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01_debut.fm Page i Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

UNDERSTANDING MILITARY CULTURE

01_debut.fm Page ii Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM
01_debut.fm Page iii Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

Understanding
Military Culture
A Canadian Perspective
ALLAN D. ENGLISH

McGill-Queen’s University Press

Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca
01_debut.fm Page iv Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

© Her Majesty the Queen as represented by the Minister of

National Defence 2004
isbn 0-7735-2664-1 (cloth)
isbn 0-7735-2715-x (paper)

Legal deposit first quarter 2004

Bibliothèque nationale du Québec

Printed in Canada on acid-free paper that is 100% ancient forest free

(100% post-consumer recycled), processed chlorine free.

This book has been published with the help of a grant from the
Canadian Forces Leadership Institute.

McGill-Queen’s University Press acknowledges the support of the

Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program. We also
acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada
through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (bpidp)
for our publishing activities.

This study was prepared for the Canadian Department of National

Defence but the views expressed in it are solely those of the author.
They do not necessarily reflect the policy or the opinion of any
agency, including the Government of Canada and the Canadian
Department of National Defence.

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication

English, Allan D. (Allan Douglas), 1949–

Understanding military culture: a Canadian perspective /
Allan D. English

Includes bibliographical references and index.

isbn 0-7735-2664-1 (bnd)
isbn 0-7735-2715-x (pbk)

1. Sociology, Military – Canada. 2. Sociology, Military – United

States. I. Title.

ua600.e54 2004 306.2′7′0971 c2003-905088-2

This book was typeset by Dynagram Inc. in 10.5/13 Palatino.

01_debut.fm Page v Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

This book is dedicated to my wife, Gina Gushue,

and my children, Meredith and Kyle English,
whose love and support
made this book possible.
01_debut.fm Page vi Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM
01_debut.fm Page vii Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

Table of Contents

Foreword – Rear Admiral David Morse ix

Foreword – Capt (N) A.C. Okros xi
Preface xiii
Abbreviations xv
1 Introduction 3
2 Culture – “The Bedrock of Military Effectiveness” 10
3 Influences on Military Culture 39
4 American Military Culture 71
5 Canadian Military Culture 87
6 Comparing Military Culture in Canada and
the United States 111
7 The Future 130
8 Conclusions 152
Notes 161
Bibliography 179
Index 195
01_debut.fm Page viii Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM
01_debut.fm Page ix Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

Foreword
R E A R A D M I R A L D AV I D M O R S E
C O MM AND E R, C A NAD IA N D EF EN CE AC A DE MY

The Canadian Defence Academy (cda) was created in 2002 to

champion, govern, and manage professional development re-
form initiatives in the Canadian Forces (cf). The cda will also be
a body to institutionalize and maintain the momentum behind
these reforms, which contribute to the cf ’s strategic objectives
for professional development. Key among these objectives are
fostering intellectual development and critical thinking within
Canada’s military and the transformation of the cf into a learn-
ing organization. The Chief of the Defence Staff, General R.R.
Henault, put it this way: “Professional development is at the
heart of the Profession of Arms. The cda will play a vital role in
the reform and transformation of our professional standards and
competencies.”
The publication of this book is one of a number of initiatives
taken by the cda to stimulate debate about the profession of arms
in Canada. Readers are invited to join the debate and make their
own contribution to military professionalism in this country.
01_debut.fm Page x Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM
01_debut.fm Page xi Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

Foreword
CAPT (N) A.C. OKROS
D I R E CT O R , C ANA D I AN F O RCE S L E A D E R S H I P IN ST I T U T E

This is one in a series of publications sponsored by the Canadian

Forces Leadership Institute (cfli). The purpose of these publica-
tions is to disseminate ideas about leadership not only to mem-
bers of the Department of National Defence but also to a wider
audience of those who have an interest in military leadership.
This study is particularly timely because of the ongoing debate
about how military culture in this country is related to the mili-
tary cultures of our allies and how differing military cultures
impact upon multinational operations. There is also a vigorous
debate in some parts of the Canadian Forces over the nature of
military culture in this country and how this affects the Canadian
military’s roles as war fighters, peacekeepers, and as part of Ca-
nadian society. With this book, the cfli makes a contribution to
this debate. Readers are encouraged to contact the Institute or the
author if they have any questions or would like to pursue the is-
sues examined in this study in more depth.
01_debut.fm Page xii Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM
01_debut.fm Page xiii Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

Preface

This study originated as a request from Lieutenant-General

Romeo Dallaire to investigate the “Americanization” of the Ca-
nadian officer corps as part of his research program as Special
Advisor to the Chief of Defence Staff on Officer Professional De-
velopment. Some preliminary findings were published as “The
Americanization of the Canadian Officer Corps: Myth and Real-
ity?” in Bernd Horn’s Contemporary Issues in Officership: A Cana-
dian Perspective. The analysis of the phenomenon of military
culture found in this book came about as a result of a request by
Dr Ross Pigeau, head of the Command Group at Defence Re-
search and Development Canada (drdc) – Toronto, to investi-
gate these issues in a more detailed way in a Canadian context.
The author would like to thank Lieutenant-General Dallaire,
Lieutenant-Colonel Horn, Dr Pigeau, and Carol McCann, also of
drdc – Toronto, for their encouragement in the writing of this
study. The author is also grateful to the Canadian Forces Leader-
ship Institute, especially its director, Capt (N) Alan Okros, for its
support in publishing this study.
01_debut.fm Page xiv Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM
01_debut.fm Page xv Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

Abbreviations

amsc Advanced Military Studies Course

cbc Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
cda Canadian Defence Academy
cds Chief of the Defence Staff
cf Canadian Forces
cfli Canadian Forces Leadership Institute
cgsc Command and General Staff College
cinc Commander-in-Chief
csis Center for Strategic and International Studies
dnd Department of National Defence
drdc Defence Research and Development Canada
idf Israeli Defence Forces
mnd Minister of National Defence
mrg Management Review Group
mwo Master Warrant Officer
nato North Atlantic Treaty Organization
ncm non-commissioned member
nco non-commissioned officer
nda National Defence Act
ndhq National Defence Headquarters
ngo non-governmental organization
norad North American Aerospace Defence Command
ootw operations other than war
raf Royal Air Force
rcaf Royal Canadian Air Force
rcf Royal Flying Corps
rcn Royal Canadian Navy
01_debut.fm Page xvi Monday, December 8, 2003 2:14 PM

xvi Abbreviations

rma Revolution in Military Affairs

rmc Royal Military College of Canada
rn Royal Navy
un United Nations
unef United Nations Emergency Force
usmc United States Marine Corps
usn United States Navy
02_ch_01.fm Page 1 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM

UNDERSTANDING MILITARY CULTURE

02_ch_01.fm Page 2 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM
02_ch_01.fm Page 3 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM

Introduction

Change has been a constant companion of Canada’s armed forces

during the last half of the twentieth century. Demobilization after
the Second World War was followed by a period of Cold War ex-
pansion and rearmament in the 1950s and early 1960s. The expe-
rience of integration and unification – merging the three services
(the Royal Canadian Navy, the Royal Canadian Air Force, and
the Canadian Army) into one legal entity in the late 1960s and
the 1970s – resulted in significant changes to the structure of the
Canadian Forces (cf). “Disintegration” (organizational and uni-
form changes that marked the return of the three services in ap-
pearance if not in name) and substantial downsizing in the 1980s
and 1990s threw the cf into further disarray. Since the Second
World War, an underlying theme in discussions of this change
has been the degree to which the cf have become “American-
ized” and what effects this might have on them. One of the few
published analyses to deal directly with this issue offers a pessi-
mistic assessment of the chances for the survival of a unique
identity for Canada’s armed forces. Granatstein noted that ideo-
logical similarities and geography make it very likely that Can-
ada’s defence policies will constantly move “in tandem” with
American policies, and that this process, combined with a desire
for technically sophisticated American equipment – which has
turned Canadian “equipment envy” into another driving force –
make the Americanization of the cf almost preordained. He adds
that unification, by wiping out the traditional British counterbal-
ance to American influence, hastened the process of American-
ization which was largely completed by the budget cuts of the
02_ch_01.fm Page 4 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM

4 Understanding Military Culture

Trudeau and Mulroney years. Granatstein concludes that if the

cf ever abandon bilingualism, “there will be very little other
than Canada’s self-professed expertise in United Nation’s peace-
keeping to differentiate the military forces of the two countries.”1
Lately, the trends toward Americanization that Granatstein ob-
served may be accelerating. As a matter of policy over the next five
years, the Department of National Defence (dnd) intends to “man-
age our interoperability relationship with the US and other allies to
permit seamless operational integration at short notice … [to] de-
velop a comprehensive program to adopt a new doctrine and
equipment compatible with our principal allies … [and to] expand
the joint and combined exercise program to include all environ-
ments and exchanges with the US.” A commitment has also been
made to incorporate the application of concepts based on the Revo-
lution in Military Affairs (rma) into dnd, especially in the realm of
command and leadership. In part, this policy is based on the as-
sumption that our closest neighbour “will in all likelihood remain
the dominant global power.”2 The deliberate choice to embrace key
tenets of the US armed forces’ philosophy and doctrine by the se-
nior leadership of dnd is not a new phenomenon, but among the
tendencies remarked upon since the Second World War. The Cana-
dian military has been strongly influenced by one imperial power
or another from the earliest days of organized armed forces in this
country,3 but dnd’s most recent intention to forge a closer relation-
ship with the US armed services would, on the surface, suggest
that the cf will become more “Americanized” in the years to come.
This book is a study of some of the major issues surrounding
change and the associated Americanization of the cf since their
unification in 1968. Some of the questions to be examined include
these: How might such initiatives as the Revolution in Military
Affairs, coalition operations, and the push toward interoperabil-
ity with the US armed services affect the uniqueness of Canadian
military doctrine and philosophy? Is it inevitable that American
military values and ethics will be absorbed and internalized by
Canadian officers, making it difficult for these officers to then
embody and represent a uniquely Canadian military ethos? Is
the Canadian officer corps at risk of being “Americanized”? And
if this happens, what implications (both positive and negative)
would it have for the Canadian Forces?
02_ch_01.fm Page 5 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM

Introduction 5

Many of these questions have been debated in various forms

over the past thirty years, as commentators have asserted that the
cf were going through a number of crises related to changes in
Canadian society and the military. Whether these were crises of
values, leadership, command, civil-military relations, ethos, eth-
ics, or something else depended on the observer’s perspective. In
hindsight, perhaps it is fair to say that what the various critics
were reacting to was the dimension of change in the cf they per-
ceived to be most important. Rather than try to deal with any spe-
cific aspect of change, this study will rely on the overarching
concept of culture to examine the various dimensions of change
identified above and to attempt to account for not only their indi-
vidual effects but also their cumulative effects on the cf.
Culture, described as the “bedrock of military effectiveness,”4
has been selected as a unifying concept here because it can help
explain the “motivations, aspirations, norms and rules of con-
duct” – what might be called the essence of the Canadian, or any
other, military. The concept of culture also allows us to under-
stand how new technologies may influence, and in turn be influ-
enced by, military culture in the future. This is a crucial issue
because we know that how armed forces fight may be “more a
function of their culture than their doctrine” – or their technol-
ogy for that matter.5 History has shown that even when military
forces have had access to the same technology, whether they de-
veloped the doctrine to use that technology effectively or not was
largely a function of each force’s culture.6 As Paul Johnston put
it, “formal doctrine is only one part of a military’s character; so
too are the experience and value systems of a military force’s
leaders; in fact, since armies choose doctrines, doctrines may be
more a reflection of an organizational culture than a factor effect-
ing change in the organizational culture.”7
The ethos and ethics of a military organization are also closely
linked to its culture, and a key part of that link is the officer corps
as it bears the responsibility for creating and modifying the orga-
nizational culture of the military force as necessary. However, the
ability of the officer corps to effect change in its force’s organiza-
tional culture will always be constrained by certain factors, such
as the armed forces’ roles and the nature of the society in which
the armed forces exist.
02_ch_01.fm Page 6 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM

6 Understanding Military Culture

The concept of military culture is also important because it en-

ables us to examine differences between services (e.g., army,
navy, air force) and between units within the same service. These
insights can help explain both the different approaches the ser-
vices take to vital issues such as war fighting, leadership, and
technology, and why various units may perform differently in
roughly the same circumstances.

m i l i ta r y cu lt ur e

Despite its utility in helping us to better understand change in

the military, the concept of culture has its shortcomings. To date,
many discussions of military culture have relied on James Burk’s
definition of the term, which includes his assertion that military
culture is composed of four elements: discipline; professional
ethos; ceremonial displays and etiquette; and cohesion and esprit
de corps.8 The analysis employed here recognizes Burk’s defini-
tion but groups the three elements of discipline, ceremonial
displays and etiquette, and cohesion and esprit de corps under
the more inclusive topics of professional ethos and the relation-
ship between the armed forces and society (sometimes expressed
as civil-military relations): this approach is taken because these
three of Burk’s four elements are determined by a military force’s
professional ethos and the relationship the force has with its civil
society.
Another problem with the existing literature, it has been ar-
gued, is that the vast amount of material that has been published
under the rubric of military culture, especially in the US, “is not
really about military culture at all.” Snider argues that much of
the debate in the press and academic literature on military cul-
ture is largely rhetorical and “focussed narrowly on the role of
the traditional ‘warrior’ in military culture” as this role relates to
the treatment of women, minorities, and homosexuals, and par-
ticularly in the US military. The analysis here aims to go beyond
this largely sterile debate, by focusing on the essential issue of
what is “distinctly military about military culture,” in Snider’s
words. The framework used builds on the “functional” view that
many aspects of military culture are derived from the roles and
tasks armed services perform. But this discussion also embraces
another approach, called “the heterogeneity of military culture”
02_ch_01.fm Page 7 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM

Introduction 7

in examining the contributions of the subcultures of land, air, and

maritime forces to a more general military culture.9 Many of
these areas have received very little attention from either the aca-
demic or professional military communities; therefore, the con-
clusions expressed here will be tentative and indicate where
future research efforts could be directed. Finally, the discussion
in this book has a land centric bias as most of the published re-
search has focused on armies rather than navies or air forces.

a p p r oa c h

The book begins, in this chapter, with an overview of the issues

to be discussed later. Chapter 2 presents a summary of the theo-
retical approaches to culture. The discipline of organizational
behaviour is the focus because it provides a multidisciplinary
theoretical framework for discussing culture which allows a
broad-based investigation into the key issues. The theoretical dis-
cussion of culture sets the stage for an investigation of military
culture, in chapter 3, beginning with an examination of military
professionals because they play a crucial role in shaping and re-
inforcing military culture. This chapter also explores two impor-
tant factors in the debate on military culture – ethos and the
relationship between the armed forces and society. Chapters 4
and 5 examine the American and the Canadian military cultures,
in turn, with a view to understanding the roots of each culture
and how each culture has coped with change since the Second
World War. Topics of considerable debate and research in the US
today – the civil-military gap and the relationship between the
US armed forces and American society – are discussed in the sec-
tion on American military culture. The chapter on Canadian mil-
itary culture pays particular attention to the new ethos that has
evolved since the unification of the Canadian armed forces and
how this ethos compares to the traditional military ethos before
unification. The cultures of the Canadian and American militar-
ies are compared in chapter 6, with specific emphasis on the im-
pact of contemporary Canadian civil society on these cultures,
the nature of individual service cultures, and the influence of the
new “joint” culture. The penultimate chapter looks at the future
of Canadian and American military culture, considering the
revolution in military affairs and operations other than war as
02_ch_01.fm Page 8 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM

8 Understanding Military Culture

potential influences on the development of these cultures. The

book concludes with observations about how able the armed ser-
vices of Canada and the US will be to cope with change and the
challenges of the future.
In a recent essay, Colonel M.D. Capstick noted that those advis-
ing dnd’s senior leadership believe that the cf are in the midst of
a period of “profound cultural change” and that a clear vision of
“desired institutional culture” needs to be developed. However,
there is little consensus on the definition of the desired cf cul-
ture, and Capstick wonders if it is even possible to develop a
meaningful statement of one.10 Clearly, the subject of Canadian
military culture is critical to the institutional health of the cf, but
it is still largely terra incognita and much remains to be done be-
fore we can have any comprehensive answers to the questions
posed earlier. This book is an attempt to begin answering some of
these questions by addressing some of the themes that follow.
The literature on military culture has grown rapidly over the
past five years, but it has no clear focus. This book makes use of
three representative theoretical constructs from the discipline of
organizational behaviour in order to work toward a broader un-
derstanding of the concept of military culture in the North Amer-
ican context. Most writings on military culture come from the US,
but this literature tends to be based on theories that emphasize
the influence of strong cultures and leaders on organizational ef-
fectiveness. This book offers two other theoretical frameworks
that may help account for ambiguity, conflict, and ethnic diver-
sity in the military cultures of Canada and the US.
An important concept in the organizational behaviour litera-
ture is that of adaptive and non-adaptive cultures. The Canadian
and American military cultures display some characteristics of
non-adaptive cultures and may therefore be difficult to change in
the future. The organizational behaviour literature also demon-
strates that national cultures have a strong influence on organiza-
tional cultures; consequently, the Canadian and American armed
services can be expected to be products of the societies from
which they are drawn.
The profession of arms is another major theme in this study be-
cause it embodies the virtues and ethical norms that the military
professionals – those with the legal and moral responsibility for
deciding what aspects of military culture need to be changed and
02_ch_01.fm Page 9 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:16 PM

Introduction 9

then effecting that change – should possess. The ethos of an

armed force has a significant effect on its culture and way of do-
ing things. A spirited debate continues in the US over the gap
that is desirable or permissible between the military and the
civilian ethos in a nation. In Canada this debate has largely fo-
cused on the degree of “civilianization” in the Canadian military,
and whether this is good or bad. In general terms, the cf are
more amenable to adopting societal norms than the American
armed forces, which have argued that a larger gap is necessary
between civil and military society in order to preserve the war-
rior ethos and combat effectiveness.
The various roles military forces perform are a defining ele-
ment in shaping different military cultures. Whether between na-
tions or between services, distinct roles produce distinct cultures.
Based on this fact, the cf are in no immediate danger of losing
their identity, but there are serious risks in pursuing interop-
erability with US forces, adopting US doctrine, and applying
American rma-based technical solutions to Canadian defence
problems without considering how they might react with the cul-
ture of the cf.
This study therefore argues that the cf need to approach issues
of interoperability and co-operation with US forces carefully, be-
cause American ways of doing things may not be compatible
with Canadian military culture. Furthermore, the whole issue of
the American Revolution in Military Affairs’s potential effect on
military culture needs to be carefully examined so that those
technologies that are compatible with the Canadian military cul-
ture can be acquired in a timely fashion.
In the past the Canadian armed forces have played an illustri-
ous role on the world stage. They have the potential to do so in
the future, but the challenges of the twenty-first century must be
met with a clear understanding of the essence of Canadian mili-
tary culture and how it can best cope with necessary change. This
study is a preliminary step in that direction.
03_ch_02.fm Page 10 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:17 PM

Culture – “The Bedrock of

Military Effectiveness”

Culture is a key concept for helping us to understand change in

military organizations. Described as the “bedrock of military
effectiveness” by the authors of a major report on American mili-
tary culture in the twenty-first century,1 military culture has re-
cently become a focus of renewed scholarly interest in the armed
services of various countries. The literature on military culture
has grown rapidly over the past five years, and this literature is
sprinkled with terms such as values, attitudes, and beliefs, and of
course culture itself. Yet these concepts are rarely discussed in
any detail. At best a succinct definition of the terms is found in
some writings, but even then there are frequently somewhat dif-
ferent meanings assigned to them. This chapter will examine
these and other relevant concepts in detail in an attempt to pro-
vide a consistent framework for answering the questions asked
in the introduction.
Because members of a society or group derive most of their
“motivations, aspirations, norms and rules of conduct” from the
culture of that society or group, culture has considerable ex-
planatory power in addressing the issues under discussion here.
Most people accept that behaviour is influenced by culture, but
describing the specific components of culture and understand-
ing how they work can be a difficult task. One way of examining
the impact of culture on the military is to use organizational cul-
ture as a construct which can explain how the “beliefs, norms,
values, and premises” of members of the military govern their
conduct.2
03_ch_02.fm Page 11 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:17 PM

Culture – “Bedrock of Military Effectiveness” 11

va l u e s , a t t i t u d e s , b e l i e f s , a n d b e h av i o u r

Before discussing the concept of culture, it is important to under-

stand certain terms used repeatedly in the literature – values, atti-
tudes, beliefs, and behaviour. The concepts these terms express are
important to an analysis of any culture, including military cul-
ture, because they help us to understand how things work in a
culture. A basic explanation of these concepts and the relation-
ship between them follows. The more complex concepts of cul-
ture and organizational culture come later.
Values have been defined as “global beliefs that guide actions
and judgements across a variety of situations.”3 The notion of
values has been the subject of much debate in the organizational
behaviour literature, but fundamentally values have the following
characteristics.4 Values are usually understood to be profound
and relatively stable convictions that certain types of behaviour,
courses of action, or outcomes are preferable to others. Values de-
velop in the cultural setting in which they exist and have many
sources, including parents, friends, teachers, and external refer-
ence groups. They often have a powerful effect on how leaders
structure their organizations. For example, some people’s value
systems include the belief that subordinates are basically lazy
and that if they are not closely supervised they will not work.
This leads to a controlling organizational structure that can in-
clude time clocks, attendance boards, open concept offices where
people can be observed constantly, and supervisors who are con-
tinually checking on their subordinates’ work.
Some recent research on values suggests that North American
workers are moving away from valuing economic incentives,
organizational loyalty, and work-related identity toward valuing
meaningful work, pursuit of leisure, personal identity, and self-
fulfilment. This has important consequences for leaders today
because it has been found that there is higher productivity
among younger workers who are given jobs that match their val-
ues or who are supervised by people who share their values.5
Beliefs have been defined as “assumed facts about the world
that do not involve evaluation.” In this context, beliefs describe
how certain concepts or ideas are perceived to fit together. Exam-
ples of beliefs range from the relatively concrete idea that “steel
03_ch_02.fm Page 12 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:17 PM

12 Understanding Military Culture

is hard” to more abstract notions such as “technology will im-

prove our lives,” “flexible work hours improve job satisfaction,”
or “close, directive supervision leads to higher productivity.” Be-
liefs are learned not only through direct personal experience, like
touching something made of steel, but also through indirect in-
fluences, such as advertising or the opinions of those a person re-
spects. These indirect “social reinforcers” are among the most
potent creators and reinforcers of beliefs.6
Attitudes have been defined as “a fairly stable emotional ten-
dency to respond consistently to some object, situation, person, or
category of people.”7 Attitudes have both a cognitive component
(the opinions, beliefs, knowledge, or information a person pos-
sesses), and an emotional (or affective) component, usually in-
volving the like or dislike of something and ordinarily related to
the personal impact of that thing.8 Attitudes are a product of a re-
lated belief and value. For example if you believe that flexible
work hours improve job satisfaction (belief) and that high job
satisfaction is good (value), then your attitude toward the work
environment will likely be that flexible work hours are good
(attitude). Attitudes are important because they often have a
strong influence on behaviour. In the preceding example, if you
are a supervisor who holds these views you might institute a flex-
ible work routine among your subordinates.9 The relationship be-
tween values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviour is shown below.

va l u e s + b e l i e f s – > at t i t u d e s – > b e h av i o u r

Even though, in simple terms, attitudes are a product of values

and beliefs, it is important to distinguish between the belief and
value components of attitudes. For example, a supervisor observ-
ing poor performance among his/her subordinates might con-
clude that the group’s behaviour (poor performance) is caused by
“poor attitudes” toward high performance on the part of group
members. However, in order to arrive at a clear understanding of
the reasons behind the poor performance and to effect a desired
change in the group’s behaviour, the supervisor must distinguish
between the belief and value components of attitudes. For exam-
ple, the group might value high performance but believe that such
performance is not achievable given the circumstances. Beliefs
03_ch_02.fm Page 13 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:17 PM

Culture – “Bedrock of Military Effectiveness” 13

such as “we have not been adequately trained for this task,” “our
equipment is unreliable,” or “this task is not important” might be
behind the poor performance. On the other hand, the group might
not value high performance in this situation if the values of some
or all of the group’s members are not congruent with those of the
leader. For example, the leader might exhibit a very directive com-
mand style based on values that assume that his/her subordi-
nates will not work effectively if they are not closely supervised.
The leader’s values could come into conflict with subordinates
who value being allowed to achieve a task by exercising their ini-
tiative in a less structured environment. Attrition can also be par-
tially explained by conflicting values. For example, if the
organization’s members value time with their families and orga-
nizational commitments preclude them having enough family
time, some members may decide to leave the organization.10
Therefore, if leaders are to be effective in getting the desired
behaviour from their subordinates, they must have a clear under-
standing of latter’s values, attitudes, and beliefs. In the example
given above, if beliefs appear to be limiting performance, then
the basis for these beliefs (inadequate training, unreliable equip-
ment, relevance of the task) will need to be carefully explored
and addressed. On the other hand, if values appear to be the
problem, then the leader may consider options such as changing
group members in an attempt to achieve value congruence.11
Modifying attitudes has always been an important part of
change in organizations. Until recently, it was believed that
persuasion was the best way to modify the attitudes and beliefs
of an organization’s members. However, persuasion by itself
has rarely been a successful method of effecting organizational
change because members are often unable to see how new beliefs
or attitudes will be applicable to their on-the-job behaviour. For
example, soldiers may be told that women can be successfully in-
tegrated into combat arms units, but they may not understand
how to apply this knowledge to actually dealing with women in
their units. Another method – one which can be used in conjunc-
tion with persuasion – is teaching specific behaviours that can be
used on the job and that correspond to the desired attitude
change. It has been found that if personnel see that these behav-
iours are useful in carrying out their daily tasks then attitudes
03_ch_02.fm Page 14 Monday, December 8, 2003 2:17 PM

14 Understanding Military Culture

may change to correspond to the newly learned behaviours.12

Change programs, however, should be designed as total pack-
ages. If attitudinal change is not reinforced by the organization’s
environment – for example, if some supervisors resist change or
some co-workers ridicule the new behaviour – it may be very dif-
ficult to effect the desired change. Behaviours may instead revert
to older forms or workers may rationalize the new behaviour
without changing their attitudes.13
The preceding discussion is a simplified explanation of the re-
lationship between values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviour, and
recent research has highlighted the tentative nature of the rela-
tionship between these factors.14 Often an attitude results in in-
tended behaviour but this behaviour may or may not be carried
out, depending on the circumstances. For example, factors such
as the existence of group norms, the degree of social pressure to
conform to those norms, and whether or not a particular behav-
iour is perceived to have positive or negative consequences for
the individual may all influence whether or not the behaviour is
carried out. A recent high profile case involving Canadian troops
in Croatia illustrates this point. Some members of a platoon ex-
pressed dissatisfaction with the platoon leader and openly dis-
cussed ways of “incapacitating” him; however, only a few
apparently took any overt action by trying to “poison” him.15

or g an i z at i o na l c ult u re

Most people think of culture as something related to exotic peo-

ple far away, to strange myths, traditions, rituals, and food. In
fact culture is far more than this. It is pervasive and critically im-
portant in understanding how all organizations work. While
scholars from a number of different disciplines – notably anthro-
pology, psychology, sociology, and organizational behaviour –
have sparked a renaissance of interest in the topic, widely vary-
ing approaches to the subject have left the literature in a state of
“conceptual chaos.” There are advantages to multiple perspec-
tives on culture, not least of which is a broader view as the sub-
ject is too complex to be adequately covered by any one outlook.
It must also be realized that there is a certain subjectivity even in
“scientific” approaches to studying culture, as the background,
gender, and education of researchers affect how they select what
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
 IN THE EARLY IRON AGE 155 tankards from Elveden,^
Essex, and Trawsfynydd,Merionethshire; on the bronze shield from
the Thames,^ now in the British Museum; on a bronze disc-and-
hook ornament in the Dubhn Museum ; * on a bronze plate in the
Welshpool Museum;^ on some bronze harnessmountings (?) from
South Shields;^ on bronze wheelshaped pendants from Seamill
Fort," Ayrshire, from Berkshire, now in the British Museum, from
Kingsholm,** near Gloucester, and from Treceiri, Carnarvonshire.
These designs may have had a symbolical origin, as the triskele was
a well-known sun symbol in the Bronze Age. The triskele
arrangement of three spirals round a central spiral survived in the
decoration of the illuminated MSS. of the Christian period. In the
repousse metalwork of the Late-Celtic period certain portions of the
design are thrown into relief in order to enable them to be
distinguished from the rest which is not in relief. Much the same
artistic effect can be obtained when the design is engraved on a flat
surface by means of shading, and in the case of enamelled plaques,
by employing different colours. In fact, by the use of relief, shading,
or colour, the decorative effect of a pattern is doubled, because
there are two things for the mind to comprehend, namely, the shape
of the pattern itself and the shape of the background. Anyone who
endeavours to realise both shapes simultaneously will find it an
impossibility. Several different kinds of shading are used in Late'
Archceologin, vol. Hi., p. 359. - Arch(Eologia Cambrensis, ser. 5, vol.
xiii., p. 212. ■' Kemble's Horce Ferales, pi. 15. ■• The Reliquary for
190 1, p. 56. '' Unpublished. '^ Jour. Brit. Archceol. Assoc, vol.
xxxix., p. 90. ' R. Munro's Prehistoric Scotland, p. 378. '^ Douglas'
Nenia B ritannica p. 134.
 156 CELTIC ART Celtic art, chiefly in ornament engraved on
metal, wood, bone, and pottery, as will be seen by the following list :
— List showing different kinds of shading used in Late-Celtic Art, and
the objects on which they occur. (i) Shading of parallel lines. On
spoon-like bronze objects from Crosby Ravensworth, Westmoreland,
and Ireland. On bronze mirror from Stamford Hill, near Plymouth. On
engraved pottery from Glastonbury Marsh Village. On bronze sword-
sheath from Embleton. (2) Cross-hatching placed diagonally. On
engraved piece of wood and engraved pottery from the Glastonbury
Marsh Village.
 IN THE EARLY IRON AGE 157 (3) Cross-hatching- placed
diagonally, with dots in each of ^t the square meshes. On engraved
wooden tub from the Glastonbury Marsh Village. (4) Cross-hatching
of double lines placed diagonally. On engraved piece of wood from
the Glastonbury Marsh Village. (5) Chequerwork grass-matting
shading. I I " 1 1 1 1 1 - "
 158 CELTIC ART On bronze sword-sheath from crannog" at
Lisnacroghera. On bronze mirrors from Trelan Bahow, Cornwall ;
Birdlip, Gloucestershire ; from unknown locality, now in the Liverpool
Museum ; and from Stamford Hill, near Plymouth. (6) Engine-turned
shading. On gold collar from Limavady. (7) Dotted shading. On
bronze spoon-like objects in the Dublin Museum. On bronze harness-
ring from Polden Hill, Somersetshire. On silver armlet from Stony
Middleton, Bucks. Besides the Late-Celtic objects just described,
which exhibit curvilinear surface decoration derived from foliage,
there are others with very peculiar forms "in the round." Amongst
these are the harness-rings with projecting knobs from Polden Hill,
Somersetshire ;
 IN THE EARLY IRON AGE 159 Stanwick, Yorkshire, and
elsewhere ; the beaded torques from Lochar Moss, Dumfriesshire ;
Hynford, Lanark ; and the beaded bracelets from Arras and Cowlam,
Yorkshire. The projections on the harness-rings generally occur at
three points round the circumference, and their shapes will be better
understood from the illustrations than from any written description.
It is not easy to say what the meaning or origin of these projections
can be, as they bear no obvious resemblance to any natural or
artificial object. The beaded torques mentioned are composed of
separate metal beads (usually of two different shapes) strung on a
square iron rod, so that they cannot rotate or rattle about. The
bracelets are, however, cast in one piece, and made in imitation of a
string of beads. This style of bracelet is of foreign origin, as
specimens have been found in France^ and Germany,'- many of
which are elaborately ornamented with spiral-work in high relief.
Rectilinear patterns are of comparatively rare occurrence in Late-
Celtic art, as the designers of the period appear to have had a
rooted objection to using straight lines if they could possibly be
avoided. There are, however, a few exceptions. The small circular
enamelled plaques with which the / ^_— ^J ^Ti bronze shield from
the Thames, U-^H |IL— ^H | now in the British Museum, is
decorated, have a swastika pattern on each. The swastika was
probably a foreign importation, as it Swastika design on Shield from
the Thames .WW UV7 L^Ol.lg CH-lO-lglll. ' Dictionnaire ArcIiMogique
de la Gaule. ' Lindenschmit's Alterthiimer.
 i6o CELTIC ART is used in the decoration of the Gaulish
bronze helmet from Gorge-Meillet^ (Marne), and of the iron
lancehead from La Tene,'- Switzerland. The step-pattern in Late-
Celtic art may have had a textile origin, i.e. have been copied from a
woven belt or other fabric. Instances of it occur on a piece of
engraved wood from the Glastonbury^ Marsh Village ; on the bronze
mountings of a shield from Grimthorpe/ Yorkshire, now in the British
Museum ; on the bronze ferrule of a spear-shaft from the Crannog at
Lisnacroghera,^ Co. Antrim ; and on a sculptured monolith at Turoe,
Co. Galway. The step-pattern survived after the Pagan period in the
Christian enamels, as in the bowl from Moklebust,^ Norway, and the
fragment at St. Columba's College," Dublin. The key-pattern, or
Greek fret, is unknown in Late-Celtic art. The chequerwork pattern
may also have had a textile origin. There is an example of it on the
bronze sword-sheath from Embleton,^ Cumberland, now in the
British Museum. The chevron and 4ozenge patterns are possibly
survivals from the preceding Bronze Age. We have instances of the
chevron pattern on the bronze mirror from Trelan Bahow,*' Cornwall,
and on a potsherd from the Glastonbury^" Marsh Village; and of the
lozenge on the stave of a bucket^^ from the same site. ^ A.
Bertrand's ArcMologie Celtique et Gauloise, p. 367. '^ E. V'ougfa's
Les Helvetes a La Tkne, pi. 5. ^ The Antiquary {or 1895, p. no. ■*
LI. Jewitt's Grave Mounds and their Contents, p. 246. ' Jour. R. Hist,
and Archceol. Assoc, of Ireland, ser. 4, vol. vi. , p. 394. * Mdm. de la
Soc. Ant. du Nord, 1890, p. 35. ' J. B. Waring's Manchester Fine Art
Treasures Exhibition. '^ Kemble's Horce Ferales, pi. 18, fig. 3. **
Archceol. Jour., vol. xxx. , p. 267. ''^ Proc. Sowersetsh. Archceol.
Soc, vol. xl. " The Antiquary tor 1895, P- ■ '° 
The text on this page is estimated to be only 1.50%
accurate

n/ C/3 he C
 CHAPTER VI CELTIC ART OF THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD (a.d.
450 to 1066) THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY INTO
BRITAIN, AND ITS EFFECT ON NATIVE ART IT must always be borne
in mind that the conversion of the inhabitants of Britain from
Paganism to Christianity was a very gradual process, extending over
a period of two hundred years at least. It seems probable that
during the last hundred years or so of the Roman occupation of
Britain the Christian faith may have been accepted by a limited
number of the native population ; but almost as soon as the new
religion began to take root in England it was entirely swept away by
the Saxon conquest, and the few converts who were not
exterminated by the ruthless Pagan invaders fled for refuge to Wales
and Cornwall. The arch^ological evidence of the existence of
RomanoBritish Christianity is extremely scanty. Out of the hundreds
and hundreds of inscribed and sculptured monuments belonging to
the period of the Roman occupation of Britain there is not one which
bears a Christian symbol or shows a trace of Christian art. There are
only two instances of the occurrence of a Christian symbol on a
Romano-British structure, namely, (i) at Chedworth,' where the Chi-
Rho Mono^ Jonrn. Brit. Archaol. Assoc, vol. xxiii. , p. 228. 162
 OF THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD 163 gram is carved twice upon
a stone in the foundation of the steps leading into the corridor of a
Roman villa there ; and (2) at Frampton,^ Dorsetshire, where the
same Monogram forms part of the decoration of a mosaic pavement
in one of the rooms of a Roman villa. As Romano-British Christianity
produced no effect on the art of this country, we are not further
concerned with it. Whilst England remained under the dominion of
Saxon Pagandom for a century and a half in some parts, and for
nearly two centuries in others, Christianity spread rapidly from Gaul
to Cornwall, Wales, and the south-west of Scotland, and thence to
Ireland. After the Saxons were converted by St. Augustine, in A.D.
597, there was a return wave of Celtic Christianity from Ireland to
lona, and from lona to Lindisfarne, in Northumbria, which was
founded a.d. 635. The localities where Christianity was first planted
in Britain are indicated archasologically by the geographical
distribution of monuments bearing the Chi-Rho Monogram, which is
as follows : — Cornwall. St. Just. St. Helen's Chapel. Phillack.
Southill. Carnarvonshire, Penmachno. Wigtownshire. Kirkmadrine.
Whithorn. As the Chi-Rho Monogram does not occur on the early
inscribed stones of Ireland, but in place of it the cross with equal
arms expanded at the ends, enclosed in a circle, which is derived
from the Monogram, ^ it ^ S. Lysons' Reliquice Brittanico Romance,
No. 3, pi. 5. ^ See J. R. Allen's Christian Symbolism, p. 94. The Chi-
Rho Monogram occurs on inscribed monuments in Gaul between a.d.
377 and 493.
 i64 CELTIC ART naturally follows that Irish Christianity is
later than that of Cornwall, Wales, and the south-west of Scotland.
Setting aside the vague and unsatisfactory statements of the
mythical period (such as the one about the presence of three British
at the Council of Aries in A.D. 314), we find that the real history of
the Christianising of this country begins with the opening years of
the fifth century, and that it followed directly from the foundation of
the school of learning and centre of missionary enterprise by St.
Martin at Tours, in France. In A.D. 397 St. Martin died, and not long
after, in A.D. 412, his disciple, St. Ninian, built a stone church
dedicated to his master at Whithorn, Wigtownshire. In A.D. 429
Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, Bishop of Troyes, visited
Britain in order to suppress the Pelagian heresy. About the same
time the conversion of Ireland is believed to have been commenced
by either St. Patrick or by St. Palladius {circa a.d. 432). The sixth
century witnessed the foundation of the great school of ecclesiastical
learning at Llantwit Major, Glamorganshire, where St. David, St.
Samson, and Gildas the historian were educated ; but an event of
even greater importance was the landing of St. Columba at lona in
a.d. 563, and the subsequent conversion of the northern Picts. The
sixth century ends with the conversion of Kent by St. Augustine in
a.d. 597. It was eighty-four years more before the South Saxons
accepted Christianity and the conversion of England became
complete. In the meantime the differences between the Saxon and
Celtic Churches had been settled in favour of the former at the
Synod of Whitby in a.d. 664. Reviewing the historical facts just
mentioned, it
 ■ OF THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD 165 ^B appears that for
about 200 years (from a.d. 450 to 650) ^V there was a separate
Celtic Church in Britain, which ^m may appropriately be called the
pre-Augustinian ^K Church. The question now naturally suggests
itself, to what extent did the introduction of Christianity influence the
native art of Britain during the 200 years which followed the
departure of the Romans from its shores? The answer supplied by
archaeology is that B before about a.d. 650 there was no
distinctively Christian art existing in this country. The monuments
belonging to the pre-Augustinian Church consist of rude pillar-stones
with incised crosses of early form, or with Latin inscriptions in
debased Roman capitals, sometimes with Celtic inscription in Ogams
in addition. The monuments of this class do not, as a rule, show any
trace of ornament or sculpture beyond the crosses and inscriptions.
The only recorded exceptions are — An Ogam-inscribed stone from
Pentre Poeth,^ Brecknockshire, now in the British Museum, having
on one face a bishop with his crozier, St. Michael and the Dragon,
and very rude zigzag ornament. An Ogam-inscribed stone from
Glenfahan,^ Co. Kerry, now in the Dublin Museum, with rude spiral
ornament, a figure of a man, a looped pattern, and several crosses.
An Ogam-inscribed stone at Killeen Cormac,^ Co, Kildare, lying
prostrate near the entrance gate, with a bust of Christ carrying the
cross over the right shoulder. St. Gobnet's Stone at Ballyvourney,^
Co. Cork, with a cross enclosed in a circle, surmounted by the figure
of a bishop holding his crozier. ' Archceologia Cambrensis, ser. 6, vol.
i. , p. 240. - Trans. Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxxi., p. 318. ■' Journ.
R. Hist, and A. A. of Ireland, ser. 4, vol. ii., p. 546. ^ Archceol. Jour,,
vol. xii. , p. 86.
 1 66 CELTIC ART A stone, with a minuscule inscription, at
Reask,^ Co. Kerry, having on the same face a cross in a circle, with
incised spiral ornament at each side of the shaft. The stones, with
incised symbols of unknown meaning, which are so common in the
north-east of Scotland, Enamelled Handles of Bronze Bowl found at
Barlaston, Staffordshire Now in the possession of Miss Amy
Wedgwood. Scale \ linear possibly belong to the same early period.
The ornament on some of them has a very marked Late-Celtic
character. There are no Celtic MSS. with illuminations or ornament of
any kind to which a date earlier than a.d. 650 ' ArchcEologia
Cambrensis, ser. 5, vol. ix., p. 147.
 OF THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD 167 can be assigned, but
there are a certain number of metal objects which illustrate the
overlap of the Pagan and Christian styles of Celtic art. Amongst the
most important of these are the bronze bowls with enamelled
mountings and zoomorphic handles which have been Enamelled
Handle of Bronze Bowl from Chesterton-on-Fossway, Warwickshire
Now in the Warwick Museum. Scale | linear described at some
length by the author in the Archceologia (vol. Ivi., p. 43). The chief
peculiarities of the bowls is the hollow moulding just below the rim
and the three or four handles with rings for suspension. The upper
part of each handle is like a hook, terminating in a beast's head,
which rests on the rim of the bowl and projects inwards over it. The
lower part of
 1 68 CELTIC ART each handle is. circular, or in the shape of
the body of a bird, and is fixed to the convex sides of the bowl. The
circular form is most common in the examples found in England, and
the disc is either ornamented with champleve enamel ^ or with
piercings, giving a cruciform appearance. Enamelled Handle of
Bronze Bowl from Chesterton-on-Fossway, Warwickshire Now in the
Warwick Museum. Scale } linear The earliest of the series from
Barlaston, Staffordshire, now in the possession of Miss Wedgwood,
has three handles all alike, ornamented with discs of enamel, ^ As in
the specimens from Barlaston, StaflFordshire ; Chesterton-onthe-
Fosswa\", Warwickshire; Barringfton, Cambridg'eshire; Cro.sthwaite,
Cumberland ; INIiddleton Moor, Derbyshire ; Oxford ; and
Greenwich. - .\s in the specimens from Wilton, Wilts ; and
Faversham, Kent.
 OF THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD 169 the designs on which are
distinctly Late-Celtic in style, and consist of small circles connected
by C- and S-shaped curves. In the case of the enamelled handles of
the other specimens, closely coiled spirals of the Bronze Age type
take the place of the circles, and by this trifling alteration the
character of the design is so completely changed as to be almost
identical with the spiral decoration of the Book of Durrow and other
Irish MSS. of the same period. We see here exactly Spiral Ornament
from the Book of Durrow when and how the flamboyant ornament of
Pagan Celtic art became transformed into the spiralwork of the
Christian illuminated MSS. which was afterwards applied to the
decoration of the sculptured crosses and ecclesiastical metalwork.
The circumstances under which the bowls have been found show
that they belong to the Pagan Saxon period between a.d. 450 and
600. In the museum of the Society of Antiquaries at Burlington
House there is the cast of an object from
 I70 CELTIC ART the collection of Mr. Albert Way, the well-
known antiquary, which exhibits a curious mixture of styles. Where
the original is, or where it came from, is unfortunately not known,
but it has every appearance of having been of metal. In the middle
of the object is a square panel of triangular pierced work, exactly
like that on the cover of the Stowe Missal ^ (made a.d. 1023 to
1052) ; whilst at each of the rounded ends are curved designs with
trumpet-shaped expansions of pronounced Late-Celtic type.
Plaitwork, which is, of course, one of the leading motives of Celtic
art of the Christian period, occurs occasionally in association with
Pagan flamboyant ornament, as on a brooch from the Ardakillen^
crannog, near Stokestown, Co. Roscommon (now in the Dublin
Museum), and on a gold armlet from Rhayader,^ Radnorshire (now
in the British Museum). Amongst objects belonging to the early
Christian Celtic period before a.d. 600, may probably be classed the
leaf-shaped silver plates engraved with symbols from Norrie's Law,*
Forfarshire, and the terminal link of a silver chain, also engraved
with symbols, from Crawfordjohn,^ Lanarkshire (all in the Edinburgh
Museum of Antiquities). The hammer-headed pins also, a list of
which has already been given (p. 108), seem, from the enamelled
designs upon them, to belong to the transitional period between
Celtic Paganism and Christianity. Although, as we have just seen, the
introduction of ^ Miss M. Stokes' Early Christian Art in Ireland, p. 92.
The Stowe Missal is in the Museum of the R.I. A. at Dublin. 2 Sir W.
Wilde's Catal. Mus. R.I. A., p. 569. •* Archceologia Cavihrensis, ser.
5, vol. xvi. , p. 261. ■* Dr. J. Anderson's Scotland in Early Christian
Times, 2nd ser., p. 38. ■' Ibid. , p. 44.
The text on this page is estimated to be only 19.61%
accurate

CAST OF METAL OBJECT (LOCALITY UNKNOWN) FROM

THK ALBERT WAY COLLECTION; NOW IN THE MUSEUM Ol THE
SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES, BURLINGTON HOUSE. LONDON COVER
OF THE STOWE MISSAL IN THE MUSEUM OF THE ROYAL IRISH
ACADEMY. DUBLIN (.\.\>. 1023 TO 1052)
 r OF THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD 171 Christianity into Britain
did not immediately affect the native Pagan art to any appreciable
extent, yet as soon as the Saxons were converted and
communication with the Continent became easier and therefore
more frequent, an entirely new style of decoration came into
existence with extraordinary rapidity. The flamboyant designs of the
Late-Celtic period were modified by combining them with the closely
coiled spiral of the Bronze Age, and several new motives, such as
interlaced-work, keypatterns, zoomorphs, and foliage, were
introduced from foreign sources. At the same time a complete
revolution took place in the class of objects to the decoration of
which the skill of the artificer was applied. The priest took the place
of the warrior as the patron of the fine arts, and monopolised all the
available time of the metalworker and enameller in making beautiful
vessels for the service of the church. Then, too, with Christianity
came the art of writing and illuminating ecclesiastical MSS., which
was unknown to the Pagan Celt. The influence of the draughtsman
upon other arts was now possible for the first time, and the
introduction of MSS. soon worked far-reaching changes. Fresh
motives could be more easily transferred from one art centre to
another, and decorative designs could be combined and elaborated
in a way that was impossible when working in such intractable
materials as metal or stone instead of drawing on parchment with a
facile pen. The new Celtic style of the Christian period soon took a
definite shape, and after the patterns had been uUy developed in
the illuminated MSS. they were afterwards applied to decorative
work in stone and metal.
 172 CELTIC ART GENERAL NATURE OF THE MATERIALS
AVAILABLE FOR THE STUDY OF CELTIC ART OF THE CHRISTIAN
PERIOD IN GREAT BRITAIN The materials available for the study of
Celtic Art of the Christian period may be divided into four classes,
namely ; — (i) Illuminated MSS. (2) Sculptured Stones. (3)
Metalwork. (4) Leatherwork, Woodwork, and Bonework. The most
important collections of Irish and HibernoSaxon MSS. in this country
are in the libraries of Trinity College, Dublin ; of the Royal Irish
Academy, Dublin ; and the British Museum, London. There are other
smaller collections, or in some cases single volumes only, in the
University and College libraries of Oxford and Cambridge ; in the
Cathedral libraries at Durham, Lichfield, and Hereford ; and in the
Archiepiscopal library at Lambeth. The chief libraries on the
Continent which are fortunate enough to possess specimens of Irish
calligraphy and illumination (either acquired by purchase or still the
property of monasteries originally founded by Irish missionaries) are
at Stockholm, St. Petersburg, Paris, St. Gall and Basle in Switzerland,
and at Nuremberg, Fulda, and Treves in Germany. The Irish MSS.
from the monastery founded by St. Columbanus in a.d. 613 at Bobio,
in Piedmont, are distributed over the libraries at Milan, Turin, and
Naples. For descriptions and illustrations of these MSS. the reader
may be referred to Prof. J. O. Westwood's Palceographia Pictoria
Sacra and Miniatures of the Anglo-Saxon and Irish MSS.; C. Purton
Cooper's Report on Rymer's Foedera, Appendix A,
 OF THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD 17; Sir H. James' Facsimiles of
the National MSS. of Ireland; Publications of the Palceographical
Society ; Miss Margaret Stokes' Early Christian Art in Ireland ; Dr. J.
Stuart's Book of Deer, published by the Spalding Club of Aberdeen ;
J. A. Bruun's Illuminated Manuscripts of the Middle Ages; and Dr. W.
Reeve's paper on "Early Irish Caligraphy " in the Ulster Journal of
ArchcEology, vol. viii., p. 210. The following is a list of Irish MSS.
selected on account of the beauty of their illuminated pages : —
GOSPELS Book of Lindisfarne Book of Kells . Book of Durrow. Book
of Armagh Book of St. Chad Book of MacRegol Book of MacDurnan
Book of Deer Codex No. 51 Golden Gospels . Gospels Gospels of St.
Arnoul, Metz British Museum (Nero D. iv.). Trinity College, Dublin.
Ibid. Royal Irish Academy, Dublin. Lichfield. Bodleian, Oxford.
Lambeth. Public Library, Cambridge. St. Gall, Switzerland. Royal
Library, Stockholm. Imperial Library, St. PetersNuremberg, [burg. 10"
PSALTERS Vespasian A. i. . , . British Museum. Vitellius F. xi. . . .
Ibid. Psalter of St. John's College Cambridge. Psalter of Ricemarchus
. Trinity College, Dublin. Some of the above MSS. can be dated by
means of entries giving the name of the scribe or other person, who
can be identified by contemporary or nearly contemporary historical
record. The oldest MS. with
 174 CELTIC ART illuminations in the Hiberno-Saxon style
which can be thus dated is the Lindisfarne Book. It contains two
entries written in an English hand of the tenth century, which show
that the volume was written by Eadfrith, Bishop of Lindisfarne ; that
^thilwold, Bishop of Lindisfarne, made the cover for it ; that Billfrith,
the anchorite, wrought the metalwork for it ; and that Aldred, the
priest, over-glossed it in English for the love of God and St.
Cuthbert. Eadfrith held the see of Lindisfarne from a.d. 698 to 721,
and was then succeeded by ^thilwold, who held the bishopric of the
island until his death in a.d. 740. The Book of Lindisfarne, therefore,
must have been written either during the last two years of the
seventh century or the first twenty-one years of the eighth century.
This may be looked upon as the starting-point of all Hiberno-Saxon
art, and its origin may be fairly traced to Lindisfarne, where the
Scotic and Anglo-Saxon schools were able to mingle, each
reinvigorating the other to their mutual advantage. The Book of Kells
makes its first appearance in history in a.d. 1006, during which year
it is recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters that the Great
Gospels of Columkille was stolen. Although the name of the scribe
who wrote and illuminated this book is unknown, it is probable, from
the style of the decoration and lettering, that it belongs to about the
same period as the Lindisfarne Book, but somewhat later, as the
Book of Kells contains foliage amongst the ornament, and is
altogether more elaborate. The Book of Durrow was written by a
scribe named Columba, who can hardly have been the celebrated
Saint of that name, as his time is far too early for it. Since the spiral
patterns in the Book of Durrow
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