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X-bar Theory and DP Hypothesis

The document discusses extensions to X-bar theory, including the proposal of DP and CP phrases. Key points include: 1) The DP hypothesis was proposed to account for determiners like 's acting as heads rather than specifiers. This resolved issues with specifier positions. 2) Evidence from genitives like "the man's coat" showed that 's acts as a determiner in complementary distribution with other determiners. This supported analyzing it as the head of the DP phrase. 3) T was proposed as the head of clauses, with inflectional morphology occupying the T head position through lowering. This analysis resolved issues with specifier positions and headedness in clauses. 4) Evidence from questions supported

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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
74 views31 pages

X-bar Theory and DP Hypothesis

The document discusses extensions to X-bar theory, including the proposal of DP and CP phrases. Key points include: 1) The DP hypothesis was proposed to account for determiners like 's acting as heads rather than specifiers. This resolved issues with specifier positions. 2) Evidence from genitives like "the man's coat" showed that 's acts as a determiner in complementary distribution with other determiners. This supported analyzing it as the head of the DP phrase. 3) T was proposed as the head of clauses, with inflectional morphology occupying the T head position through lowering. This analysis resolved issues with specifier positions and headedness in clauses. 4) Evidence from questions supported

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0565634444
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Extending X-bar Theory

DPs, TPs, and CPs


The Puzzle of Determiners
 Specifier Rule XP(YP) X’
– requires the specifier to be phrasal
– *That the book (however cf. Those two books)
 Only example of a specifier we’ve seen.
The DP proposal
DP Abney 1987

D’

D NP

N’

N
The DP hypothesis
 Explains why D isn’t a phrase (it is a head
of its own phrase!)
 Notice we now have NO examples of
specifiers!!
 Evidence???????
’s Genitives
 The man’s coat
 Not a suffix:
– [The man standing over there]’s coat
– [The dancer from New York]’s shoes
 ’s attaches to phrases.
’s Genitives
– The man’s coat ’s genitive
– The coat of the man free genitive
 ’s is in complementary distribution with
determiners:
– [The man standing over there]’s coat
– *The man standing over there’s the coat
 Complementary distribution means: two
items are examples of the same thing!
’s Genitives
 ’s is a determiner
NP
?

NP D N’
’s

the man standing over there N


hat

If ’s is a determiner, where does the possessor


go? (Remember the possessor modifies hat).
’s Genitives
 Problem solved by DP hypothesis
DP1

DP2 D’

the man standing over there D NP


’s
N
hat
notice this is in the specifier of DP1.
Is this the subject of the NP?
Two other rules that don’t fit
X-bar theory
 SNP (T) VP
 S’  (C) S
 Problems:
– Category Specific
– No intermediate structure
– What are the heads, complements, adjuncts?
The S Rule
SNP (T) VP

 What is the head?


– NP? not a head; it’s a phrase!
– VP? not a head; it’s a phrase!
– T? This is a head, but it’s optional!
 HMMM! Let’s think about headedness...
Heads
 Give their category to the phrase
– [NPThe big linguistN from Calgary]
 Contribute other features to their phrase
• Linguist [+animate]
• [The linguist from Calgary] is pregnant [+animate]
• Fridge [-animate]
• [The fridge from Calgary] is pregnant
[-animate]
 The predicate “is pregnant” selects for an
animate subject.
Heads of Clauses
 What are the relevant features of clauses?
– Tense/Finiteness!!
 Some examples
• I think [that Bill should leave]
• *I think [Bill to leave]
• ?I asked [that Bill leave]
• I asked [Bill to leave]
 The main verb is said to select for certain types of
embedded clause, based on finiteness.
The head of clauses
 Tense provides the features selected for, so
perhaps T is the head of the sentence:
TP = S

DP T’
subject T VP
HOLD ON!!!!
 We’ve only seen T in clauses with
auxiliaries!!
What about sentences without auxiliaries??
– John loves peanut butter sandwiches
 If T is optional, how can S=TP?
 Maybe T is obligatory in all sentences!
T = Auxs, and suffixes
 Observation: auxiliaries and inflectional
suffixes on verbs are in complementary
distribution:
– I will dance
– I danced
– *I will danced
– I can dance
– *I can danced
Proposal
 Inflectional tense & agreement suffixes are
also instances of T. T is obligatory in all
clauses
TP TP
DP T’ DP T’

John T VP John T VP
will -ed
V’ V’
V V
dance dance
WAIT A MINUTE!
 The SUFFIX appears before the Verb?
HUH?
 Well the suffixes are in complementary
distribution with the auxiliaries…
 What is the difference between an
inflectional suffix and an aux?
– suffixes must be attached to something
– auxs are free (don’t have to be attached)
suffixes as T
 Proposal: Inflectional suffixes are generated
under T, but they must be attached to a
verb, so they move by lowering and
attaching to the verb. TP
DP T’

John T VP
-ed
maybe, but it will get us V’
something later (chpt 8) V
dance
Irregular verb morphology
 John runs (easy case)
 John ran ???? Inflectional suffix.
TP

DP T’

John T VP
Ø[past]
V’
run + Ø[past] = ran V
run
TP
 T is obligatory, occupied by auxs or
inflectional suffixes (which lower and attach to the
verb.)
 The T head gives the finiteness properties to
the clause.
 TP = S
 The specifier of TP is occupied by the
subject of the clause
 the complement of TP is the VP
S’(C) TP???
 What is the head of S’? C is the obvious
choice!
CP = S’

C’

C TP

What is the specifier of CP for? We’ll use it in


chapter 11 when we look at wh-movement. It is
where question words like “what” go.
Is there a CP in every clause?
 We’ve claimed there is an TP in every
clause. Is there a CP in every clause?
 Embedded clauses without an overt
complementizer?
– I said [Louise loved rubber duckies]
 Main clauses
– Louise loved rubber duckies?
Evidence from Yes/No
questions
– You have seen the rubber ducky.
– Have you seen the rubber ducky?
 Many languages don’t do this. Instead they
have special question complementizers:
– Ar fhag Seán
Q leave John
“Did John leave?”
 These are in complementary distribution with
complementizers
Evidence from Yes/No
questions
CP

C’

C[+Q] TP
Ar
fhag Seán
Evidence from Yes/No
questions
CP CP
C’ C’
C[+Q] TP C[+Q] TP
Ø Have+Ø
DPsubj T’ DPsubj T’
you you
T VP tT VP
have
The null [+Q] C must be pronounced, so the T head moves to the
position to fill it.
Evidence for [+Q] Cs in
English
 English has a [+Q] C found in embedded
clauses: (whether)
– I wonder whether Louise likes rubber duckies
 Subject/Aux inversion disallowed (in
complementary distribution) with whether:
• *I wonder whether has Louise owned a rubber ducky.
• I wonder whether Louise has owned a rubber ducky.
 This means that subject/aux inversion is a
diagnostic for the presence of C in English!
Conclusion of discussion so
far
 Root questions in English contain a
phonologically null [+Q] complementizer.
 T raises to this [+Q] to give it phonological
content.
Evidence that non-questions
have null C?
 Recall that conjunction only links together
items of the same category. If questions
have a null C (indicated by subject/aux
inversion), then anything they are conjoined
with must ALSO have a C.
– You can lead a horse to water but can you make
him drink?
 Second clause has a null C (indicated by
subject/aux; therefore, first clause must also
have a null C.
CP

CP Conj CP
but
C’ C’
C TP C TP
Ø[-Q] Ø[+Q]
DP T’ DP T’
you you
T VP T VP
can can
lead a horse make him
to water drink
since there must be a CP in the second clause, for subject/aux
inversion, then there must ALSO be a CP in the first clause.
Therefore all clauses have a CP, even if the C head is null.
Summary
 D isn’t a specifier -- it is a head. Evidence
from ’s genitives. DP hypothesis
 The head of the sentence is T. The sentence
type is determined by the finiteness of T
 S is replaced by TP
 The subject is the the spec of TP
 All sentences have TP, when T is suffixal it
lowers to the verb
Summary
 S’ is replaced by CP
 All clauses have a C head. It may be null.
Evidence comes from subject/aux inversion
in yes/no questions.

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