: these may be readily procured
from New Orleans and the Havana.
It is indispensable that P. should meet me in Philadelphia; for the
rest let him rely on my friendship and address. To collect from
Bradford every information respecting the Pittsburg insurrection,
which may be employed, should it be found necessary, to disgrace
certain persons: to bear no paper about him which carries my name
upon it.

No. 4.
Employ the six hundred and forty dollars, avec le cargaison, to pay
expenses and lay in a cargo of best flour pour la ville, where it will
help to reimburse. In making your settlement, take care to secure
me the six hundred and forty dollars advanced, and bring them with
you. I have urged peremptorily the necessity of your presence at the
metropolis. Bring me N——n, if, upon examination, you find his
presence of more consequence than his deposition, when taken as
directed. I believe he was caused to desert by O’Hara: probe him to
that point. You are to bring me papers, but my name is not to be
written or spoken. You must do the needful below to detect and
expose past treachery or indiscretion, and to prevent either in
future. I have referred particularly on this head. I shall expect you
impatiently. Should I continue where I am I shall wish you near me.
If I cross the water, you are to accompany: bring every credential of
family and fortune to repulse the insinuations of ——. Trust
something to my address, and put faith in my honor and affections
to the grave.

No. 5.
Letter from Thomas Power to the Baron de Carondelet, dated
New Orleans, May 9, 1797.
Enclosed your Excellency will receive the documents relative to my
last confidential expedition, made by your Excellency’s order, on the
Ohio, of which I have already given you a narrative, as well verbal as
in writing. The remarks which follow will serve for its elucidation.
I left New Madrid with ten oarsmen and a patron; the provisions
which were delivered to the crew were, biscuit for a month; meat for
a month; rum for fifteen days.
To disguise, as far as possible, the true object of the expedition,
we had hired the people under the same conditions as are common
in commercial voyages, so that the monthly rations allowed by the
King did not even last fifteen days. The reason why I issued to the
crew two extraordinary allowances of liquor daily, counting from the
day we left Red Bank until our arrival at the falls of Ohio, was to
encourage them to row with vigor, that Lieutenant Steel, whom I
thought in pursuit of me, might not again take me, because, had I
fallen into his hands a second time, I was lost. As respects the one
hundred and fifty dollars, for the horse which I bought to make the
journey from Frankfort to Cincinnati, and the expenses which
accrued on this journey, they were indispensable for a double
motive: to carry my complaint against Steel, for having offered so
great an insult to our flag, and to give advice of my arrival to the
American General, Mr. James Wilkinson, that he might take the
necessary measures. I have to add that, the motive which has
induced me to dispose of the merchandise which I received of J. and
A. Hunt, in exchange for the coffee and sugar, was to give credit to
the opinion which I myself had raised, that I had come to purchase
horses to take to Natchez, in order to better the breed in that
district. Besides this, as the occurrence with Steel had awakened
suspicions, excited apprehensions, and attracted the attention of the
inhabitants of the Western country, all had their eyes directed on
me, so that I found myself obliged to do something which should
please them, that it might serve me as a safe conduct to quit those
parts, which by the this means I happily effected. The mare, of
which statement No. 1 makes mention, was lost on my arrival at
New Madrid in the woods, where she died of thirst, the excessive
frosts having entirely frozen up the waters. The stud-horse I
delivered on going down to Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, but he
returned him to me a short time since, and I have him carefully kept
until your Excellency is pleased to make some disposition respecting
him. Of the sum of $9,640, which I was to deliver to Mr. James
Wilkinson, I have only delivered him nine thousand, having retained
the six hundred and forty dollars to avoid the unfortunate result with
which I was threatened, and likewise to provide what was necessary
for the crew during the voyage. The following are the documents
which are enclosed:
No. 1. The account sale of the merchandise, laden, &c.
No. 2. Account of the expenses for the crew.
No. 3. Account and expenditure of the six hundred and forty
dollars.
No. 4. Statement which shows in what manner the merchandise
has been made use of.
No. 5. Statement which shows what is due to me.
No. 6. Invoice of J. and A. Hunt.
All which are accompanied with the obligation of Mr. N. Welch for
one hundred and five dollars, and the two receipts of Mr. Boyd, the
one for four hundred and sixty-six dollars and two-thirds, for the
value of a horse; the other for two hundred dollars, for the value of
a mare. The balance which appears in my favor, according to the
statements Nos. 3 and 4, as well as the account of my monthly pay
for fourteen months, I beg your Excellency will be pleased to direct
that it should be remitted to me, or delivered to Mr. Philip Nolan, to
whom I have given advice on the subject.
Mr. James Wilkinson, in the instructions which he has given me,
directs that I should present to your Excellency the account of the
expenses to which the six hundred and forty dollars have been
applied, (and I have done so in the statement No. 3,) that he may
be reimbursed said amount. The instruction says, “in making your
settlement take care to secure me the six hundred and forty dollars
advanced, and bring them with you.” Although he charged me to
take them to him to the United States, I am of opinion that no one is
better suited to remit them than Mr. Philip Nolan, as your Excellency
has now resolved that I should remain in this province; your
Excellency will please to suffer me to assure you that in every
particular I have acted with prudence, with honor, and the
disinterestedness of an honest man, as well as with the zeal and
fidelity which the King’s service requires, and with the vigilance and
activity, [here there is a line unintelligible.] I deserve nothing and
expect nothing for having fulfilled the obligations of a good subject
to His Majesty, unless your Excellency will be pleased to procure me
opportunities of displaying the inclination I feel of sacrificing myself
for the prosperity of my country and glory of my Sovereign.
God preserve your Excellency many years.
THOMAS POWER.

No. 6.
Answer to the foregoing, dated
New Orleans, May 28, 1797.
There remain in my hands the six documents relative to the
account of the last expedition which you made on the Ohio, and
which you enclosed to me in your official letter of the 9th instant,
and they are as follows:
No. 1. Account sales of the effects laden at New Madrid.
No. 2. Another of the expenses of the crew.
No. 3. Account of the expenditure of the six hundred and forty
dollars.
No. 4. Statement which shows how the merchandise has been
employed.
No. 5. Statement which shows the balances due to you, &c.
No. 6. Original invoice of J. & A. Hunt.
On account of it there will be delivered to you one thousand
dollars, that you may make preparations for your journey in the new
commission which I intrust to your care.
It is necessary to see how you can get rid of the horse with the
least possible loss, as well as to recover the debt of Nicholas Welch,
or have it recovered, for which purpose I enclose you his obligation;
and likewise the proceeds of the merchandise, which, to the amount
of three hundred and fifty-three dollars, you delivered to Don Pedro
Derbigny, in order to give an account to the Court without these
balances, which cause trouble and appear speculations, when they
are no more than the effect of necessity, and the difficulty which
these commissions cause in places where there are no resources,
when you have to deceive the vigilance of spies.
As you finish these matters, and as soon as your present
commission is fulfilled, you will give me advice.
God preserve you many years.
BARON DE CARONDELET.
To Thomas Power.

Thursday, January 28.


Mr. Southard, one of the members for the State of New Jersey,
informed the House of the death of his colleague, Mr. Ezra Darby, late
one of the members of this House: Whereupon, the House came to
the following resolutions:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take order for


superintending the funeral of Ezra Darby, Esq., late a Representative
from the State of New Jersey.
Resolved, unanimously, That the members of this House will
testify their respect for the memory of Ezra Darby, Esq., late one of
their body, by wearing crape on the left arm for one month.
Resolved, unanimously, That the members of this House will
attend the funeral of Ezra Darby, Esq., on to-morrow at twelve
o’clock.
Resolved, unanimously, That a message be sent to the Senate, to
notify them of the death of Ezra Darby, late a member of this House,
and that his funeral will take place on to-morrow, at twelve o’clock;
and that the Clerk of this House do go with the said message.

Ordered, That Mr. Southard, Mr. Masters, Mr. Porter, Mr. Helms, Mr.
Newbold, and Mr. Lambert, be appointed a committee, pursuant to the
first resolution.

Saturday, January 30.


Removal of Federal Judges on the Address of Congress.

Mr. G. W. Campbell.—It has always been my opinion that in a free


Government like ours, every department ought to be responsible for
its conduct. The Constitution of the United States was evidently
framed on this principle, and the preservation and security of the
rights and liberties of the citizens and the due execution of the laws
will be found to rest, in a great degree, on rendering public agents
sufficiently and practically responsible for their conduct to the nation.
That this is not the case with the Judiciary of the United States has
been proved by experience. Your judges once appointed are
independent of the Executive, the Legislature, and the people, and
may be said to hold their offices for life. They are removable only on
conviction by impeachment of high crimes and misdemeanors, and
this mode of proceeding has been found in practice totally
inefficient, and not to answer the purpose for which it was intended
—that of rendering your judges duly responsible for their conduct.
They may therefore be considered as independent of the rest of the
nation, (and they seem to think so themselves,) as if this provision in
the constitution, relative to impeachment, did not exist. No matter
how erroneous their opinions—how dangerous to the public weal—
how subversive of the interest of the people—how directly opposed
to the laws of your country; yet, as it is neither a high crime nor
misdemeanor to hold erroneous opinions, which they seem
conscientiously to believe, they cannot be removed by impeachment
—they are independent of the rest of the nation.
This subject has attracted the attention of the people in most of
the States. The Legislatures of several States have passed
resolutions declaring the necessity of amending the Federal
Constitution, so as to render the judges, in practice as well as in
theory, responsible for their conduct. The most numerous branch of
the Legislature of the State which I have the honor to represent in
part, have declared their opinion in favor of such amendment. In
order, therefore, to bring this subject before the House, that the
sense of the National Legislature may be ascertained thereon, I
submit the following resolution:

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the


United States of America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both
Houses concurring therein, That the following amendment to the
Constitution of the United States be proposed to the Legislatures of
the several States, which, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-
fourths of the said States, shall be valid to all intents and purposes,
as part of the said constitution: The Judges of both the Supreme
and Superior Courts of the United States shall, after the —— day of
——, be removed from office by the President of the United States,
on the joint address of both Houses of Congress requesting the
same, three-fifths of each House concurring in such address.

This resolution was referred to a Committee of the Whole on the


state of the Union.

Monday, February 1.
Another member, to wit, George Clinton, junior, from New York,
appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified, and took his seat
in the House.

Monday, February 22.

Captain Pike.

Mr. J. Montgomery observed, that to Captains Lewis and Clarke,


who had explored the Western country, a compensation had been
made; he held in his hand a similar resolution for remunerating
Captain Pike for the important services he had rendered on an
almost similar expedition, which he proposed, as follows:

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire what


compensation ought to be made to Captain Pike and his companions
for their services in exploring the Mississippi River, and in their late
expedition to the sources of the Osage, Arkansas, and La Platte
Rivers, together with their tour through New Spain; and that they
have leave to report by bill or otherwise.

Mr. Marion objected to the phraseology of the resolution, as


sanctioning a general principle, to which he was not prepared to
assent. The resolution did not go to inquire if any compensation, but
what compensation, should be given; thus taking it for granted that
some remuneration should be made. Mr. M. wished it to be so
modified as to inquire “if any, and, if any, what,” compensation
should be granted.
Mr. Montgomery acceding to this alteration, the resolution was
adopted.

Wednesday, February 24.


Removal of Judges upon Address from Congress.

Mr. Whitehill presented the resolutions of the Legislature of


Pennsylvania, requesting their members in Congress to use their
endeavors to procure an amendment to the Constitution of the
United States, so that the Judges of the United States should hold
their offices for a term of years, and be liable to removal by the
President, on the joint address of a majority of both Houses of
Congress; and that, on trials by impeachment, a majority of the
Senate should be competent to conviction.
Mr. Bard moved to refer the resolutions to the Committee of the
Whole on the state of the Union.
Mr. Dana opposed the motion. The resolutions were only
instructions to the Pennsylvania delegation. This House had nothing
to do with them.
After a debate of about two hours, the question was taken and
carried—yeas 82, nays 27.

Monday, April 4.
A new member, to wit, Adam Boyd, returned to serve in this House
as a Representative for the State of New Jersey, in the room of Ezra
Darby, deceased, appeared, produced his credentials, was qualified,
and took his seat in the House.

Tuesday, April 12.


Frauds in Land Warrants.

Mr. Randolph rose to give notice that he meant to bring forward a


motion on a subject of considerable public interest, and in which in
his opinion the honor of the Government of the United States was
materially implicated. He held in his hand an application from a
veteran soldier on the subject of his bounty land, and who had sent
him a power of attorney to act for him—a man of unimpeachable
character, and who had not been at the seat of Government since it
was established—his name William Bryan. I found, said Mr. R., that
his warrant, No. 9—, has been drawn and fraudulently located; I say
fraudulently, because I am well assured that the party has not
received any advantage from the warrant, and there is the strongest
evidence of fraud. His warrant has been drawn and located, by
whom I cannot discover; my researches were completely baffled by
the memorable fire, which it is presumable owed its origin to a
desire to cover frauds of this nature. I was referred from the War
Office to the Treasury Office; for the only chance of finding out who
had acted as attorney in fact for this old man, was, that the warrant
ought to have been returned and on file there. On going there I
found that the space on the record which the warrant ought to have
occupied, was blank; and that no such warrant exists on the
Treasury files. I believe this is far from being a solitary case, but that
the cases are numerous, and many of those who have honestly
earned a title to public land have been in this way defrauded, and
the land sold to speculators who have reaped the benefit of it. I
therefore give notice that I shall at a future day move for an inquiry
into this subject.

Suspension of the Embargo.


The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, 55
to 20, on the resolution offered by Mr. G. W. Campbell, declaring that
the President of the United States ought, in the event of certain
contingencies occurring during the recess of Congress, to be
authorized to suspend the operation of the embargo.
Mr. G. W. Campbell said he would state to the House, in a very brief
manner, some of the reasons which induced him to bring forward
this resolution.
It will be recollected, said he, that the causes which induced the
passage of the law, imposing an embargo, were the orders of council
by Great Britain, and the decrees by France, which went in a great
degree to cut off and destroy the whole commerce of the United
States. In case those causes should be removed, I presume it will be
thought necessary that there should be a power vested somewhere
to withdraw the embargo occasioned by those orders and decrees.
As therefore it is believed that we shall not be much longer in
session, and it is at least possible that these orders and decrees may
be removed, that Great Britain may revoke her orders of council or
change them so as not to affect our commerce, and that France may
revoke her decrees or change them so as to render our commerce
secure, it is all-important that a power should be vested somewhere
to give the people such relief as would be justified by this state of
things. Suppose it were the case that any alteration should take
place when Congress were not in session, some weeks, nay, some
months must pass before Congress could be in session and a law
pass for removing the embargo; the consequence of which would be
that the country would suffer the pressure of the embargo for weeks
or months longer than would be necessary; and I presume no
member of the House will say that it would be proper to continue
longer than necessary the pressure which the embargo must make
upon them. There is I presume at least some reason to believe that
the belligerent powers themselves are beginning to see their own
interests injured. We see, by the latest accounts from Great Britain,
that propositions are made in Parliament for revoking her orders.
Should this take place, it is presumable that we also should revoke
our regulations. This measure would also have a good effect in
turning the attention of the people to the real source whence their
present inconveniences flow; they will be taught to look to those
circumstances which produced the embargo, a change of which
would justify its removal. This would be a consideration of some
importance. The mind of the public would be kept alive by the
expectation that every day may bring the news which would induce
Government to revoke the embargo, which no doubt bears hard
upon the agricultural as well as commercial interests of the country.
The resolution as it now stands seems to me to embrace the
principal grounds upon which we ought to authorize the Executive to
suspend the operation of the law in question. If a general peace or
suspension of hostilities take place in Europe, it would seem that
there would be no danger from a suspension of the interdiction of
our own vessels from sailing; but if no such event takes place, in the
event of such alterations as shall exclude American commerce from
the operation of the orders and decrees of the belligerents, it will be
proper that the embargo should be suspended, they being the
grounds on which the measure was adopted. You must vest a power
somewhere to ascertain whether such change take place or not. You
cannot precisely determine the fact which shall authorize
suspension; for were you to say that in case of a revocation of the
decrees of France or England the embargo shall cease, you give a
vast advantage to those nations—for they may revoke them to-day
and reinstate them to-morrow, as their interests may dictate. It is
therefore necessary to vest a power somewhere to ascertain not
only the revocation, but a reasonable assurance that they will not be
renewed. For this purpose it is essentially necessary that the
President should be authorized to determine the changes which shall
render our commerce safe, by the assurances which may be given
that they will not again resort to similar measures. This I mention
only as my general object; as to the expressions in the resolution I
am not tenacious of them; and in any modification of them which
shall promote the public good I shall certainly acquiesce. I have no
object but one; that the public may see that we have not left our
posts till we had done every thing in our power to relieve them from
the distress of measures adopted by us and rendered necessary by
the conduct of other nations.
I conceive this to be more important to the people on the
seacoasts than to the people in the Western country. To the Western
country a few weeks or months protraction of the interdiction, in the
fall of the year, could not be of much importance; yet it would seem
to me that in the commercial cities and towns, in the Atlantic States,
a few days or weeks, much more so a few months’ which might
occur before Congress could convene, would be very important; and
they would feel much uneasiness if, knowing such changes had
taken place as would warrant the removal of the embargo, they
were compelled to lie under its pressure until Congress could meet
to revoke it. It cannot be expected, after the President shall
determine to call Congress, that they can be convened here in less
than three months. Such a resolution as this therefore would be
beneficial to the commercial interest.

Wednesday, April 13.


Suspension of the Embargo.

The House then went into a Committee of the Whole on the


resolution.
Mr. Love said, to a proposition having for its object the removal of
the embargo, at the first moment the public interests would permit,
he had presumed there would have been no objection made either
on that floor or by any man in the nation. In this presumption, said
Mr. L., I am extremely sorry to be disappointed, and more especially
so as the mode of opposition calls for a reply from those who have
been the advocates of the system of policy pursued by the
Government, during the embarrassing crisis it has been compelled to
encounter.
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